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AUTHOR: 


CICERO,  MARCUS 
TULLIUS 


TITLE: 


SELECT  LETTERS 


PLACE: 


OXFORD 

DA  TE : 

1881 


/ 


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IE81 


D87CL 
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Epistolae.  1881. 


Cicero,  Marcus  Tullius. 

Select  letters,  with  English  introductions, 
notes,  and  appendices  by  Albert  Watson  ...  3d  ed. 
Oxford,  Clarendon  press,  1881. 

xxxiii,  661  p.   22|  cm.   (Clarendon  press 
series) 

Copy  in  Classics.  1881. 


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CICERO 


SELECT     LETTERS 


WITH 


ENGLISH    INTRODUCTIONS,    NOTES.    AND    APPENDICES 


V 


^1*  <•» 


vt 


ALBERT    WATSON,    M.A. 

FELLOW  AND  FORMERLY  TUTOR  OF  BRASENOSE  COLLEGE.   OXFORD 


Third  Edition 


AT  THE  CLARENDON  PRESS 


1881 


\^All  rights  reserved^ 


1 


( 


/ 


PREFACE 

TO   THE   FIRST   EDITION. 

I  UNDERTOOK  the  preparation  of  an  edition  of  Select  Letters 
of  Cicero  for  the  Clarendon  Press  Series  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
late  Professor  Conington,  to  whose  advice  and  criticisms  I  was 
much  indebted  in  the  earlier  part  of  my  work 

The  text  which  I  have  adopted  is  that  of  Baiter  and  Kayser  s 
edition,  Leipzig,  1860-69.  In  cases  where  I  have  depart^ed  from 
it  I  have  always  referred  to  the  departure  in  a  note,  and  in  the 
m'aiority  of  them  I  have  merely  substituted  the  reading  of  the 
MS.i  which  Baiter  recognizes  as  of  sole  or  highest  authority. 
I  have  not  always  adopted  Baiter's  punctuation,  and  have  de- 
parted at  times  from  his  spelling,  for  the  sake  of  clearness  or 

of  uniformity.  , 

A  list  of  the  principal  works  which  I  have  consulted  in  illustra- 
tion of  the  letters  will  be  found  on  p.  xxii.  foil. :  and  my  obligations 

>  For  tUe  letters  'Ad  Familiares-  the  Medicean  MS.   Plut.  XLIX.  No    IX  is 
ac  JdTng  to  Be,  the  sole  authority,  except  one  page  of  a  Jurin  pal.mpsest^  Hof- 
"ann    however,  considers  a  Parisian  MS.,  Notre  Dame  178,  to  be  of  -ndependent 
Xrity  for  the  books  which  it  contains-Ad   F-"--  ';  ^J°„^,t  ^  J^  . 
Medice^  (M.)  is  of  the  eleventh  century,  and  was  discovered  by  Pet^«=^  xLIX  No 
A  copy  of  it  by  his  hand  exists  in  the  same  collection  as  the  original  (Plut.  XLIX.  No 
vm      For  the  letters  'Ad  Quintum  Fratrem'  and  ■  Ad  Atticum'  another  Med.cea., 
MS  .Plut  XLIX  No  XVmX  a  copy  of  an  original  found  by  Petrarch  at  Verona  m 
Ssb^'inct  lost  seems  to  have  the  highest  authority,  but  readings  seem  to  have 
^en  preserved  from  another  early  MS.  in  the  margin  of  Cratander  s  edmon  °f  "Sf 
(cT     Both  the  Medicean  MSS.  apparently  contain  suggestions  from  later  hands 
Th  y  afe  now  kept  in  the  Laurentian  library  at  Florence.     For  the  letters  to  At  icus 
IsmalTportion  of  another  MS.  of  the  eleventh  century,  of  which  the  g^-'«  ?«' ^-^ 
been  lost  ( W  ),  is  also  available.    It  exists  in  two  portions,  one  at  Munich,  and  one  at 
Wtobure  ani  contains  portions  of  books  I.  and  i..    Its  text  is  reported  to  coincide 
^  ate  t 'extend  with  c'  Cp.  Baiter's  Prefaces  to  vols  IX  and  X  of  his  editu^n ;  a^d 
Hofmann's  Appendix,  p.  .19  of  his  edition  of  Select  Letters  of  Cicero,  Part  I.    See 
p.  xxiii. 


390884 


VI 


PREFA  CE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION, 


Vll 


to  many  of  them  will  also  appear  from  my  notes.  This,  how- 
ever, is  perhaps  the  proper  place  to  acknowledge  the  great 
assistance  which  I  have  derived  from  Mommsen's  history  in 
preparing  my  introductions — especially  on  pp.  3,4;  13^-139; 
and  to  Bruckner's  Life  of  Cicero  in  Appendix  V.  I  regret  that 
Mr.  J.  R.  King's  notes  ^  only  refer  to  a  small  though  very  im- 
portant part  of  Cicero's  life. 

Of  works  which  may  be  less  known  to  English  students,  I 
wish  to  mention  the  edition  of  all  the  letters  in  chronological 
order  by  Billerbeck  ;  that  of  the  letters  to  Atticus  by  Boot,  with 
Latin  notes  ;  and  those  of  select  letters,  with  German  notes,  by 
Hofmann  and  Siipfle  ;  also  the  works  of  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Suringar, 
Drumann,  Abeken,  Rein,  and  the  Onomasticon  attached  to 
Orelli's  edition.  The  copious  references  given  by  Drumann  and 
Suringar  have  been  of  great  service.  I  have  carefully  verified 
almost  all  of  them^,  and  have  given  the  source  whence  I  have 
taken  the  very  few  that  I  have  been  unable  to  verify.  The 
edition  of  select  letters  with  Latin  notes  by  Matthiae  and  M tiller 
is,  I  believe,  tolerably  well  known  to  English  students.  That 
with  German  notes  by  Frey  has  coincided  with  mine  less  than 
the  other  editions  mentioned  in  the  letters  chosen,  and  I  have 
therefore  found  it  less  useful  than  might  otherwise  have  been  the 
case.  The  first  volume  of  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum 
published  under  the  superintendence  of  Theodor  Mommsen 
(Berlin,  1863),  will  be  found  very  useful  in  determining  some 
questions  of  chronology ;  and  M.  Boissier's  work,  Ciceron  et  ses 
Amis  (8vo.  Paris,  1865),  gives  a  very  lively  and  interesting 
sketch  of  Cicero's  public  and  private  life. 

In  my  selection  of  letters  I  have  been  principally  guided  by 
consideration  of  their  historical  importance  or  of  their  value  as 
illustrating  Cicero's  character.  Notwithstanding  the  absence  of 
any  letters  of  the  important  year  67,  B.C.,  and  their  comparative 
paucity  for  the  years  S^S'i  B.C.,  Cicero's  correspondence  fur- 
nishes, I  think,  the  most  detailed  and  trustworthy  commentary 
on  a  very  interesting  period  of  Roman  history,  and  the  materials 
which  it  provides  for  an  estimate  of  his  own  character  are  so 

*  The  Philippic  Orations  of  M.  Tullius  Cicero,  with  English  notes,  by  the  Rev.  J.  R. 
King  (Clarendon  Press  Series),  8vo,  Oxford,  1868;  [Second  Edition,  1878]. 
'  i.e.  of  those  used.     Note  to  Second  Edition. 


\ 


ur 


I 


I 


abundant  that  their  very  abundance  causes  difficulty.  His 
changing  states  of  mind  are  so  accurately  reproduced  in  his 
letters  that  it  is  difficult  to  form  a  judgment  with  confidence 
as  to  the  motives  which  had  permanently  most  influence  with 

^'Among  ancient  works  those  which  throw  most  light  on  the 
letters  of  Cicero  are  naturally  his  other  works,  especially  his 
speeches  Though  not  so  trustworthy  as  his  letters  with  regard 
to  matters  of  fact,  they  are  still  very  valuable  both  as  supple- 
menting and  as  illustrating  his  correspondence.  _ 

Next  in  value  to  these  I  should  place  the  writings  of  Caesar, 
and  the  epitomes  of  the  lost  books  of  Livy,  so  far  as  they 
illustrate  the  life  of  Cicero.  The  'Catiline'  of  Sallust,  though 
its  historical  character  has  been  seriously  questioned  (cp-  P;  ^o^' 
may  be  added  ;  and  the  second  book  of  the  history  of  M.  Velleius 
Paterculus,  though  the  latter  seems  to  have  been  rather  pre- 

'A'       A 

^"  Later  writers,  such  as  Appian,  Dion  Cassius,  Plutarch,  and 
Suetonius,  are  of  course  to  be  followed  with  caution  except  when 
they  name  their  authorities.  They  had  access,  however,  to  inde- 
pendent contemporary,  or  nearly  contemporary,  sources  of  in- 
formation; e.g.  the  public  Acta;  lost  letters  or  speeches  of 
Cicero,  and  of  his  correspondents  ;  and  the  works  of  Libo  ,  Livy, 
Oppius  ^  Pollio  \  Tanusius  Geminus  *,  and  others.  _ 

My  introductions  and  notes  will  shew  that  I  accept  in  the 
main  Professor  Mommsen's^  view  of  the  party  struggles  of  Rome 
during  the  last  century  of  the  Commonwealth's  existence.  I  do 
not,  however,  agree  with  all  his  judgments  upon  persons. 

References  to  the  contents  of  this  book  made  in  the  notes  are 
either  to  the  pages  or  to  the  numbers  of  letters  or  of  sections  of 
Introductions  and  Appendices  in  this  edition.  But  in  notes  to 
the   Introductions   and  Appendices,  where    references  are  very 

.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  77.         '  PI"''  Caes.  1 7-         '  App.  2.82;  Plut.  Caes.  46. 

»  As"  fe^'as%he' struggle  between  Caesar  and  Pompey  is  concerned  Dean  Merivale 
and  Ae  maiority  of  reint  English  writers  on  Roman  history  have  ant.c.pated  or  con- 
::rred  wUh  MoLmsen  in  mainlining  that  Caesar's  triumph  was  expedient.  Fnendly 
but  candU  biographical  notices  of  some  of  Caesar's  principa  opponents  w",be  ff"°f 
■  ta  Professor  G^ldwin  Smith's  article  on  'The  I^t  Republicans  of  Rome  m  Mac- 
millan's  Magazine  for  April  1868. 


vm 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


numerous,  I  have,  to  avoid  confusion,  referred  uniformly  to  the 
letters  as  arranged  in  the  ordinary  editions. 

I  wish  now  to  acknowledge  my  obligations  to  the  Delegates 
of  the  University  Press  for  undertaking  the  publication  of  my 
book,  and  especially  to  the  Dean  of  Christ  Church,  and  to  the 
late  Canon  Shirley,  for  suggestions  on  various  points ;  and 
to  the  Rev.  E.  L.  Hicks,  Fellow  and  Tutor  of  Corpus  Christi 
College,  for  his  notes  on  the  letters  of  the  fourth  period,  and 
comments  upon  passages  in  the  remainder  of  the  work.  I  had 
hoped  that  Mr.  Hicks  would  have  been  able  to  give  me  his 
valuable  aid  to  a  still  greater  extent,  and  regret  very  much  that 
the  state  of  his  health,  and  his  other  engagements,  have  made  it 
impossible  for  him  to  do  so. 


Brasenose  College, 
Oxford^  1870. 


\ 


\ 


PREFACE 

TO  THE   THIRD   EDITION. 

The  text  of  this  edition  does  not  differ  from  that  of  the  second 
edition,  except  that  some  errors  have  been  corrected.  I  have 
added,  however,  partly  in  the  notes  and  partly  in  the  list  of 
additions  and  corrections,  some  various  readings  derived  from 
sources  mentioned  below. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  second  edition  of  this  book  our 
knowledge  of  three  important  MSS.  has  been  much  increased. 
I    The  Turonensis  contains  Ad  Familiares  i.  i  to  7.  32,  i  '  me 
conferri;  except  the  portion  from  2. 16,  4  '  hac  orbis  terrarum '  to 
A  %  A'  appareat  cum  me  co '.    It  is  kept  in  the  library  at  Tours, 
and'  has  been  collated  at  Paris  by  or  for  M.  Charles  Thurot, 
who  has    published   the  collation  with   instructive    comments. 
M  Thurot  assigns  the  MS.  to  the  latter  part  of  the  12th  century, 
but  argues  that  it  cannot  have  been  derived  from  the  Medicean 
(M).     Both   are   derived,  he  thinks,  from  a   common  original. 
Readings  from  the  Turonensis  are  quoted  as  from  T.     2.  Har- 
leianus   2682   contains  Ad   Familiares   9-16,   apparently  only 
wanting  the  fragment '  Parmenses  miserrimos'  which  Baiter  calls 
II.  13,  b.     F.  Riihl  (Rhein.  Mus.  xxx,  1875,  pp.  26  and  135) 
assigns  it  to  the  nth  century.     It  is  quoted   as  H.     3.  Har- 
leianus  2773  contains  Ad  Familiares  1. 1  to  8-9,  3  '  puto  etiam  si 
ullam  spem '  except  the  portion  between  i.  9,  20  after  '  exarsi ' 
and    2.   I,  2  'dignitate  es  consecutus.'     This  is  quoted  as  B. 
F.  Ruhl  assigns  it  to  the  I2th  century,  but  it,  as  well  as  H,  is 
stated  in  the  British  Museum  Catalogue  to  belong  to  the  loth. 
I  owe  to  the  kindness  of  a  friend  a  very  careful  report  on  the 
readings  of  both  MSS.  in  a  number  of  passages. 

My  knowledge  of  MS.  readings  is  derived  mainly,  except 
where  other  sources  are  specified,  from  the  Adnotatio  critica  of 
Baiter  (1866-67)  and  from  that  of  Orelli  (1845). 

I  have  also  mentioned  some  suggestions  of  G.  C.  Cobet  in 
Mnemosyne  (8.  182-200,  1880),  and  of  Professor  Tyrrell. 


X  PREFACE  TO  THE  THIRD  EDITION. 

My  obligations  to  Professor  Tyrrell,  to  Mr.  G.  E.  Jeans,  and 
to  MM.  Hofmann  and  Andresen  will  appear  frequently  in  the 
notes,  but  I  wish  to  acknowledge  them  here  also. 

I  have  read  with  great  interest  some  notes  by  M.  Cobet  in 
Mnemosyne  VII  (1875)  on  Cicero's  Philippics,  the  general  drift 
of  which  is  to  shew  that  the  friends  of  Antony  were  much  more 
influential  in  the  senate  during  the  war  of  Mutina  than  would  be 
gathered  by  a  hasty  reader  of  those  orations.  I  do  not  find  it 
needful  to  alter  what  I  have  said  in  the  Introduction  to  Part  V ; 
but  M.  Cobet's  remarks  deserve  to  be  carefully  considered  by 
students  of  the  period  there  referred  to. 

A  paper  by  L.  Gurlitt  discusses  at  some  length  the  nature  of 
the  collection  of  letters  'Ad  Familiares.'  He  believes  that  all 
the  letters  written  by  or  to  Cicero  which  we  now  possess,  except 
those  to  Atticus,  form  part  of  one  single  collection  made  by  Tiro, 
of  which  large  portions  have  perished  ;  that  the  seventy  letters 
mentioned  Ad  Att.  16.  5,  5  were  probably  all  contained  in  the 
thirteenth  book  '  Ad  Familiares ;'  and  that  the  collection  was 
probably  published  after  the  final  breach  between  Antony  and 
Octavian,  when  attacks  upon  Antony  would  no  longer  give 
offence  to  the  party  dominant  in  Italy. 

I  need  hardly  refer  to  Mr.  Froude's  '  Caesar '  and  to  Mr. 
Trollope's  Life  of  Cicero.  I  am  glad  that  writers  of  such  estab- 
lished popularity  should  have  employed  themselves  in  making 
the  great  names  of  Roman  history  more  familiar  to  English 
readers.  These  two  books  have  furnished,  wholly  or  partly, 
occasion  for  the  appearance  of  articles  in  the  Edinburgh  Review 
for  October,  1879,  and  in  the  Quarterly  Review  for  October, 
1879,  and  October,  1880,  which  I  must  regard  as  valuable  con- 
tributions to  Roman  history  without  professing  complete  agree- 
ment with  either  of  them. 

I  can  hardly  leave  unnoticed  the  very  able  and  unsparingly 
hostile  criticism  of  Cicero's  career  and  character  prefixed  by 
Mr.  Pretor  to  his  edition  of  the  first  book  of  the  letters  to 
Atticus.  My  introductions  and  occasional  remarks  will  shew  that 
I  do  not  altogether  agree  with  Mr.  Pretor.  As  a  more  general 
comment  I  will  here  add  that  every  candid  reader  must  allow 
that  Cicero  was  vain,  excitable,  egotistical,  and  often  wanting 
in  penetration  and  foresight  as  a  statesman.     But  it  should  also, 


PREFACE  TO  THE  THIRD  EDITION, 


XI 


I  %. 


I 


i 


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f 


I  think,  be  remembered  that  his  private  life  and  his  provincial 
administration  were  pure ;  that  the  state  of  public  affairs  threw 
extraordinary  difficulties  in  the  way  of  one  who,  while  sincerely 
attached,  as  I  believe  Cicero  to  have  been,  to  the  old  constitution 
of  the  Commonwealth,  could  not  be  blind  to  the  selfishness  and 
impracticability  of  most  of  its  supporters ;  that  if  he  was  egotist- 
ical and  exacting  he  was  also  ready  to  exert  himself  on  behall 
of  others— on  behalf,  for  instance,  of  members  of  the  defeated 
party  during  the  government  of  Caesar ;  and  lastly  that  in  more 
than  one  important  political  crisis  he  chose  the  more  dangerous 
but  honourable  side  when  he  might  have  secured  safety  and 
influence  by  submission. 

In  preparing  either  the  second  or  the  third  edition  I  have 
been  indebted  in  various  ways  to  Professor  Nettleship,  to  the 
Rev.  M.  Creighton  of  Merton  College,  to  the  Rev.  C.  W.  Boase 
and  to  Mr.  H.  F.  Pelham  of  Exeter  College,  to  the  Rev.  J.  R. 
King  of  Oriel  College,  to  Mr.  A.  O.  Prickard  of  New  College, 
to  the  Rev.  W.  W.  Merry  and  to  Mr.  W.  W.  Fowler  of  Lincoln 
College,  to  the  Rev.  W.  Lock  of  Magdalen  and  Keble  Colleges, 
and  to  the  Rev.  J.  Wordsworth,  Mr.  C.  B.  Heberden,  and 
Mr.  F.  Madan  of  Brasenose  College. 

I  have  read  with  pleasure  a  friendly  but  discriminating  notice 
of  the  second  edition  of  this  work  by  Professor  I  wan  MuUer  in 
C.  Bursian's  Jahresbericht,  1874-5,  p.  7o5- 

The  following  are,  I  think,  the  most  important  alterations  in 
the  third  edition  as  compared  with  the  first:  repeated  from  the 
second,  those  in  the  notes  B,  E,  and  F  ;  in  the  notes  on  '  faenus,' 
p.  194,1. 3 ;  'Aristotelio  more,'  p.  214;  'lex  curiata,'  p.  217 ;  'Trans- 
padani,'  p.  222,  1.  8 ;   the  intercalary  month,  p.  244.  1-  9  ;   the 
punishment  of  slaves,  p.  476,  1-  U,  note ;  the  mention  of  the  'lex 
lulia  municipalis,'   p.  492 !   and  the  alterations   in   the  twelfth 
Appendix:  appearing  first  in  the  third  edition,  the  fuller  account 
of  the  Saturnalia  on  p.  483.  and  the  increased  number  or  length 
of  the  notes  on  Part  V  generally:  especially  on  '  iUis  triumvins," 
p.  556 ;  on  the  dates  of  letters  139  and  140,  see  pp.  590  and  594; 
and  on  the  position  of  Cularo,  p.  593. 

Brasenose  College, 
Oxford,  1 88 1. 


I 


CONTENTS. 


•  • 


•  • 


Preface 

Explanation  of  Signs  and  Abbreviations  . . 
Order  of  Letters  in  this  selection  . . 
Names  of  correspondents  . . 

List  of  books  used 

Chronological  list  of  Cicero's  writings 
rable  of  the  principal  events  of  Cicero's  life 


•  • 


•  • 


>* 


>j 


a 


a 


Introduction  to  Part  I 

Letters  (1-19)  and  notes  of  Part  L,  106-57  b.c. 

Note  A.     Optimates  

„     B.     Provincia  

C.  Roman  Letters  and  means  of  Correspondence 

D.  Origin  of  the  collection  of  Cicero's  Letters     . 
„     E.     On  the  meaning  of  the  words  'Imperium'  and  *Impe- 

rator'  

Appendix  L     State  of  the  Roman  Empire  about  the  time   of 

Cicero's  entrance  into  public  life    . . 
II.     Campaigns  of  Pompey  in  the  East 

III.     Life  of  Atticus         

„    IV.     On  the  Legality  of  the  execution  of  Lentulus  and 

his  Accomplices 
„     V.     On  Cicero's  Estates  and  other  Property     . . 

Introduction  to  Part  II 

Letters  (20-45)  and  notes  of  Part  II.,  57-49  b.c 

Note  F.     On  the  Commission  granted  to  Pompey  in  September, 

57  B.C.  . .  , ,         . .  , , 

Appendix  VL     On  the  legal  question  at  issue  between  Caesar  and 

the  Senate 

„      VII.     Distribution  of  the  Roman  forces  at  the  beginning 

of  the  civil  war  between  Caesar  and  Pompey 


PAGE 
V 

xiv 
xvi 

XX 

xxii 

xxvii 
xxxii 

It 

25 
120 
120 
121 
121 

122 

124 
127 

128 

131 
133 

135 

160 

286 

287 
291 


I; 


CONTENTS, 

Introduction  to  Part  III 

Letters  (46-78)  and  notes  of  Part  III.,  49-4^  b.c. 

Introduction  to  Part  IV 

Letters  (79-104)  and  notes  of  Part  IV.,  48-45  b-C- 

Appendix  Vm.    On  the  Calendar  

IX.     Caesar's  laws,  enacted  from  49-44  b  c. 
X      On  the  honours  voted  to  Caesar 


•  • 


•  • 


•  • 


Introduction  to  Part  V 

Letters  (105-148)  and  notes  of  Part  V.,  44-43  B.C. 
Appendix  XL     State  of  the  Roman  provinces  and  armies  from  the 

death  of  Caesar  to  that  of  Cicero      .. 
XIL     On  the  meaning  of  the  words  '  Colonia,'  '  Muni- 
cipium,'  and  '  Praefectura ' 


yt 


Index  I.     Of  Greek  words  and  phrases 

11.^   Of  Latin  words  and  phrases  explained  in  the  notes    .. 

„  III.     Of  proper  names  

Additions  and  Corrections  . .  


Xlll 

PAGE 

293 
303 

393 
405 

487 

489 
492 

497 
516 

611 

614 

621 
624 
648 


663 


1  [I  have  been  rather  doubtful  at  thnes  whether  to  insert  a  word  in  II  or  III.] 


SIGNS  AND  ABBREVIATIONS, 


XV 


EXPLANATION    OF  SIGNS   AND  ABBREVIATIONS. 


*  or  .  .  in  the  text  shews  that  words  are 
wanting  to  complete  the  sense. 

t  shews  that  the  words  following  it  are 
corrupt. 

[  ]  shews  that  the  words  enclosed  are 
considered  by  Baiter  to  be  an  interpo- 
lation. 

Italics  are  used  in  the  text  where  words  or 
syllables  have  been  added  by  Baiter. 

I  have  referred  to  the  Latin  grammars  of 
Madvig  and  Ramshom,and  occasionally 
to  that  of  C.  G.  Zumpt,  merely  by  the 
author's  name. 

a.  d.  =  ante  diem, 
abl.  or  ablat.  =  ablative, 
abs.  or  absol.  =  absolute, 
ace.  or  accus.  =  accusative, 
adj.  =  adjective. 
Alt.  Alter.  =  AlterthUmer. 
ap.  =  apud. 
App.  =  Appendix. 
App.  =  Appiani  Alexandrini. 
„   Bell.  Civ.  =  DeBelloCivili. 
„   Mithr.  =  De  Bello  Mithridatico. 
„    Parth.  =  De  Rebus  Parthicis.  A  spur- 
ious work,  and  apparently  in  great 
measure  almost  a  literal  transcript 
of  some  chapters  of  Plutarch's  Life 
of  Crassus.     Cp.  Long's  note  on 
Plut.  Crass.  15. 
„   Pun.  =  De  Rebus  Punicis. 
„   Syr.  =  De  Rebus  Syriacis. 
Ascon.  =  Q.  Asconii   Pediani    Comment- 
arius  in  Ciceronis  Orationes,  in  Orelli's 
collection  of  Scholia  to  Cicero.     Those 
portions  of  the  Commentary  which  are 
not  considered  genuine  I  have  quoted 
as  Pseud.  Ascon. 
Att.  =  Atticus. 

Bell.  Afric.  =  Auctor  de  Bello  Africano,  a 
treatise  usually  published  with  Cae- 
sar's works. 


Bell.  Alex.  =  Auctor  de  Bello  Alexandrino. 

,,    Hisp.  =  „  Hispano. 

Billerb.  =  Billerbeck. 
Caes.  =  C.  lulii  Caesariis  Commentarii. 
Bell.  Gall.  =  De  Bello  Gallico. 
Civ.=         ..        Civili. 


>» 


»> 


»» 


>' 


>> 


>» 


a 


>> 


it 


V 


caus.  =  causae. 

Cic.  =  M.  Tullii  Ciceronis. 

Brut.  =  Brutus  sivede  Claris  Oratoribus. 
Div.  in  Caec.  =  Divinatio  in  Caecilium. 
Divin.  =  de  Divinatione. 
In  Clod.  et.  Cur.  =  Oratio  in  Clodium 

Curionem. 
Pro  Dom.  or  De  Dom.  — Oratio  pro 

Domo  Sua. 
Fam.    or    Ad   Fam.  =  Epistolae    ad 

Familiares. 
De  Fin.  or  Fin.  =  De  Finibus  Bonorum 

et  Malorum. 
Orat.  =  Orator. 
De  Orat.  =  De  Oratore. 
Part.  Orat.  =  Partitiones  Oratoriae. 
Prov.  Cons.  =  De  Provinciis  Consulari- 

bus. 
Ad   Q.  F.  =  Epistolae    ad    Quintum 

Fratrem. 
Pro  C.  Rab.  or  Rab.  =  Pro  C.  Rabirio, 
perduellionis  reo. 
Rab.   Post.  =  Pro    C.   Rabirio 
Postumo. 
Rhet.  ad  Herenn.  =  Rhetoriconim  ad 

Herennium. 
Somn.  Scip.  =  Somnium  Scipionis,  in 

De  Rep.  6,  9. 
In  Vat.  =  Interrogatio  in  P.  Vatinium 
testem  ^ 
Q.  Cic.  de  Pet.  Cons.  =  Q.  Ciceronis  de 

Petitione  Consulatus  liber. 
conj.  =  conjunction,  or  conjunctive  mood, 

according  to  the  context, 
constr.  =  construction. 
Com.  Nep.  =  Comelii  Nepotis  ritae  excel- 
lentium  Imperatorum. 


>> 


a 


>» 


>» 


a 


I 


cos.  =  consul. 
cp.  =  compare. 

d.  at  the  beginnmg  of  letters  =  dicit ;  at 

the  end,  data  or  dabam. 

def.,  defin.  =  definitivus. 

Diog.  Laert.  =  Diogenes  Laertius  de  Vitis 

Philosophorum. 
Dionys.  =  Dionysii  Halicamassensis  Anti- 

quitates  Romanae. 

e.  q.  v.  =  ego  quidem,  or  quoque,  valeo ; 
e.  v.  =  ego  valeo. 

Ep.,  Epp.  =  Epistle,  Epistles. 
Epit.  =  Epitome. 

Fest.  =  Sex.  Pompeius  Festus  de  verborum 
significatione     (ed.     MuUer,     Lipsiae, 

1839)- 
A.  or  Aul.  Gell.  =  Auli  Gellii. 

„  N.  A.  =  Noctes  Atticae. 

gen.  =  genitive. 
Hofm.  =  Hofmann. 
ind.,  indie.  =  indicative  mood, 
inf.,  infin.  =  infinitive  mood, 
instr.,  instrum.  =  instrumenti. 
loseph.  =  Flavii  losephi. 

Antiq.  =  Antiquitates    ludaicae, 
'lovda'iici)  dpxo-ioXoyia. 

Bell.    Iud.  =  De    Bello    ludaico, 

TTfpl    TOV    'lOvdcuKOV    ITOXifiOV. 

K.,  Kal.  =  Kalendae. 

L.  G.  =  Latin  Grammar. 

Lamprid.  =  Aelius  Lampridius,  among  the 
Historiae  Augustae  Scriptores. 

Macrob.  =  Aurelii     Ambrosii     Theodosii 
Macrobii. 
„         Sat.  =  Saturnalia. 

metaph.  =  metaphorical. 

mil.  =  militum. 

obj.  =  objectivus. 

obs.,  obss.  =  observation,  observations. 

Onom.,  Onomast.  =  Onomasticon. 

Oros.  =  Orosii,  Pauli,  Historiarum  adver- 
sus  Paganos  libri  vii. 

P.  and  B.  =  Messrs.  Prichard  and  Bernard's 
edition. 

pi.  =  plebis. 

pi.,  plur.=  plural ;  also  plurimam  (m  ad- 
dresses of  letters). 

Pliny  =  C.  Plinii  Secundi. 

H.  N.=  Historia  Naturalis. 
Epp.  =  Epistolae. 


if 


»» 


>» 


Plut.  =  Plutarchus. 
„    De    Defect.     Orac.  =  De     Defectu 
Oraculorum. 
poss.  possess.  =  possessive, 
pr.  =  praetor  :  also  pridie. 
prep.  =  preposition, 
procos.  =  proconsul, 
propr.  =  propraetor, 
q.  —  quod. 
Quint.  =  M.  Fabii  Quintiliani. 

„    Inst.  Orat.  =  Institutio  Oratoria. 
reff.  =  references, 
s.,  sal.  =  salutem. 

s.  V.  b.  or  b.  e.  =  si  vales  bene  or  bene  est. 
Sall.-C.  SallustiiCrispi. 
„    Cat.  =  De  Catilinae  Coniuratione. 
],    lug.  =  De  Bello  lugurthino. 
sc,  scil.  -  scilicet. 

Schol.    Bob.  =  SchoHasta     Bobiensis     in 
Ciceronem.     In   Orelli's  Collection  of 
Scholia, 
sing.  =  singular. 
Soph.  =  Sophocles. 
Stob.  =  loannis  Stobaei. 

„     Floril.  =  Florilegium  {dvOokoyiov). 
Strab.  ■—  Strabonis. 

„     Geogr.  =  Geographica. 
Suet.  =  C.  Suetonii  Tranquilli. 
„     Claud.  =  Claudius, 
lul.  =  lulius. 
Oct.  =  Octavius. 
Tib.  =  Tiberius, 
sup.,  supp.  =  supply, 
sup.,  supr.  =  supra, 
tr.  =  tribunus,  tribuni. 
Val.  Max.  M.  (or  P.)=-Valerii  Maximi 
Factorum  et  Dictorum  Memorabilium 
libri  ix. 
v.  =  vide. 

Varr.  =  M.  Terentii  Varronis. 
„     L.  L.  =  De  Lingua  Latina. 
„     R.  R.  =  DeReRustica. 
Vell.  =  M.  Velleii  Paterculi  ex  Historiae 
Romanae  libris  duobus  quae  supersunt. 
voc,  voce  =voce,  vocibus. 
Wiel.  =  Wieland  and  Grater's  translation. 
Zumpt,  A.  W. 

C.  E.  =  Commentationes  Epigra- 

phicae. 
S.  R.  =  Studia  Romana. 


»> 


»> 


J» 


»> 


>» 


I» 


This  list  does  not  comprise  all  the  abbreviations  used,  perhaps;  but  I  hope  that 
those  which  do  not  appear  in  it  will  be  easily  intelligible. 


I  have  generally  referred  to  Cicero's  works  without  mentioning  the  author's  name 


ORDER  OF  LETTERS, 


xvu 


THIS   SELECTION. 


ORDER   OF  THE   LETTERS   IN   THIS   SELECTION 

COMPARED  WITH   THE   ORDINARY 

ARRANGEMENT. 


THIS   SELECTION. 


I 

Ad  Att. 

I. 

I. 

2 

»> 

I. 

2. 

3 

Ad  Fam. 

5. 

7- 

4 

» 

5- 

I. 

5 

»» 

5. 

2. 

6 

Ad  Att. 

I. 

13- 

7 

i> 

I. 

14. 

8 

n- 

I. 

16. 

9 

n 

2. 

I. 

lO 

9f 

2. 

16. 

II 

n 

2. 

18. 

12 

1» 

2. 

19. 

13 

>f 

2. 

24. 

14 

» 

2. 

25- 

15 

Ad  Q.  F. 

I. 

2. 

i6 

Ad  Att. 

3. 

15- 

17 

Ad  Fam. 

14. 

2. 

i8 

>) 

14. 

I. 

19 

Ad  Att. 

3. 

23- 

20 

)» 

4- 

I. 

21 

Ad  Fam. 

I. 

I. 

22 

j> 

I. 

2. 

23 

Ad  Q.  F. 

2. 

3- 

24 

>j 

2. 

4- 

25 

Ad  Att. 

.4. 

5. 

26 

Ad  Fam. 

I. 

7. 

27 

j> 

7. 

5. 

28 

Ad  Att. 

4. 

15. 

29 

Ad  Fam. 

I. 

9. 

30 

» 

2. 

6. 

31 

Ad  Att. 

5. 

II. 

32 

J» 

5. 

16. 

33 

Ad  Fam. 

8. 

4- 

34 

» 

8. 

8. 

35 

» 

8. 

6. 

36 

Ad  Att. 

5- 

21. 

37 

Ad  Fam. 

2. 

13. 

38 

Ad  Att. 

6. 

2. 

THIS   SELECTION. 

39 

Ad  Fam. 

15. 

5. 

40 

)> 

15- 

6. 

41 

>r 

8. 

14. 

42 

Ad  Att. 

6. 

6. 

43 

Ad  Fam. 

14. 

5. 

44 

Ad  Att. 

/  • 

7. 

45 

a 

y  • 

9- 

46 

» 

/  • 

10. 

47 

)) 

/  • 

II. 

48 

>» 

/  • 

13- 

49 

» 

8. 

II  A. 

50 

)) 

8. 

II  B. 

51 

» 

8. 

12  D. 

52 

Ad  Fam. 

16. 

12. 

53 

» 

16. 

15. 

54 

Ad  Att. 

8. 

3. 

55 

» 

8. 

9- 

56 

» 

8. 

II. 

57 

}» 

8. 

13. 

5« 

» 

8. 

15  A. 

59 

J? 

8. 

16. 

60 

a 

9- 

6  A. 

61 

it 

9. 

7. 

62 

a 

9. 

9. 

63 

ft 

9. 

10. 

64 

>> 

9- 

II  A. 

65 

M 

9. 

12. 

66 

» 

9- 

16. 

67 

}) 

9. 

18. 

,       68 

>J 

10. 

I. 

69 

Ad  Fam. 

8. 

16. 

70 

»» 

2. 

16. 

71 

Ad  Att. 

10. 

8. 

72 

}) 

10. 

8  A. 

73 

>» 

10. 

8B. 

74 

» 

10. 

16. 

75 

Ad  Fam. 

14. 

7. 

76 

>» 

8. 

17. 

V 


77 
78 

79 
80 

81 

82 

83 

84 

85 
86 

87 

88 

89 
90 

91 

92 

93 

94 

95 
96 

97 
98 

99 
100 

lOI 

102 

103 

104 

105 

106 

107 

108 

109 

no 

III 

112 


Ad  Fam. 
Ad  Att. 


>» 

J» 


Ad  Fam. 
Ad  Att. 


>» 


Ad  Fam. 


» 
}> 
»1 
If 
»> 
» 

if 

Ad  Att. 
Ad  Fam. 

» 
f) 

a 

Ad  Att. 

Ad  Fam. 
Ad  Att. 

>» 

Ad  Fam. 
Ad  Att. 


9- 
II. 

II. 

II. 

II. 
II. 

15- 
12. 

12. 

9- 
9- 
7. 
9- 
4. 
6. 

6. 

13- 
4- 
4- 


9- 
4. 

6- 
6. 

9- 
12. 

15- 
I. 

2. 

5- 

18. 

3- 

17- 

4- 
6. 

7. 
II. 

14. 

II. 


THIS 


12.  21. 

13.  16. 


4- 

4- 
6. 

4. 

13. 
12. 

13- 
14. 

14. 

II. 

14. 

14. 

14. 

9- 
14. 


5- 
6. 

2. 

12. 

4. 

18. 

52- 

I. 

2. 

I. 
12. 
13  A. 
13  B. 
14. 
21. 


SELECTION. 

113 

Ad  Fam. 

II.    27. 

1^ 

114 

M 

II.    28. 

115 

>» 

12.       I. 

116 

» 

II.       3' 

117 

Ad  Att. 

16.       7. 

118 

Ad  Fam. 

12.       2. 

119 

» 

12.    23. 

120 

5J 

II.      4- 

121 

Ad  Att. 

16.     8. 

122 

jj 

16.  II. 

123 

Ad  Fam. 

II.     5- 

124 

)) 

12.  22. 

125 

>> 

II.     8. 

126 

)j 

12.     4. 

127 

)» 

10.  28. 

128 

)> 

12.     5. 

129 

)j 

10.  31. 

130 

j> 

10.     6. 

^3^ 

» 

10.  27. 

132 

1» 

10.     8. 

133 

>> 

10.   10. 

134 

»> 

12.     0. 

135 

»» 

10.  30. 

136 

>» 

II.     9.  . 

137 

»1 

II.   10. 

138 

»> 

12.   12. 

139 

» 

10.   II. 

140 

» 

10.   15.. 

141 

1» 

10.   34. 

142 

w 

10.   13. 

143 

»» 

II.  23. 

144 

» 

10.   35. 

145 

M 

II.  13  a 

146 

>» 

10.  23. 

147 

l> 

12.  10. 

148 

n 

10.  24. 

ORDER  OF  LETTERS, 


XIX 


i 


ORDER   OF   THE   LETTERS    IN   THE   ORDINARY 

ARRANGEMENT   COMPARED   WITH   THAT 

ADOPTED   IN   THIS   SELECTION. 


AD  ATTICUM. 

THIS 

SELECTION. 

AD  ATTICUM. 

I.  I. 

•  • 

I 

8.  15  A 

I.  2. 

•  • 

2  "^ 

8.  16. 

I.  13. 

•  • 

6 

9.  6  A. 

I.  14. 

•  • 

7 

9.  7. 

I.  16. 

«  • 

% 

9.  9. 

2.  I. 

•  • 

9 

9.  10. 

2.  16. 

•  • 

10 

9.  1 1  A. 

2.  18. 

•  • 

II 

9.  12. 

2.  19. 

•  • 

12 

9.  16. 

2.  24. 

•  • 

13 

9.  18. 

2.  25. 

•  • 

14 

10.  I. 

3-  15- 

•  • 

16 

10.  8. 

3-  23. 

•  • 

19 

10.  8  A. 

4.  I. 

•  • 

20 

10.  8  B. 

4.  5- 

•  • 

25 

10.  16. 

4-  15- 

•  • 

28 

II.  4. 

5.  II. 

•  • 

31 

II.  5. 

5.  16. 

•  • 

32 

II.  6. 

5.  21. 

•  • 

36 

II.  9. 

6.  2. 

•  • 

38 

II.  12. 

6.  6. 

•  • 

42 

12.  I. 

7.  7. 

•  • 

44 

12.  2. 

7.  9. 

•  • 

45 

12.  21. 

7.  10. 

•  • 

46 

13-  52- 

7.  II. 

•  • 

47 

14.  I. 

7-  13- 

•  • 

48 

14.  2. 

8.  3. 

•  • 

64 

14.  12. 

8.  9. 

•  • 

55 

14.  13  A. 

8.  II. 

•  • 

56 

14.  13  B. 

8.  II  A. 

•  • 

49 

14.  21. 

8.  II  B. 

•  • 

50 

16.  7. 

8.  12  D. 

•  • 

61 

16.  8. 

8.  13. 

•  • 

67 

16.  II. 

THIS   SELECTION. 
58 

59 
60 

61 

62 

63 
64 

65 
66 

67 
68 

71 

72 
73 

74 

78 

79 

80 

81 

82 

84 

85 
96 

104 

105 
106 

108 
109 
no 
112 
117 
121 
122 


k 


AD  FAMILIARES. 

FHIS  SELECTION. 

AD  FAMILIARES. 

THIS 

SELECTION 

I.  I. 

•  • 

21 

10.  30. 

•  • 

135 

I.  2. 

•  • 

22 

10.  31. 

•  • 

129 

I.  7. 

•  • 

26 

10.  34. 

«  • 

141 

I.  9. 

•  • 

29 

lo-  35. 

•  • 

144 

2.  6. 

»  • 

30 

II.  I. 

•  • 

107 

2.  13. 

•  • 

37 

II.  3. 

•  • 

116 

2.  16. 

•  • 

70 

II.  4. 

•  • 

120 

4.  4. 

•  • 

90 

II.  5. 

«  • 

123 

4.  5- 

•  • 

98 

II.  8. 

•  • 

125 

4.  6. 

•  • 

99 

II.  9. 

•  • 

136 

4.  II. 

«  • 

95 

II.  10. 

•  • 

137 

4.  12. 

•  • 

lOI 

II.  13  a. 

•  • 

145 

4.  14.  / 

5.  I.  > 
5.  2.^ 

•  • 

94 

II.  23. 

•  • 

143 

•  • 

4 

II.  27. 

•  • 

113 

•  • 

5 

II.  28. 

•  • 

114 

5.  7. 

•  • 

3 

12.  I. 

•  • 

115 

6.  2. 

•  • 

100 

12.  2. 

•  • 

118 

6.  6. 

•  • 

91 

12.  4. 

•  • 

126 

6.  7. 

t  • 

92 

12.  5. 

•  • 

128 

7.  3. 

•  • 

88 

12.  6. 

•  • 

134 

7.  5. 

•  • 

27 

12.  10. 

•  • 

147 

8.  4. 

•  • 

33 

12.  12. 

•  • 

138 

8.  6. 

•  a 

35 

12.  18. 

•  • 

103 

8.  8. 

•  • 

34 

12.  22. 

•  • 

124 

8.  14. 

•  • 

41 

12.  23. 

•  • 

119 

8.  16. 

•  • 

69V 

13.  4- 

..\ 

102 

8.  17. 

•  • 

76 

13.  II. 

•  • 

93 

9.  5. 

•  • 

86 

13-  16. 

•  • 

97 

9.  9. 

•  • 

77 

14.  I. 

•  • 

18 

9.  14. 

•  • 

III 

14.  2. 

•  • 

17 

9.  17. 

•  • 

89 

14.  5. 

•  • 

43 

9.  18. 

•  • 

87 

14.  7^ 

•  • 

75 

10.  6. 

•  • 

130 

15.  5. 

•  • 

39  ; 

10.  8. 

*  • 

132 

15.  6. 

•  • 

40 

10.  10. 

•  • 

133 

15.  15. 

•  • 

83 

10.  II. 

•  • 

139 

16.  12. 

•  ■ 

52 

10.  13. 

•  • 

142 

16.  15. 

•  • 

53 

10.  15. 

•  • 

140 

10.  23. 

•  • 

146 

AD  QUINTUM  FRATREM. 

10.  24. 

•  • 

148 

I.  2. 

•  « 

15 

10.  27. 

•  • 

131 

2.  3. 

•  ■ 

23 

10.  28. 

•  • 

127 

2.  4. 

•  • 

24 

b2 


XXI 


III 


-~  t 


NAMES  OF  THE  CORRESPONDENTS  OF  CICERO 

AND  HIS  FRIENDS  (LETTERS  FROM  OR  TO  WHOM  ARE 
INCLUDED  IN  THIS  SELECTION),  ARRANGED  IN 

ALPHABETICAL  ORDER. 


Names. 
M.  Aemilius  Lepidus 
M.  Antonius 
C.  Asinius  Pollio 

Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Celer 
A.  Caecina 

M.  Caelius  Rufus 

C.  Cassius  Longinus 

M.  Claudius  Marcellus 

P.  Cornelius  Dolabella 

P.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Spinther 

L.  Cornelius  Balbus 

Q.  Cornificius 

C.  lulius  Caesar 

D.  Junius  Brutus 
M.  lunius  Brutus 

A.  Manlius  Torquatus 

M.  Marius 

C.  Matius 

L.  Munatius  Plancus 

L.  Papirius  Paetus 
Cn.  Plancius 
Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus 
M.  Porcius  Cato 


Letters  addressed  to. 

Letters  ^written  by. 

131- 

141;    144. 

no;   116. 

72;    109. 
129. 

5. 

4- 

91. 

37;  70. 

83;   107;   115;    118; 
126;  128;  134;  147- 

92. 

f  33;34;35;4i; 
I  69;  76. 

1 116;  138. 

95- 

III. 

77. 

21;  22;  26 

;   29. 

58. 

103;  119; 

124. 

27;  64;  97 
123;  125. 

93;  107- 

• 

60;  66]  73. 

r 107; 120; 136; 

1  137;  143;  145- 
116. 

100. 

88. 

113- 
130;   133; 

142. 

114. 

1132;  139;  140; 
I    146;  148. 

87;  89. 

94. 

3;  50- 

49;  51. 

40. 

39. 

Names. 
C.  Scribonius  Curio 
Ser.  Sulpicius  Galba 
Ser.  Sulpicius  Rufus 


NAMES  OF  CORRESPONDENTS. 

Letters  addressed  to.       \  Letters  written  by. 
30- 


90;  99- 

17;  18;  43;  75- 

86. 

127. 

15;  23;  24. 

52;  53- 

102. 


135- 
98;    lOI. 


Terentia 

M.  Terentius  Varro 
C.  Trebonius 
Q.  TuUius  Cicero 
M.  Tullius  Tiro 

Q.  Valerius  Orca 


The  rest  of  the  letters,  including  part  of  the  66th,  are  from  Cicero  to 
T.  Pomponius  Atticus. 


J 


in! 


11 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  USED, 


xxui 


EDITIONS   OF  CICERO'S   EPISTLES, 

AND  OTHER  BOOKS   USED  IN   PREPARING   THE   PRESENT 

SELECTION. 

TEXT. 

Epistolae,  recensuit  J.  G.  Baiter.     2  vols.  8vo.  Lipsiae.  1 866-1 867,  being 

vols.  IX,  X  of  a  complete  edition  of  Cicero's  works,  by  J.  G.  Baiter 

and  C.  L.  Kayser,  in  11  vols.     Leipzig.  1 860-1 869. 
Epistolae,  recognovit  A.  S.  Wesenberg,  2  vols.  i2mo.  Lipsiae.  1872-3. 
Opera,  volumen  tertium  epistolas  continens,  curaverunt  I.  C.  Orellius  et 

I.  G.  Baiterus,  imp.  8vo.     Turici.  1845. 
Cobet,  C.  G.,  de  locis  quibusdam  in  Ciceronis  epistolis.    Mnemosyne,  8. 

182-200.     1880. 
Madvig,  I.  N.     Adversaria  Critica,  vol.  ii.  8vo.     Hauniae.  1873. 
Riihl,  F.     Rheinisches  Museum,  Ed.  xxx.  1875,  pp.  26  and  135. 

„  Wissenschaftliche  Monatsblatter  (Konigsberg)  1878,  pp.  25 

and  85.     On  the  Harleian  MSS.  2682  and  2773. 
Thurot,   Charles.     Ciceronis   Epistolae   ad   Familiares,  notice   sur   un 

manuscrit  du  Xlle  si^cle.     Biblioth^que  de  I'e'cole  des  hautes 

Etudes.     Dix-septi^me  fascicule.     Paris.  1874. 
Emendationes  alterae  ad  Ciceronis  Epistolarum  editionem,  scripsit  A.  S. 

Wesenberg,  8vo.  Lipsiae.  1873. 


COMMENTARIES. 

M.  TuUii  Ciceronis  Scholiastae,  ediderunt  I.  C.  Orellius  et  I.  G.  Baiterus, 

imp.  8vo.     Turici.  1833. 
Billerbeck,    lulius,   Epistolae   temporis  ordine   dispositae,  4  vols.  8vo. 

Hannover.  1836. 
Boot,  I.  G.     Epistolarum  ad  Atticum  libri  xvi.    Recensuit  et  adnotatione 

illustravit  I.  C.  G.  Boot,  2  vols,  royal  8vo.  Amstelod.  1865- 1866. 
Frey,  Joseph.     Ausgewahlte  Briefe  Cicero's  fur  den  Schulgebrauch  erklart, 

8vo.     Leipzig.  1864. 


Hofmann.  Friedrich.  Ausgewahlte  Briefe  von  M.  Tullius  Cicero, 
I  Bandchen,  8vo.  Berlin,  i860;  2  do.,  bearbeitet  von  Georg 
Andresen.     Berlin.  1878. 

Matthiae,  Aug.,  and  Muller,  E.  H.     Epistolae  selectae.     Editio  4ta.  8vo. 

Lipsiae.  1849. 
Parry,  E.  St.  J.,  M.A.     Ciceronis  Epistolarum  Delectus,  1 2mo.   London. 

1867.  _      ... 

Pretor    Alfred,  M.A.,   Fellow  of  St.  Catherine's   College,   Cambridge. 
'  The  Letters  of  Cicero  to  Atticus,  Book  I,  with  notes,  and  an 
essay  on  the  character  of  the  Author,  sm.   8vo.  London  and 

Cambridge.  1873.  c  1       ^ 

1  Prichard,  Constantine  E.,  the  late,  and  Bernard,  E.  R.,  M.A.  Selected 
Letters  of  Cicero,  for  the  use  of  Schools  (Clarendon  Press 
Series),  i2mo.     Oxford.  1872. 

Ross,  Joannes,  A.  M.  Epistolas  ad  Familiares  edidit  et  commentano 
Anglico  instruxit,  2  vols.  8vo.     Cantab.  1749- 

Supfle,  K.  F.     Epistolae  selectae,  6te  Auflage,  8vo.     Karlsruhe,  1866. 

Tyrrell  Robert  Yelverton,  M.A.,  Fellow  of  Trinity  College  and  Pro- 
fessor of  Latin  in  the  University  of  Dublin.  The  Correspond- 
ence  of  Cicero,  vol.  I.     Dublin  and  London.  1879. 

Yonge,  J.  E.,  M.A.     The  Letters  of  Cicero,  Part  I,  containing  Books  I, 
II  and  III.     New  edition,  sm.  8vo.     London.  1872. 
I  have  'also  occasionally  referred  to  the  notes  of  Manutius  and  to  the 

edition  of  Schiiltz. 

TRANSLATIONS. 

leans   Rev.  G.  E.,  M.A.     The  Life  and  Letters  of  M.  Tullius  Cicero, 
'  being  a  new  translation  of  the  letters  included  in  Mr.  Watson's 

selection,  with  notes.     London.  1880. 
Metzger,  K.  L.  F.     M.  Tullius  Cicero's  Sammtliche  Briefe  ubersetzt, 

Bandchen  1-5,  i2mo.     Stuttgart.  1859-1863. 
Wieland    C.  M.     M.  Tullius  Cicero's  Sammtliche  Briefe  ubersetzt  und 

erlautert:   vollendet  von  F.  D.  Grater,  12  vols.  i8mo.     Leipzig. 

1840-1841. 

WORKS   ILLUSTRATING   THE   LIFE   OF    CICERO. 

Abeken.     Life  and  Letters  of  Cicero  translated  by  C.  Merivale,  8vo. 
London.  1854. 

1  Referred  to  in  the  Notes  as  P.  and  B. 


If 
i 

I 


XXIV 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  USED. 


Boissier,  Gaston.     Cic^ron  et  ses  amis,  8vo.     Pans.  1865. 
Bruckner,  C.  A.  F.   Leben  des  M.  Tullius  Cicero,  8vo.    Gotiingen.  1852. 
Forsyth,  W,  Q.C.    Life  of  Cicero,  2  vols.  8vo.     London.  1864 
Gurlitt,  L.     De  M.  Tullii  Ciceronis  epistulis  earumque  pristina  collec- 

\ione.     Dissertatio  inauguralis.     Fribergae  Sax.  1879. 
Middleton,  Conyers,  D.D.     Life  of  Cicero,  2  vols.  8vo.     London.  1823. 
Nake  Bruno.     Der  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Cicero  und  D.  Brutus.     In 
'   Jahrbiicher   fur   Classische  Philologie.     VIIL   Supplement  Bd. 

1875-6,  pp.    649-700.  ,  ,  J  T      • 

De  Planci  et  Ciceronis  epistulis,  in  Jahresbericht  iiber  das  Luisen- 
stadtische  Gymnasium  in  Berlin.     Berlin.  1866. 
Onomasticon  Tullianum,   curaverunt  L  C.  Orellius  et  L  G.  Baiterus, 

3  vols,  royal  8vo.     Turici.  1 836-1 838. 
Quarterly  Review,  article  on  Cicero,  October  1880. 
Suringar,  W.  H.  D.      M.  Tullii  Ciceronis  commentarii  rerum  suarum ; 
accesserunt  annales  Ciceroniani,  8vo.     Leidae.  1854. 
M.  Caelii  Rufi  et  M.  Tullii  Ciceronis  epistolae  mutuae.     Lugd. 

Bat.  1846. 
TroUope,  Antony.     Life  of  Cicero,  2  vols.     London.  1880. 

WORKS  ON   THE   GENERAL   HISTORY   OF 

THE  TIME. 

Arnold,  Thomas,  D.D.     History  of  the  later  Roman  Commonwealth, 

2  vols.  8vo.     London.  1845. 
Champagny,  Le  Comte  Franz  de.     Les  Cdsars,  3bme  Edition,  3  tomes, 

i2mo.     Paris.  1859. 
Cobet,  C.  G.     Annotationes  ad  Plutarchi  vitam  M.  Bruti,  Mnemosyne, 

VII,  I  and  225  (1879). 

Ad  Epistolas  Ciceronis  et  Bruti,  ib.  262. 

Ad  Ciceronis  Philippicas,  ib.  113. 
Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum,  consilio  et  auctoritate  academiae  litte- 

rarum  regiae  Borussicae  editum,  vol.  i,  folio.   Berolini.  mdccclxiii. 
Drumann,  W.     Geschichte  Roms,  oder  Pompeius,  Caesar,  Cicero  und 

ihre  Zeitgenossen,  6  vols.  8vo.     Konigsberg.   1 834-1 844. 
Edinburgh  Review.     Article  on  Froude's  Caesar,  October  1879. 
Fischer,  E.  W.     Romische  Zeittafeln,  4to.     Altona.  1846. 
Froude,  J.  A.     Caesar,  a  sketch.     London.  1879. 
Guiraud,  Paul.     Le  diflf^rend  entre  Cdsar  et  le  s^nat.     Paris.  1878. 
Liddell,  Dean.     History  of  Rome,  2  vols.  8vo.     London.  1855. 


i^ 


>» 


1 


I 


.1 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  USED. 


XXV 


Long,  George,  M.A.    Civil  Wars  of  Rome.    Select  Lives  translated  from 
Plutarch,  with  notes,  5  vols,  in  2,  i2mo.    London.  1 844-1 848. 
Decline  of  the  Roman  Republic,  vols.  3-5,  8vo.     London.  1869- 

1874.  . 

Merivale,  Rev.  C,  B.D.      History  of  the  Romans  under  the  Empu-e, 

vols.  1-3,  8vo.     London.  1850-1851. 
Mommsen,   Theodor.      De   Collegiis   et   Sodaliciis   Romanorum,    8vo. 

Kiliae.  1843. 
History  of  Rome,  translated  by  Rev.  W.  P.  Dickson,  vol.  4, 

parts  1-2,  i2mo.     London.  1866. 
Die   Rechtsfrage  zwischen   Caesar  und    dem    Senat,    4to. 

Breslau.   1857. 
Romische  Forschungen,  vol.  i,  8vo.     Berlin.  1864. 
Napoleon  III.     Histoire  de  Jules  C^sar,  tomes  1-2,  imp.  8vo.     Paris. 

1865-1866. 
Peter,  Carl.     Romische  Geschichte,  2te  Auflage,  vol.  2,  8vo.     Halle. 

1866. 
Quarterly  Review,  article  on  Caesar,  October  1879. 
Zumpt.  A.  W.     Commentationes  Epigraphicae,  2  vols.  4to.     Berolini. 

1850-1854. 
Studia  Romana,  8vo.  Berolini.  1859. 


» 


GRAMMARS. 

Madvig,  I.  N.,  translated  by  Woods,  4th  edition,  8vo.      Oxford  and 

London,  1859. 
Nagelsbach,  C.  F.     Lateinische  Stilistik  fur  Deutsche,  4te  Auflage,  8vo. 

Niirnberg.  1865. 
Ramshorn,  Ludwig.    Lateinische  Grammatik,  2 te  Ausgabe,  8vo.    Leipzig. 

1830. 
Zumpt,  C.  G.,  translated  by  Schmitz,  6th  edition,  8vo.    London.  1861. 

DICTIONARIES. 

Forcellini  et  Facciolati  totius  Latinitatis  Lexicon,  4  vols,  in  2,  4to.   Editio 

in  Germania  prima.     Lipsiae.  1839. 
Smith,  Dr.  William.     Latin-English  Dictionary,  8vo.     London.  1855. 

Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities,  2nd  edition,  8vo. 
London.  1856. 

Dictionary  of  Biography  and  Mythology,  3  vols.  8vo.  London. 

1844-1849. 
Dictionary  of  Geography,  2  vols.  8vo.     London.  1856-1857. 


)) 


j> 


xxvi  LIST  OF  BOOKS  USED, 

LAW   AND   ANTIQUITIES,   BESIDES   THE   ABOVE. 

• 

Becker,  W.  A.,  and  Marquardt,  J.     Handbuch  der  Romischen  Alter- 

thiimer,  3ter  Theil,  8vo.     Leipzig.  1851. 
Lange,    Ludwig.      Romische   Alterthumer,   vol.    i,    2te   Auflage,  8vo. 

Berlin.  1863;  vol.  2.  Berlin.  1862  ;  vol.3.  Berlin.  187 1. 
Madvigii,  L  N.,  Opuscula  Academica,  8vo.     Hauniae.  1834;  vol.  2.  ib. 

1842. 

^  Marquardt,  J.     Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  vols  1-3.     Leipzig.  1873- 

1878. 
^Mommsen,  Theodor.    Romisches  Staatsrecht,  vols,  i,  2,  8vo.    Leipzig. 

1871-1875. 
Rein,  W.     Criminalrecht  der  Romer,  8vo.     Leipzig.  1844. 
„     Privatrecht  der  Romer,  8vo.     Leipzig.  1858. 

*  These  two  works  form  part  of  a  new  edition  of  Becker  and  Marquardt's  Hand- 
book of  Roman  Antiquities. 


41 


il 


\ 


\ 


h 


I 


v\ 


»il 


CHRONOLOGICAL  LIST  OF  CICERO'S  WRITINGS. 


*  Defective. 


*  *  Very  fragmentary. 


t  Lost. 


81 
80 


79 

75 

74 

71 

70 
69 


t 
t 
t 


?  t 


B.C.  about 

86  De   Inventione   Rhetorica  libri  ii.   (cp.  De  Orat.   i.   2,   5 ; 

Quintil.  Inst.  Orat.  3.  6,  58). 
**  Translations  of  Aratus'  Phaenomena,  and  of  other  poems  of 

Aratus  (cp.  De  Deor.  Nat.  2.  41,  104). 
**  Translations  from  Homer  (De  Fin.  5.  18,  49). 
*    Translation  of  the  Oeconomics  of  Xenophon  (De  Off.  2.  24, 

87),  and  of  t  various  Dialogues  of  Plato. 
1  *  Oratio  pro  P.  Quinctio  (cp.  A.  Cell.  N.  A.  15.  28,  3). 

„     Sex.  Roscio  Amerino  (A.  Cell.  1.  c. ;  Quintil.  Inst. 

Orat.  12.  6,  4). 
„     L.  Vareno. 

„     Muliere  Arretina  (Pro  Caec.  33»  97)- 
„     Titinia  (Brut.  60,  217). 

„     Patriciis   Adulescentibus   apud   Sex.    Peducaeum 
(Plut.  Cic.  6). 
Quaestoris  decedentis,  habita  Lilybaei  (Pseud.  Ascon. 

Argum.  in  Divin.  in  Caec). 
pro  M.  TuUio. 

„    C.  Mustio  (In  Verr.  2  Act.  i.  53,  139). 
Divinatio  in  Caecilium ;  and  In  Verrem,  Actio  i ;  Actio  2. 1-5. 
Oratio  pro  M.  Fonteio. 
„       „    A.  Caecina. 
68  First  Letter  to  Atticus  (Ad  Att.  i.  5). 


1  Mr.  Trollope  (Cicero  i.  90  foil.)  has  given  some  reasons  for  placing  the  speech 
Pro  P.  Quinctio  after  that  Pro  Sex.  Roscio  Amerino. 


LIST  OF  CICERCyS  WRITINGS. 


XXIX 


XXVlll 


B.c  about 


LIST  OF  CICERO'S  WRITINGS, 


65 
64 


63 


62 


61 


60 


** 


** 


>i 


J) 


>j 


>> 


>j 


J) 


>> 


jj 


** 
t 


*     Oratio  pro  Q.  Roscio  Comoedo. 
67     **  Oratio  pro  P.  Oppio. 

66  „      de  Imperio  Cn.  Pompeii,  seu  pro  Lege  Manilia  (lb.  i  j 

24,  69). 
pro  A.  Cluentio  (cp.  lb.  53,  147). 

M.  Fundanio  et  t  C.  Orchivio  (cp.  Q.  Cic.  de  Pet. 

Cons.  5,  19). 
C.  Manilio  (cp.  Plut.  Cic.  9). 
Q.  Mucio  (cp.  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  6). 
**  Orationes  Duae  pro  C.  Cornelio  (Ascon.  in  Cornel.  93,  94). 
**  Oratio  in  Toga  Candida  (Ascon.  Argum.  pp.  109  j  no). 
**        „      pro  Q.  Gallio  (Ascon.  ad  Orat.  in -Tog.  Cand.  p.  113; 
Q.  Cic.  de  Pet.  Cons.  5,  19). 
Orationes  Consulares  (cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  i.  3). 
Oratio  in  Senatu,  Kal.  Ian.,  de  Lege  Agraria. 
ad  Quirites  contra  P.  Rullum. 
de  Othone. 
pro  C.  Rabirio. 
de  Proscriptorum  Filiis. 
cum  Provinciam  in  Contione  deponeret 
in  Catilinam  Orationes  Quatuor. 
Orationes  duae,  breves,   de   Lege  Agraria  (one   no  longer 

extant). 
Oratio  pro  L.  Murena  (not  mentioned  Ad  Att.  1.  c.) 
C.  Pisone  (Pro  Flacco  39,  98). 
contra  Contionem  Q.  Metelli  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  2,  8). 
pro  P.  Sulla. 
„    Archia  Poeta  (Schol.  Bob.  on  2,  3,  of  that  speech), 
t    Letter  to  Pompey  on  his  consulship  (Pro  Plane.  34,  85,  and 
Schol.  Bob.  thereon). 
First  Letter  *  Ad  Familiares'  (5.  7). 
**  Oratio  in  Clodium  et  Curionem  (Schol.  Bob.  Argum.  :  cp.  Ad 

Att.  I.  16,  i). 
t    Commentarius  consulatus  sui,  Graece  scriptus  (Ad  Att.  i. 

19,  10). 
**  Poem  on  his  consulship  (Ad  Att.  2.  3,  3). 

Translation  of  Aratus'  Prognostica  (Ad  Att.  2.  i,  11). 
+    Oratio  pro  P.  Scipione  Nasica  (Ad  Att.  2.  i,  9). 
59      +       »       »    C.  Antonio  (De  Domo  16,  41 ;  Dion  Cassius  38. 

10). 


» 


jj 


}> 


>) 


» 


» 


t 

+ 


» 


ij 


»> 


»> 


A 


\,\ 


W 


i 


.  4> 
* 


57? 
? 

? 

56    •* 


? 


<.i- 


n 


? 


B.C.  about 

t  Oratio  pro  A.  Thermo  (Pro  Flacco  39,  98). 

*       „       „    L.  Flacco  (Ad  Att.  2.  25,  i). 
59  ?  **  Chorographia,   a  geographical  work  (cp.  Ad   Att.  2.  6,  i ; 
Priscian.  6,  83,  ap.  Baiter,  xi.  76). 
Oratio  Post  Reditum  in  Senatu  (Ad  Att.  4.  i,  5). 

ad  Quirites  (Ad  Att.  4.  i,  6). 
de  Domo  Sua  (lb.  4.  2,  2). 
„   Rege  Alexandrino  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  2.  3). 
pro  P.  Sestio  (lb.  2.  4,  i). 

in  P.  Vatinium  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  4,  i ;  Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  7). 
pro  L.  Calpurnio  Bestia  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  3,  6). 
de  Haruspicum  Responsis. 

„   Provinciis  Consularibus  (Pro  Balbo  27,  61 ;  Ascon. 
Argument,   in  Pisonian. ;   cp.  Ad  Fam.  1.  7, 

10). 
pro  P.  Asicio  (Pro  Cael.  10.  23,  24). 
„    M.  Caelio  (Ad  Q.  F.  2, 13  [i  i  Bait.],  2  ;  Pro  Cael. 

13»  32). 
„    L.  Cornelio  Balbo. 
„    M.  Cispio  (Pro  Plane.  31,  75)- 
in  L.  Pisonem  (Ascon.  in  Pisonian.  Intr.). 
pro  L.  Caninio  Gallo  (Ad  Fam.  7.  i,  4)- 
De  Oratore,  libri  iii.  (Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  23). 
?  **  De  Temporibus  Suis  libri  iii.  versibus  scripti  (Ad  Fam.  i.  9, 

23)- 
54      t    Oratio  pro  M.  Crasso  (Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  20). 

de  Reatinorum  Causa  (Ad  Att.  4.  15,  5). 
pro  C.  Messio  (Ad  Att.  4.  15,  9). 

Druso  (Ad  Att.  1.  c. ;  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  16,  3). 

Vatinio  (Ascon.  in  Scaurian.  p.  131 ;  Ad  Q.  F.  2. 

16,  3)- 
Scauro  (Ascon.  1.  c;  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  i,  n). 
Cn.   Plancio   (Ad   Q.  F.  1.  c;    Schol.   Bob.  ad 

Plancian.  sub  init.). 
A  Gabinio  (Pro.  Rab.  Post.  12,  32 ;  Dion  Cassius 

39-  55)- 
C.  Rabirio  Postumo. 

Tenediorum  Libertate  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  11,  2). 
*    De  Re  publica  libri  vi.  (cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  2). 
53  ?        Oratio  de  Acre  Alieno  Milonis  (Schol.  Bob.  Argum). 


55 


t 
t 


n 


it 


n 
ft 
it 
tt 


t 
t 
t 


>j 
>> 
a 

tt 

It 

11 


tt 

)♦ 

11 

11 


to 


XXVlll 


B  c  about 


LIST  OF  CICERO  S  WRITINGS, 


67 
66 


65 
64 


63 


62 


61 


60 


t 


J> 


>> 


)J 


t 


59 


*     Oratio  pro  Q.  Roscio  Comoedo. 
**  Oratio  pro  P.  Oppio. 

de  Imperio  Cn.  Pompeii,  seu  pro  Lege  Manilla  (lb.  i  ; 

24,  69). 
pro  A.  Cluentio  (cp.  lb.  53,  147)- 

M.  Fundanio  et  t  C.  Orchivio  (cp.  Q.  Cic.  de  Pet. 

Cons.  5,  19). 
C.  Manilio  (cp.  Plut.  Cic.  9). 
Q.  Mucio  (cp.  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  6). 
**  Orationes  Duae  pro  C.  Cornelio  (Ascon.  in  Cornel.  93,  94)- 
**  Oratio  in  Toga  Candida  (Ascon.  Argum.  pp.  109  ;  no). 
**        „      pro  Q.  Gallio  (Ascon.  ad  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  p.  113; 

Q.  Cic.  de  Pet.  Cons.  5,  19). 
Orationes  Consulares  (cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  i.  3). 
Oratio  in  Senatu,  Kal.  Ian.,  de  Lege  Agraria. 
ad  Quirites  contra  P.  RuUum. 
de  Othone. 
pro  C.  Rabirio. 
de  Proscriptorum  Filiis. 
cum  Provinciam  in  Contione  deponeret 
in  Catilinam  Orationes  Quatuor. 
Orationes  duae,  breves,  de   Lege  Agraria  (one   no  longer 

extant). 
Oratio  pro  L.  Murena  (not  mentioned  Ad  Att.  1.  c.) 
„      C.  Pisone  (Pro  Flacco  39,  98). 
„     contra  Contionem  Q.  Metelli  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  2,  8). 

„     pro  P.  Sulla. 

„        „    Archia  Poeta  (Schol.  Bob.  on  2,  3,  of  that  speech), 
t    Letter  to  Pompey  on  his  consulship  (Pro  Plane.  34,  85,  and 
Schol.  Bob.  thereon). 
First  Letter  *  Ad  Familiares'  (5.  7). 
**  Oratio  in  Clodium  et  Curionem  (Schol.  Bob.  Argum. :  cp.  Ad 

Att.  I.  16,  i). 
t    Commentarius  consulatus  sui,  Graece  scriptus  (Ad  Att.  i. 

19,  10). 
**  Poem  on  his  consulship  (Ad  Att.  2.  3,  3). 

Translation  of  Aratus'  Prognostica  (Ad  Att.  2.  i,  11). 
+    Oratio  pro  P.  Scipione  Nasica  (Ad  Att.  2.  i,  9). 
t       „       „    C.  Antonio  (De  Domo  16,  41  3  Dion  Cassius  38. 

10). 


1} 
» 


t 

t 


•/ 


.  1 


i 


LIST  OF  CICERO'S  WRITINGS. 


XXIX 


I 


57? 
? 
? 

56 


** 


? 


<f(^ 


B.C.  about  . 

t  Oratio  pro  A.  Thermo  (Pro  Flacco  39,  9»). 

*       „       „    L.  Flacco  (Ad  Att.  2.  25,  i). 
59  ?  **  Chorographia,  a  geographical  work  (cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  6,  i ; 
Priscian.  6,  83,  ap.  Baiter,  xi.  76). 
Oratio  Post  Reditum  in  Senatu  (Ad  Att.  4.  i,  s)- 

„        ad  Quirites  (Ad  Att.  4-  i»  ^). 
de  Domo  Sua  (lb.  4.  2,  2). 

Rege  Alexandrino  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  2.  3). 
pro  P.  Sestio  (lb.  2.  4,  O- 

in  P.  Vatinium  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  4,  i ;  Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  7)- 
pro  L.  Calpurnio  Bestia  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  3,  6). 
de  Haruspicum  Responsis. 

„   Provinciis  Consularibus  (Pro  Balbo  27,  61 ;  Ascon. 
Argument,   in  Pisonian. ;   cp.  Ad  Fam.  1.  7» 

10). 
pro  P.  Asicio  (Pro  Cael.  10.  23,  24).  ^     ^    , 

,,    M.  Caelio  (Ad  Q.  F.  2, 13  [n  Bait.],  2  ;  Pro  Cael. 

13»  32). 
„    L.  Cornelio  Balbo. 
„    M.  Cispio  (Pro  Plane.  31»  75)- 
in  L.  Pisonem  (Ascon.  in  Pisonian.  Intr.). 
pro  L.  Caninio  Gallo  (Ad  Fam.  7.  i,  4)- 
De'oratore,  libri  iii.  (Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  23). 
?  **  De  Temporibus  Suis  libri  iii.  versibus  scripti  (Ad  Fam.  i.  9, 

20), 
+    Oratio  pro  M.  Crasso  (Ad  Fam.  i.  9»  20) 


? 


55 


t 

t 


I» 

9) 


54 


t 
t 
t 


de  Reatinorum  Causa  (Ad  Att.  4.  15,  5;- 
pro  C.  Messio  (Ad  Att.  4-  1 5»  9)- 

Druso  (Ad  Att.  1.  c. ;  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  16,  3). 

Vatinio  (Ascon.  in  Scaurian.  p.  131 ;  Ad  Q.  F.  2. 

16,  3)-  _  . 

Scauro  (Ascon.  1.  c;  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  i,  n). 
Cn.   Plancio   (Ad  Q.  F.  1.  c. ;    Schol.   Bob.   ad 

Plancian.  sub  init.). 
A  Gabinio  (Pro.  Rab.  Post.  12,  32 ;  Dion  Cassius 

39-  55)- 
C.  Rabirio  Postumo. 

Tenediorum  Libertate  (Ad  Q.  F.  2.  n,  2). 
*    Dc'rc  publica  libri  vi.  (cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  2). 
53  ?        Oratio  de  Aere  Alieno  Milonis  (Schol.  Bob.  Argum). 


»1 


91 

99 
99 


99 

9» 
» 


XXX 

B.C.  about 
52 


LIST  OF  CICERO'S  WRITINGS. 


t 


9> 


»> 


45 


** 


** 


Oratio  pro  T.  Annio  Milone  (Ascon.  in  Milonian.  p.  140). 
„    M.  Saufeio  (Ascon.  1.  c.  159). 
in  T.  Munatium  Plancum  Bursam  (Dion  Cassius  40, 
55 :  cp.  Ad  Fam.  7.  2,  2). 
?        De  Optimo  Genere  Oratorum,  as  a  preface  to  a  translation  of 
Aesch.  in  Ctesiph.  and  Demosth.  de  Cor.  (cap.  4,  10). 

*  De  legibus  libri  iii.  (Suringar,  p.  721). 

?        Orationes  duae  pro  P.  Dolabella  (Ad  Fam.  3. 10,  5). 
46  Oratio  pro  M.  Marcello  (Ad  Fam.  4.  4,  4). 

Paradoxa. 

Brutus,  sive  De  Claris  Oratoribus. 
Laus  Catonis  (Ad  Att.  12.  4,  2 ;  12.  5,  2). 
Orator  (cp.  10,  35  ;  Ad  Att.  12.  6,  3). 
?        Partitiones  Oratoriae. 

Oratio  pro  Q.  Ligario  (Ad  Fam.  6.  14,  2  ;  Ad  Att.  13.  12,  2). 
Consolatio,  sive   De   Luctu  Minuendo  (De  Divin.  2.   i,  3  ; 

Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  Praef.  §  22). 
Hortensius  (Tusc.  Disp.  3.  3,  6 ;  2.  2,  4). 

*  Academicorum  libri  iv.  (Ad  Att.  13.  12,3;  Tusc.  Disp.  2.  2,  4). 
De  Finibus  Bonorum  et  Malorum  libri  v.  (Ad  Att.  13.  12,  3 ; 

13.  21,  4). 
t    Laudatio  Porciae  (Ad  Att.  13.  37,  3). 

Oratio  pro  Rege  Deiotaro  (Ad  Fam.  9.  12,  2). 
t    Epistola  ad  Caesarem  de  Ordinanda  Re  publica  (o-v/i/3ovX<v- 
TiKov :  cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  40,  2). 
44  ?    *    Timaeus,  sive  de  Universo. 

Tusculanae  Disputationes  V.  (Ad  Att.  15.  4,  3). 

De  Deorum  Natura  libri  iii.  (De  Divin.  i.  5,  8;  2.  i,  3). 

De  Divinatione  libri  ii. 

De  Fato  (i.  i  and  2  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  i,  3). 

De  Gloria  libri  ii.  (Ad  Att.  16.  11,  i ;   16.  6,  4). 

Cato  Maior,  sive  De  Senectute  (Ad  Att.  14.  21,  3;  16.  11,  3; 

Divin.  2.  I,  3). 
Laelius,  sive  De  Amicitia. 

De  Officiis  libri  iii.  (Ad  Att.  16.  11,  4 ;  15.  13,  6). 
Topica  (Ad  Fam.  7.  19). 
Oratio  de  Pace  (Philipp.  i.  i,  i). 
Orationes  Philippicae  1-IV. 
Ad  Atticum  16.  15  \     Dec. 

'  The  last  letter  written  to  Atticus  that  has  been  preserved. 


** 


\. 


LIST  OF  CICERO'S  WRITINGS. 

B.C.  about 

43  Orationes  Philippicae  V-XIV. 

Ad  Familiares  12.  10  \     Quintil.  Ineunte. 


XXXI 


)f 


>» 


ID.  24^     V.  Kal.  Sext. 


Incerto    )  ^^.^^.^         Popilio  Laenate  (Val.  Max.  5.  3,  4)- 
anno     J 

Translation  from  the  Protagoras  of  Plato. 
**  Marius,  a  poem  (De  Leg.  i.  i  ;  De  Divin.  i.  47,  106). 

The  above  list  has  been  compiled  from  notices  of  Cicero's  life  in 
Orelli's  Onomasticon,  in  Baiter's  Leipzig  edition  of  Cicero,  and  in 
Suringar's  Annales  Ciceroniani. 

>  The  last  letter  written  by  Cicero  that  has  been  preserved, 
a  ..  ,.        to  Cicero  »,  t* 


,^ 


( 


PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  IN  CICERO'S  LIFE,     xxxiii 


PRINCIPAL   EVENTS   IN   THE   LIFE   OF  CICERO'. 


Age  of  Cicero. 

17 

18 
19 

20 

«3 

26 

27-28 


29 
3^-32 

36 

37 

40 

42 

43 

45 

47 
48-49 

50 
63 
54 


Birth  of  Cicero,  Jan.  3 

He  serves  under  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo  in   the 

Marsic  war 

Murder  of  P.  Sulpicius.     Flight  of  C.  Marius 
Sulla  goes  to  the  East.     Civil  war.     Return  of 

Marius         ....•• 
Cicero  writes  the  treatise  '  De  Inventione.'   Death 

of  C.  Marius         .         .        . 
Return  of  Sulla.     Civil  war  renewed  . 
Speech  *  Pro  Quinctio.'     Legislation  of  Sulla 
Speech  *  Pro  Sex.  Roscio  Amerino'    . 
Cicero  travels  in  Greece  and  Asia 
Death  of  Sulla  ....•• 
Cicero  returns  to  Rome  and  marries  Terentia  (?) 
Serves  as  quaestor  for  a  year  for  Lilybaeum 
Accuses  Verres.    First  consulship  of  Pompey  and 

Crassus  . 

Curule  aedileship 

Praetorship.     Speech  '  Pro  Lege  Manilla'  . 
Birth  of  his  son  Marcus     .... 

Election  as  consul 

Consulship.     Speeches  against  Catiline 
Quarrel  with  Clodius          .         .         .         . 
First  consulship  of  Caesar.     (First  triumvirate) 
Exile  of  Cicero.    He  returns  to  Italy  Aug.  5,  57 
Reconciliation  with  Pompey  and  Caesar 
Defeat  and  Death  of  Crassus 
Murder  of  Clodius.    Third  and  sole  consulship  of 
Pompey 


87 

86 

83 
81 

80 

79-78 

78 

77 

75-74 

70 
69 
66 

65 
64 

63 
61 

59 
58-57 
56 

53 

52 

^  I  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  give  the  authorities  for  these  dates.  Those  re- 
lating to  Cicero's  personal  history  will  be  found  either  on  pp.  xxvii-xxxi,  or  in  the 
Introductions  to  the  various  Parts. 


Date  B  c. 
106 

89 
88 


I 


] 


\ 


X 


\ 


t*4f        *■  ■■*»* 


_  ^> 


A 

1^ 


,1 


\ 


\ 


Age  of  Cicero. 
55-56 

57-58 


59 
60 

61 
62 

63 


Date  B.C. 
Government  of  Cilicia.     Cicero  returns  to  Italy 

Nov.  24,  50  B.c 5i"5o 

Civil  war.     Cicero  joins  Pompey  in  Greece,  but 

returns  to  Italy  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalus. 

Death  of  Pompey         .....     49-48 
Cicero  is  restored  to  Caesar's  favour  ...         47 
War  in  Africa.     Death  of  Cato.     Cicero  divorces 

Terentia  and  marries  Publilia  ...  46 
Death  of  Tullia.  War  in  Spain.  Battle  of  Munda  45 
Murder  of  Caesar.    Cicero  sets  out  for  Greece,  but 

returns.  Delivers  the  first  four  Philippics  .  44 
Cicero  delivers  the  last  ten  Philippics.     War  of 

Mutina.    Death  of  Cicero,  Dec.  7         .        .        43 


\. 


SELECT     LETTERS 


OF 


i; 


M.    TULLIUS    CICERO, 


>i 


PART    I. 

From  Cicero's  birth  to  his  return  to  Rome  from 

EXILE,   57   B.C. 


\ 


n 


INTRODUCTION. 

§  I.  M.  TuLLius  Cicero  was  born  at  Arpinum  Jan.  3,  106  b.c.^  His 
father  bore  the  same  name,  and  was  a  Roman  knight  of  considerable 
landed  property ;  his  mother,  Helvia,  is  said^  to  have  belonged  to  a 
good  family.  Cicero  calls  the  poet  Archias,  who  went  to  Rome  in 
102^,  one  of  his  earliest  teachers*;  and  hence  it  is  probable  that  the 
family  removed  to  Rome  about  that  time. 

Both  the  greatest  orators  of  the  time — L.  Crassus  and  M.  Antonius — 
took  an  interest  in  Cicero's  education^;  and  his  uncle  Lucius  accom- 
panied Antonius,  who  received  about  this  time  a  commission  to  suppress 
piracy,  to  the  East^. 

After  completing  his  earlier  studies'^  Cicero  began  to  attend  the  lessons 
of  a  Latin  rhetorician,  L.  Plotius,  for  which,  however,  he  afterwards  sub- 
stituted those  of  Greek  teachers  ^  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  often 
listened  to  the  answers  given  on  points  of  law  by  Q.  Mucins  Scaevola, 
the  augur  ^ ;  but  his  legal  education  was  interrupted  by  the  Social  War, 
in  which  he  ^^  served  under  the  consul  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo,  and  Scaevola 
died  about  this  time.  Cicero,  however,  resumed  his  studies  under  another 
Scaevola,  cousin  of  his  late  teacher,  and  pontifex  maximus.  Among  his 
teachers  in  philosophy  were  the  Academic  Philo  and  the  Stoic  Diodotus ; 
in  rhetoric,  ApoUonius,  surnamed  Molon,  of  Rhodes,  who  was  then  at 
Rome,  and  whose  precepts  were  illustrated  by  the  speeches  of  the  elo- 
quent tribune  P.  Sulpicius  ^^ 

»  Aul.  Gell.  N.  A.  15.  28,  3 ;  Plut.  Cic.  2.  "  Plut.  Cic.  i.  «Pro  Arch.  3,  5.  Mb.  I. 
'  De  Orat.  2.  i,  3.  *  lb.  ''  Suringar  p.  533.  *  Fragm.  222  ap.  Nobbe. 

»  Brut.  89,  306.  ^  Philipp.  12.  II,  27.  "  Brut.  89,  90. 


2  INTRODUCTION 

§  2.  Cicero  mentions,  as  early  works  of  his,  a  translation'  of  the 
Economics  of  Xenophon,  and  a  treatise  on  rhetoric ;  but  whether  the 
latter  was  any  of  the  works  now  extant  under  his  name,  is  doubtful^ 

He  seems  to  have  remained  neutral  during  the  civil  wars  of  Marius 
and  Sulla  and  their  partisans  or  successors.  After  the  final  triumph 
of  Sulla,  he  delivered  the  first  of  his  speeches  which  has  come  down 
to  us,  that  on  behalf  of  P.  Quinctius  ^  and  resumed,  apparently  *,  his 
attendance  upon  Molon's  teaching. 

At  the  age  of  26,  in  80  b.c,  he  boldly  undertook  the  defence  of 
Sex.  Roscius,  of  Ameria,  whom  some  of  Sulla's  creatures  had  con- 
spired to  accuse  of  parricide';  and,  shortly  afterwards,  pleaded  on 
behalf  of  a  woman  of  Arretium,  in  a  case  involving  the  validity  of 
Sulla's  harsh  measures  with  respect  to  that  placed 

Partly,  perhaps,  to  avoid  the  hostility  aroused  by  these  acts,  partly  to 
rest  from  exertions  which  he  was  told  were  injuring  his  health,  Cicero 
left  Rome  in  79  b.c.  After  spending  six  months  at  Athens,  where 
he  studied  under  Antiochus,  a  philosopher  of  the  old  Academy,  he 
travelled  in  Asia,  and  found  an  opportunity  of  again  receiving  instruction 
from  Molon,  who  had  returned  to  Rhodes'^.  Cicero  was  absent  from 
Rome  about  two  years  in  all;  and  returned  much  stronger  in  health 
and  taught  how  to  husband  his  powers  in  speaking.  He  was  now 
29  years  old:  his  first  marriage*  must  have  taken  place  in  this  year 
at  latest.  His  wife,  Terentia,  was  apparently  a  woman  of  good  family, 
and  certainly  possessed  a  respectable  landed  property®. 

Q.  Hortensius  Hortalus  and  C.  Aurelius  Cotta  enjoyed  the  highest 
reputation  as  orators  at  this  time  ^^ 

§  3.  In  the  year  76  b.c,  Cicero  was  elected  one  of  the  quaestors 
by  a  large  majority",  and  was  assigned  to  the  department  of  Lilybaeum ^^ 
Sex.  Peducaeus  being  propraetor  of  Sicily.  During  his  residence  in  the 
island,  Cicero  discovered  the  tomb  of  Archimedes  ^^  and  before  returning 
to  Rome  delivered  a  speech  to  the  Sicilians  at  Lilybaeum^*. 

He  seems  to  have  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  with  zeal  and 
honesty,  and  to  have  won  the  regard  both  of  the  SiciUans  and  of  his 
own  countrymen,  to  whom  his  diligence  in  supplying  the  capital  with 
corn  at  a  time  of  scarcity  was  most  welcome  '**. 

From  73  to  71  b.c,  Sicily  was  oppressed  by  C.  Verres,  while  public 

1  De  Off.  2.  24,  87.  ^  De  Orat.  i.  2,  5.  '  Pro  Quinct.  24,  76.  *  Or  began  it: 
cp.  Brut.  90,  312,  with  Suringar  p.  565.  '  Aul.  Gell.  N.  A.  15.  28.  «  Pro  Caec. 

33^  07.  ''  Brut.  91,  316.  *  Baiter,  and  Orelli,  Chronology  of  Cicero's  life. 

»  Ad  Fam.  14.  I,  5 ;  Plut.  Cic.  8.         "  Brut.  92,  317.         "  In  Pis.  i,  2 ;  Brut.  92,  318. 
«  Div.  in  Caec.  I,  2,  Ascon.  Comment. :  cp.  Pro  Plane.  27,  65.  ^  Tusc.  Disp.  5. 

23,  64.      "  Ascon.  Comment,  ad  Div.  in  Caec.  i.      "  Pro  Plane.  26,  64;  Plut.  Cic.  6. 


^ 


\ 


I 


J 


]  TO  THE  FIRST  PART  3 

attention  was  engrossed  at  Rome  by  the  wars  with  Sertorius,  Spar- 
tacus,  and  Mithridates.  The  war  with  Sertorius  was  brought  to  an  end 
in  72,  that  with  Spartacus  in  71;  but  these  triumphs  of  the  Roman 
government  were  followed  by  dissensions  among  its  supporters. 

The  only  speech  delivered  by  Cicero  between  the  years  75  and  71  b.c. 
which  has  been  preserved  to  us,  is  that  on  behalf  of  M.  TuUius,  spoken 
apparently  in  71^*  but  the  next  year  witnessed  the  memorable  prose- 
cution of  Verres,  with  which  Cicero's  political  career  may  be  said  to 
have  begun.     He  was  elected  curule  aedile  during  the  proceedings  ^. 

§  4.  Eight  years  had  elapsed  since  the  death  of  Sulla,  and  no  alter- 
ations of  importance  had  been  made  in  his  institutions :  the  tribunes 
of  the  people  were  still  deprived  of  their  old  power  of  initiating  legisla- 
tion; the  courts  of  criminal  justice  were  still  exclusively  compK)sed  of 
senators;  and  the  appointment  of  censors  had  been  discontinued  for 
several  years.  Moreover,  many  important  cities  in  Italy  were  still 
occupied  by  his  military  colonists ;  and  their  old  inhabitants,  with  many 
others,  were  suffering  from  the  effects  of  his  proscriptions  and  confis- 
cations. Nor  had  the  efforts  of  the  popular  party  to  effect  a  counter 
revolution  by  arms  been  successful.  Yet  the  aspect  of  affairs  can 
have  given  litde  satisfaction  to  the  more  far-sighted  members  of  the 
victorious  party.  Sulla  had  attempted  to  establish  the  supremacy  of 
the  senate  both  over  the  people  and  over  all  public  ofiicers ;  and  his 
constitution  required,  for  its  successful  working,  wisdom  and  firmness 
on  the  part  of  the  governing  body,  and  obedience  and  self-sacrifice 
on  the  part  of  the  highest  civil  and  military  officers.  Now,  there 
seem  to  have  been  few  men  in  the  senate  of  real  foresight,  even  as 
to  the  interests  of  their  own  order;  the  majority  were  selfish,  and, 
if  not  themselves  criminal,  inclined  to  look  with  indulgence  on  crimes 
committed  by  members  of  their  own  body^.  And  high  ofiicers  were  little 
inclined  to  respect  either  the  letter  or  the  spirit  of  the  constitution.  Usage 
required  that  a  provincial  governor  should  be,  or  should  have  been,  consul 
or  praetor;  but  Pompey,  without  having  held  either  office,  advanced  a 
claim  successfully  for  the  government  of  one  of  the  Spanish  provinces. 

Further,  a  minority  in  the  senate  had  never  approved  the  violent 
measures  of  Sulla.  The  equites  were,  probably,  exasperated  by  the 
loss  of  their  control  of  the  courts  of  criminal  justice.  The  exclusiveness 
of  the  government  drove  men  like  Cicero  into  the  ranks  of  the  oppo- 
sition. Many  Italian  communities,  especially  in  Etruria,  had  suffered 
loss  of  lands,  or  of  local   franchises,  at  the  hands  of  Sulla,  and  the 


*  Suringar,  Annal.  Cic.  sub  ann. 


*  In  Verr.  Act.  i.  9,  25  ;  13,  37. 


Even 


Verres  hoped  for  an  acquittal  by  the  aid  of  his  influential  connections :  v,  infra,  §  6. 

B  2 


\ 


h 


INTRODUCTION 


I 


4 

inhabitants  of  such  places  must  either  have  gone  to  Rome  to  swell 
the  turbulent  and  needy  population  of  the  capital,  or  have  formed  a 
dangerous  element  in  the  country  districts,  where  their  ranks  were 
soon  reinforced  by  numbers  of  bankrupt  military  colonists.  Lastly, 
the  metropolitan  populace,  composed  in  great  measure  of  foreigners 
and  freedmen,  and  the  numerous  slaves  in  Italy,  many  of  them  trained 
as  gladiators,  required  the  control  of  a  far  more  effective  police  than 
the  government  had  at  its  disposal. 

§  5.  Pompey  returned  from  Spain  in  71  b.c,  and  seems  to  have  put 
himself  in  communication  with  Crassus,  with  the  more  moderate  party 
in  the  senate,  and  with  the  leaders  of  the  democrats.  He  was  anxious 
to  obtain  the  distinctions  of  a  triumph  and  consulship,  and  could  not 
legally  enjoy  either  ^  The  motives  of  Crassus  in  supporting  him  are 
not  very  clear;  but  to  the  democrats  the  aid  of  the  greatest  general 
of  the  time  was  invaluable. 

The  results  of  this  powerful  combination,  which  seems  to  have  been 
effected  in  the  summer  of  71  b.c,  speedily  appeared.  Pompey  and 
Crassus  were  elected  consuls  for  70  b.c  Pompey  obtained  the  triumph 
he  desired,  and,  with  his  colleague,  proposed  or  supported  the  measures 
desired  by  the  democrats,  namely, — 

1.  The  abolition  of  the  restrictions  imposed  by  Sulla  on  the  power  of 
the  tribunes,  which  were  now  removed  by  a  Lex  Pompeia  tribunicia  ^ 

2.  A  remodelling  of  the  courts  of  criminal  justice.  They  were  hence- 
forth to  be  composed  of  senators,  equites,  and  tribuni  aerarii.  This 
change  was  effected  by  a  Lex  Aurelia,  proposed  by  L.  Cotta,  brother 
of  the  consul  in  75  b.c,  and  bears  the  marks  of  compromised 

3.  A  re-establishment  of  the  censorship*. 

These  measures  reversed  all  the  more  important  political  changes 
of  Sulla.  But  they  did  litde  for  the  direct  mitigation  of  the  social  and 
economical  evils  from  which  Rome  and  Italy  were  suflfering. 

§  6.  The  prosecution  of  Verres  took  place  during  the  summer  of 
70  B.C.  The  friends  of  the  accused  were  anxious,  first,  to  deprive 
Cicero  of  the  conduct  of  the  prosecution ;  secondly,  to  delay  the  trial  till 
the  next  year,  when  Verres'  advocate  Hortensius  would  be  consul,  and 
the  composition  of  the  court  might  be  more  favourable.  But  Cicero's 
vigilance  baffled  them.  He  made  only  a  short  speech  in  opening  the 
case,   and  then  summoned  the  witnesses,  whose  disclosures  were   so 

^  Not  the  triumph,  for  he  had  held  no  magistracy ;  not  the  consulship,  for  he  was  too 
young,  and  had  not  been  praetor  or  aediie.      Cp.  Cic.  Philipp.  5.  17,  48 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  i. 


\\\ 


I, 


f 


^ 


ICX). 


App.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  121 ;  Cic.  De  Legg.  3.  9,  22 :  3.  11,  26. 


in  Pison.  p.  129,  §  94;    Ad  Att.  I.  j6,  3. 
loc.     Fasti  Consulares  for  70  b.c. 


'  Ascon. 
*  Div.  in  Caec.  3,  8 ;  Schol.  Gronov.  ad 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART.  .  5 

overwhelming  that  Hortensius  gave  up  the  defence,  and  Verres  went 
into  exile.  The  affair  may  have  contributed  to  the  enactment  of  the  Lex 
Aurelia  mentioned  above  ;  and,  to  deepen  the  impression  which  it  made, 
Cicero  published  five  speeches  which  he  might  have  delivered  had  the  case 
gone  on,  and  in  which  he  summed  up  the  evidence  at  great  length  \ 

During  the  three  following  years,  69-67  b.c,  Cicero  seems  to  have 
taken  Httle  part  in  politics.  In  his  aedileship  he  received  presents 
from  the  Sicilians,  and  applied  them  to  the  public  service;  an  oppor- 
tunity of  winning  popular  favour  which  was  the  more  welcome,  as 
the  moderate  extent  of  his  own  fortune  prevented  his  offering  the 
usual  entertainments  to  the  people  on  a  splendid  scaled  In  69  he 
defended  M.  Fonteius  on  a  charge  of  misgovernment  in  Gaul;  and 
parts  of  his  speech^  diminish  our  respect  for  the  spirit  he  shewed  in 
accusing  Verres.  The  speech  on  behalf  of  A.  Caecina  very  likely  be- 
longs to  the  same  year.  In  the  next,  68,  Cicero  lost  his  father,  and 
his  first  cousin  Lucius  *.  His  brother  Quintus  married  Pomponia,  sister 
of  Atticus,  about  the  same  lime.  The  earliest  of  Cicero's  letters  which 
have  been  preserved  date  from  the  same  year,  but  contain  little  of 
general  interest  ^  The  speech  Pro  Q.  Roscio  Comoedo  was  probably 
delivered  in  68  or  67  b.c  Roscius  had  previously  given  Cicero  lessons 
in  elocution  ^ 

§  7.  In  the  year  67  b.c,  having  reached  the  age  required  by  law  of 
candidates  for  the  praetorship,  Cicero  sued  for  that  office ;  and  such  was 
his  popularity,  that  though  the  comitia  were  twice  adjourned,  he  was  at 
the  head  of  the  poll  on  all  three  occasions  ^ 

Various  measures  of  more  or  less  importance  were  carried  during  this 
year.  C.  Cornelius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  proposed  and  carried  laws 
restricting  the  powers  of  the  senate  to  grant  exemptions  from  the  opera- 
tion of  particular  laws,  and  binding  the  praetors  to  publish  their  edicts  at 
once  on  coming  into  office,  and  to  adhere  to  them  ^  His  supporters  be- 
haved with  great  turbulence.  L.  Roscius  Otho,  another  tribune,  carried 
a  law  assigning  to  the  equites  special  places  in  the  theatre.  Cicero  was 
of  an  equestrian  family,  and,  both  on  personal  and  public  grounds,  he 
approved  this  measure  ^  as  calculated  to  draw  the  equites  nearer  to  the 
senate.  He  also  approved  of  a  far  more  important  law  of  the  same 
date  ^^  that  of  A.  Gabinius  commissioning  Pompey  to  act  against  the 
pirates  of  Cilicia  with  very  extensive  powers. 

The  foreign  history  of  Rome  had  been  very  chequered  during  the  few 

»  The  five  books  of  the  second  Actio  in  Verrem.  ^  Pro  Muren.  19,  40;  De  Off. 

2.  17,  59.  3  Cp.  Pro  Font.  3  ;  lo ;  14.  *  Ad  Att.  i.  5,  I ;  I.  6,  2.  ^  lb.  i. 

5-7.     6  Drumann.  5.  346;  Plut.  Cic.  5.     ^  Ad  Att.  i.  II,  2;  Pro  Leg.  Man.  I,  2.     «  Dion 
Cassius  36.  22 ;  23.     «  Pro  Muren.  19,  40;  Ad  Att.  2.  I,  3.     »<>  Pro  Leg.  Man.  17,  52. 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART. 


past  years.  In  October  69  b.c,  L.  Lucullus  had  gained  a  splendid 
victory  over  Tigranes  of  Armenia,  and  had  taken  Tigranocerta ;  but  he 
was  unpopular  with  his  army,  and  ill-supported  by  the  home  government. 
His  lieutenants,  also,  in  Armenia  and  Pontus,  were  defeated  by  Mithri- 
dates,  and  he  was  successively  deprived  of  the  government  of  Asia  and 
Cilicia,  and  of  the  conduct  of  the  war.  The  officer  named  to  succeed 
him  in  the  last  duty,  M\  Acilius  Glabrio,  declined,  however,  to  act ;  but 
Lucullus  could  only  stand  on  the  defensive  near  the  Upper  Halys  ^ 

Pompey,  on  the  other  hand,  executed  his  commission  to  suppress 
piracy  with  brilliant  success,  and  passed  the  winter  of  67-66  B.C.  in 
Cilicia,  preparing,  apparently,  to  act  against  Q.  Metellus  in  Crete  ^  who 
declined  to  recognise  the  supremacy  granted  to  Pompey,  by  the  law  of 
Gabinius,  over  all  provincial  governors. 

§  8.  Such  was  the  position  of  affairs  when  Cicero  entered  on  his 
praetorship  in  the  beginning  of  66  b.c  He  presided  in  the  court  which 
tried  cases  of  extortion  (quaestio  repetundarum),  and  appears  to  have 
acted  with  integrity  ^  especially  on  the  trial  of  the  wealthy  C.  Licinius 
Macer  *.  He  delivered  various  speeches  before  other  tribunals  ;  among 
others,  that  on  behalf  of  A.  Cluentius  Habitus. 

The  most  important  event  of  the  year  66  b.c,  both  for  Rome  and  for 
Cicero,  was  the  enactment  of  the  Lex  Manilla,  transferring  to  Pompey  the 
command  against  Mithridates,  with  the  government  of  Pontus,  Bithynia, 
and  Cilicia,  while  he  was  to  retain  the  commission  he  held  to  act  against 
the  pirates.  Cicero  earnestly  supported  this  measure,  in  a  speech  still 
extant^,  and  his  attachment  to  the  great  general  had  so  important  an 
influence  on  his  subsequent  career,  that  we  may  pause  to  consider  briefly 
its  nature  and  grounds. 

Pompey  had  done  more  than  any  contemporary  to  reverse  the 
measures  of  Sulla.  Though  not,  like  Cicero,  a  *  novus  homo,'  he 
was  by  no  means  of  high  nobility;  and  his  supporters  were  mainly 
to  be  found  among  the  equites,  the  middle  classes  in  the  country 
districts,  and  at  times  among  the  populace  of  the  capital,  as  w^as  the 
case,  to  a  great  extent,  with  Cicero  himself.  Both  in  Spain  and  in 
Asia  Pompey  had  displayed  courage  and  judgment;  and  he  was  a 
good  husband  and  father.  Thus,  as  a  successful  general,  a  moderate 
politician,  and  a  Roman  of  old-fashioned  morality,  Pompey  acquired 
an  ascendancy  over  Cicero,  which  the  errors  and  inconsistencies  of  his 
later  conduct  never  entirely  destroyed. 

1  Dion  Cassias  35;  Veil.  2.  33;  App.  Mithr.  90;  91 ;  Plut.  Lucull.  35.  "  He  was 

cousin  of  Q.  Metellus  Pius,  and  had  gained  victories  in  Crete  in  68-67.  Dion  Cassius  36.  i ; 
2  ;  28  ;  Veil.  2.  34;  Plut.  Pomp.  29.  3  pi^  q\^  ^  «  ^^j  ^^   j   ^^  ^ 

•  Pro  Lege  Manilla,  or  De  Imperio  Cn.  Pompeii. 


Tullia  was  betrothed  in  66  b.c  to  C.  Calpurnius  Piso,  but  apparently 
not  married  for  some  years  \ 

It  appears  that  Cicero's  brother,  Quintus,  was  elected  curule  aedile  for 
65  B.c^  P.  Sulla  and  P.  Autronius  were  elected  consuls  for  the  same 
year,  but  were  convicted  of  bribery,  which  annulled  their  election.  They 
then  combined  with  Cn.  Piso  and  L.  Sergius  Catilina  to  murder  L.  Cotta 
and  L.  Torquatus,  who  had  been  elected  to  fill  their  places.  The  plot 
was  to  be  carried  out  on  Dec.  31  ^  but  failed,  owing  to  some  misunder- 
standing. Catiline  had  just  returned  from  governing  Africa  as  propraetor, 
and  probably  feared  a  prosecution,  envoys  from  the  province  having 
arrived  at  Rome  to  complain  of  his  conduct. 

In  the  year  65  b.c,  Cicero  defended  C.  Cornelius,  the  tribune  of  67  *; 
and  perhaps  delivered  the  speech  '  de  rege  Alexandrino '  of  which  some 
fragments  have  been  preserved  ^  Having  declined  the  administration 
of  a  province  as  propraetor*',  he  began  to  prosecute  his  canvass  for 
the  consulship,  which,  however,  he  could  not  legally  hold  till  63''.  The 
election  for  64  resulted  in  favour  of  L.  lulius  Caesar,  maternal  uncle  of 
M.  Antonius,  the  triumvir,  and  of  C.  Marcius  Figulus  ^  Cicero  mentions 
among  his  own  antagonists,  Catiline,  C.  Antonius,  and  two  more  respect- 
able men,  P.  Galba  and  Q.  Cornificius.  He  begged  Atticus,  who  was  then 
at  Athens,  to  come  to  Rome  to  help  him  in  his  canvass,  and  to  do  all  he 
could  for  him  with  the  friends  of  Pompey  \  Nor  did  he  shrink  from  more 
questionable  electioneering  manoeuvres.  For  he  thought  of  defending 
Catiline,  of  whose  guilt  he  had  no  doubt,  on  a  charge  of  extortion ;  hoping 
that,  if  acquitted,  he  would  coalesce  with  his  advocate  ^^  Opinions  differed, 
even  among  writers  living  within  a  century  of  Cicero's  death,  whether  he 
actually  defended  CatiHne  or  not ".  Moreover,  he  declined  to  support 
Caecilius,  uncle  of  Atticus,  in  a  just  suit  against  one  Caninius  Satyrus, 
out  of  regard  both  for  Caninius  himself,  and  for  his  powerful  friend 
L.  Domitius  'I  Catiline  was  acquitted,  owing  to  the  corruption  of  the 
judges  and  the  treachery  of  his  accuser,  P.  Clodius  ". 

Cicero's  son  Marcus  was  born  on  the  day  of  election  of  consuls  for 
64  b.c^*  Atticus,  in  compliance  with  Cicero's  request,  returned  to 
Rome  from  Athens,  where  he  had  lived  22  years  ^*. 

In  the  next  year,  64  b.c,  Cicero's  attention  must  have  been  mainly 
occupied  by  his  canvass  for  the  consulship.  We  have  no  letters  of  this 
date,  nor  does  he  seem  to  have  made  any  remarkable  speeches,  with  the 

*  Ad  Att.  I.  3,  3.     For  an  account  of  Piso,  cp.  infra,  §  22.  *  Ad  Att.  I.  4,  I. 

8  In  Cat.  I.  6,  15  ;  Sail.  Cat.  18.  *  Ascon.  In  Cornelian.  93.  '  Cp.  Mommsen  4.  i, 
166,  note.  «  Pro  Muren.  20,  42.  "^  De  Off.  2.  17,  59.  »  Ad  Att.  i.  2,  i.  lb.  1^1,2. 
w  lb.  I.  2,  I.  ^1  lb.  I.  2,  2.  note.  ^=*  lb.  i.  i,  3-  "  ^b.  I.  2,  i ;  Q.  Cic. 

De  Pet.  Cons.  3,  10;  in  Pison.  10,  23.  "  Ad  Att.  i.  2,  i.  "  Appendix  3,  §  i. 


»     S 


8 


INTRODUCTION 


exception  of  that  *  in  toga  Candida/  which  we  possess  in  fragments.  It 
contained  a  violent  attack  on  Catiline.  Atticus  seems  to  have  been  at 
Rome  throughout  the  year. 

It  must  have  been  about  this  time  that  Cicero  received  from  his  brother 
Quintus  the  letter  '  de  Petitione  Consulatus/  He  was  elected  consul  by 
a  large  majority,  in  spite  of  the  support  which  both  Caesar  and  Crassus 
are  said  to  have  given  to  Catiline  and  C.  Antonius.  Antonius  was 
elected  by  a  small  majority  over  Catiline  ^ 

63    B.C. 

§  9.  Cicero  had  now  attained  the  summit  of  his  desires :  he  entered 
on  his  consulship  Jan.  i,  63  b.c.  On  that  day  he  addressed  the  senate 
against  an  agrarian  law  proposed  by  P.  Rullus,  and  followed  up  this 
speech  by  one  addressed  to  the  people  on  the  same  subject ;  in  which, 
however,  he  did  not  venture  to  attack  the  principle  of  an  agrarian  law, 
and  spoke  with  respect  of  the  Gracchi  ^. 

It  has  been  already  remarked,  that  little  had  been  done  to  remedy  the 
social  distress  and  disorder  which  had  resulted  from  Sulla's  legislation. 
But  the  restoration  of  the  old  powers  of  the  tribunate  had  made  an 
opening  for  attempts  to  relieve  it ;  and  P.  ServDius  Rullus,  one  of  the 
tribunes  for  64-63  B.c.^  made  a  proposal  for  the  division  of  the  state 
lands  in  Campania  among  the  people,  and  for  the  purchase  of  other 
lands  for  a  similar  purpose  *.  This  proposal  respected  private  property, 
and  might  have  created  a  valuable  class  of  proprietors,  while  relieving 
the  capital  of  its  superfluous  population*.  But  Rullus  proposed  to 
entrust  the  carrying  out  of  the  law  to  a  commission  armed  with  very 
extensive  powers,  of  which  Pompey  should  not  be  a  member,  and 
which  should  be  appointed  by  a  novel  mode  of  election.  All  these 
provisions  might  give  offence;  and  Cicero's  declamations  against  the 
formidable  powers  to  be  given  to  the  commission,  and  his  appeals  to 
popular  jealousy  of  Capua,  were  sufficient  to  defeat  the  measure.  It  is 
possible  that  Rullus  may  have  acted  in  concert  with  Caesar  and  others, 
and  that  the  commission  may  have  been  intended  to  form  a  counterpoise 
to  the  power  of  Pompey.     But  such  a  supposition  seems  needless  to 

*  Ascon.  ad  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  118.  2  pg  Leg.  Agrar.  2.  5,  10.  =»  I  have 

occasionally  described  the  tribunes'  year  of  oiBce  thus,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  as  they 
entered  on  their  functions  in  December  and  so  held  office  during  parts  of  two  years.  Where 
only  one  year  is  mentioned,  that  in  which  they  passed  the  greater  part  of  their  term  is  re- 
ferred to.  *  De  Leg.  Agrar.  2.  28,  76;  24-27.  ^  The  objects  of  an  agrarian  law 
cannot  be  better  described  than  in  Cicero's  own  words  on  another  occasion :  '  et  sentinam 
urbis  exhauriri  et  solitudinem  Italiae  frequentari  posse  arbitrabar.'  Ad  Att.  i.  lo,  4.  He 
protests,  however,  against  the  propriety  of  similar  language  when  used  by  Rullus.'  Cp.  de 
Leg.  Agr.  2.  26,  70. 


^ 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART.  9 

account  for  the  introduction  of  a  measure  thoroughly  in  accordance  with 
the  policy  of  the  popular  party  ^ 

Cicero  also  opposed  a  measure  for  removing  the  political  disabilities 
which  Sulla  had  imposed  on  the  children  of  proscribed  persons  ^.  He 
may  have  justified  his  opposition  by  the  danger  to  be  feared  from  the 
removal ;  but  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  failure  of  these  two 
proposals  turned  the  thoughts  of  many  towards  revolution. 

The  popular  leaders  succeeded,  however,  in  reversing  one  of  Sulla's 
reactionary  enactments;  for  the  tribune  T.  Labienus  carried  a  law 
restoring  the  mode  of  appointing  augurs,  which  Sulla  had  abolished, 
and  by  which  candidates  for  admission  into  the  college  were  nominated  by 
two  members  of  it,  elected  by  17  tribes  chosen  by  lot  out  of  the  35,  and, 
finally,  admitted  by  the  college  itself.  It  appears  that  this  law  also 
restored  the  election  of  the  pontifex  maximus  to  the  people  ^. 

Cicero  advocated  in  the  senate  a  grant  of  unusual  honours  to  Pompey. 
A  *  supplicatio '  of  twelve  days  was  voted  in  honour  of  his  eastern 
victories  *. 

Of  the  other  speeches  delivered  by  Cicero  in  this  year,  before  his 
attention  was  engrossed  by  Catiline's  conspiracy,  the  two  most  important 
were,  one  spoken  to  reconcile  the  people  to  the  precedence  enjoyed  by 
the  equites  in  the  theatre  under  the  law  of  L.  Roscius  Otho  ^  and  one  in 
defence  of  C.  Rabirius  ^  This  man  had  taken  an  active  part  in  suppress- 
ing the  insurrection  of  Saturninus  in  the  year  100  b.c,  and  was  prose- 
cuted for  murder,  or  '•  perduellio,'  by  Labienus.  This  trial  involved  the 
question  whether  the  senate  could  invest  the  consuls  with  absolute  powers 
of  life  and  death ;  and  Rabirius  would  probably  have  been  condemned, 
if  means  had  not  been  found  to  evade  a  decision  '^  when  the  case  came 
on  appeal  before  the  comitia  centuriata. 

Cicero  introduced  a  measure  relieving  the  provinces  of  a  considerable 
burden,  by  limiting  the  duration  of '  legationes  liberae '  to  one  year  ^ 

§  10.  It  does  not  appear  how  soon  Cicero  became  aware  of  the 
resumption  of  the  treasonable  designs  of  Catiline.  He  lost  no  time, 
however,  in  securing  his  colleague  Antonius  to  the  cause  of  order. 
Macedonia  and  Cisalpine  Gaul  had  been  assigned  as  the  provinces  to 
be  governed  by  the  consuls  for  63  b.c,  on  the  expiration  of  their  year 
of  office.  Cicero  allowed  his  colleague  to  obtain  Macedonia  ®,  which 
he  desired,  and,  renouncing  his  own  claim  to  govern  a  province  at  all, 

*  Cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigraph.  I.  272,  273,  with  Mommsen  4.  i,  170-172,  and 
both  with  the  second  Oration  De  Leg.  Agrar.,  passim.  ^  Ad  Att.  1.  i,  3.  '  Dion 

Cassius  37.  37;  Cic.  De  Leg.  Agrar.  2.  7.  *  De  Prov.  Cons.  11,  27;  Ad  Fam. 

1.9,11.  5  ^d  Att.  2.  I,  3.  Mb.  "^  Dion  Cassius  37.  27  and  28; 

Merivale  I.  124-127  ;  Mommsen  4.  i,  159.  '  Cic.  De  Legg.  3.  8,  18.  *  Ad  Att. 

a.  I,  3,  note;  Ad  Fam.  5.  5 ;  Dion  Cassius  37.  33. 


lO 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART. 


II 


contrived  that  Cisalpine  Gaul  should  be  secured  to  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  one 
of  the  praetors  for  63.     Cicero  addressed  the  people  on  the  subject  \ 

It  is  uncertain  how  far  the  conspirators  were  supported  by  men  of 
high  position  discontented  with  the  government.  Both  Caesar  and 
Crassus  were  seriously  suspected;  but,  if  the  latter  was  really  privy 
to  the  plot,  the  anarchical  designs  of  Catiline  must  have  been  represented 
by  Cicero  with  much  exaggeration,  which  is  in  any  case  probable  *. 

Cicero  was  well  informed  by  a  spy  among  the  conspirators,  Q.  Curius, 
of  their  proceedings^;  and  invited  Catiline  in  the  senate  to  clear  himself. 
Catiline  replied  in  language  of  obscure  menace  *,  but  Cicero  complained 
that  the  senate  did  not  pass  decrees  sufficiently  strong  to  meet  the  danger 
and  left  him  to  provide  for  his  own  safety  at  the  consular  comitia, 
which  appear  to  have  been  held  a  few  days  afterwards,  and  at  which 
D.  lunius  Silanus  and  L.  Licinius  Murena  were  elected  consuls  for  62 
B.c.  Metellus  Celer  went  to  raise  forces  in  Picenum  and  Gaul  for  the 
government,  while  Catiline,  to  avoid  suspicion,  offered  himself  for  free 
custody  in  the  house  of  some  eminent  senator.  On  October  21  the 
senate  by  a  decree  commissioned  the  consuls  to  provide  for  the  safety  of 
the  state ;  and  a  plot  of  Catiline  to  murder  Cicero  and  other  eminent 
men  on  October  28  failed.  He  was  not,  however,  discouraged ;  and  at 
a  meeting  at  the  house  of  M.  Porcius  Laeca,  on  the  night  of  Nov.  6-7, 
a  fresh  plot  was  formed  to  murder  Cicero,  but  failed  through  timely 
information  being  conveyed  to  the  intended  victim.  On  the  8th  Cicero 
denounced  the  conspirators  before  the  senate  ^,  and  Catiline  left  Rome 
that  night.  Next  day  Cicero  addressed  the  people  in  terms  of  mingled 
exultation  and  warning^. 

§  II.    The    next   decisive  step  followed  the  disclosure  of  intrigues 

*  Ad  Att.  1.  c. ;  Ad  Fam.  5.  2,  3  :    q).  De  Leg.  Agrar.  i.  8,  26.  ''I  am  aware  that 

high  authorities  speak  more  decidedly  on  this  question.  Lord  Macaulay  (Miscellaneous 
Works,  I.  257 ;  Essay  on  History),  Mr.  De  Quincey  (Cicero,  vol.  vi.  of  Collected  Works, 
pp.  231-233,  and  The  Caesars,  vol.  ix.  of  Collected  Works,  p.  43),  and  Professor  Beesly 
(Fortnightly  Review,  for  May  30,  1865),  all  consider  that  the  plot  was  a  genuine  popular 
movement,  and  state  or  imply  a  belief  that  Caesar  supported  it.  Mommsen  accepts  in  the 
main  the  ordinary  view  of  the  conspiracy,  but  thinks  that  the  popular  party,  in  its  abasement 
and  fear  of  Pompey,  was  willing  to  co-operate  with  the  conspirators.  Some  of  the  evidence 
he  produces  is  very  striking  (cp.  vol.  iv.  i,  181-183),  but  hardly,  perhaps,  conclusive.  The 
nature  of  the  conspiracy  has  been  probably  somewhat  misrepresented,  and  the  character  of 
the  conspirators  blackened,  by  Cicero;  but,  in  my  judgment,  the  safest  course  is,  with  Meri- 
vale  (i.  86),  to  call  the  reader's  attention  to  the  suspicious  nature  of  the  evidence,  as  derived 
mainly  from  Cicero,  and  to  leave  him  to  form  his  own  conclusions.  Sallust,  indeed,  supports 
Cicero  in  the  main ;  but  considerable  doubt  has  been  thrown  upon  the  historical  character 
of  his  work  by  Mommsen  (4.  i,  184),  Merivale  (History  i.  87 ;  2.  88),  and  by  a  reviewer 
of  Dean  Merivale's  work  in  the  Edinburgh  Review  for  July  1850.  ^  Sail.  Cat.  26. 

*  Cic.  Pro  Muren.  25,  51.  Lange,  3.  241,  has  made  it  probable  that  the  scene  here  re- 
ferred to  took  place  some  days  earlier  than  I  stated  previously ;  perhaps  on  Sept.  22.  Cp.  Suet. 
Octav.  5;  94.  *  In  Cat.  I.  *  lb.  2.     The  principal  authorities  for  the  preceding 

paragraph  are  Cic.  In  Cat.  I.  3-5  ;  pro  Muren.  35  ;  pro  Sulla  18;  Sail.  Cat.  26-32. 


<«' 


between  the  conspirators  and  some  envoys  of  the  Allobroges  then  at 
Rome.  The  envoys  disclosed  the  offers  made  to  them,  and  were 
arrested  on  the  night  of  Dec.  3-4.  Documents  were  found  upon 
them  compromising  Lentulus,  Cethegus,  and  others,  whereon  the  latter 
were  also  arrested.  The  senate,  on  Dec.  4,  voted  that  they  should 
be  committed  to  custody,  and  that  Cicero  should  be  honoured  by  a 
*  supplicatio.'  He  addressed  ^  the  people  on  the  same  day,  congratu- 
lating them  on  the  virtual  suppression  of  the  plot.  Next  day,  Dec.  5, 
the  punishment  of  the  conspirators  was  discussed  in  the  senate,  and, 
in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  C.  Caesar,  a  majority  voted  for  their  execution, 
Cicero  supported  this  course,  though  not  very  decidedly,  in  his  fourth 
speech  against  Catiline.  The  execution  took  place  that  evening :  Lentulus, 
Cethegus,  and  three  others,  were  strangled  in  a  dungeon  near  the  Capitol  *. 

At  an  earlier  period  of  the  year,  Cicero  had  proposed  and  carried 
a  law  ^  increasing  the  penalties  for  bribery  and  other  illegal  practices  at 
elections.  Ser.  Sulpicius,  M.  Cato,  and  others,  prosecuted  L.  Murena,  one 
of  the  consuls  elect,  under  this  law ;  but  Cicero  defended  him,  and  he  was 
acquitted.  The  speech  is  strangely  omitted  in  a  list  given  by  Cicero  of 
those  of  his  consulate  *.  It  was  delivered  after  Catiline's  flight  from  Rome  *. 

On  Dec.  31,  one  of  the  new  tribunes,  Q.  Metellus  Nepos,  prevented 
Cicero  from  addressing  the  people  on  going  out  of  office,  saying  that  he 
had  put  Roman  citizens  to  death  without  trial.  Cicero  declared,  amid 
the  applause  of  the  people,  that  he  had  saved  his  country  ^  The  incident 
was  significant,  for  Metellus  was  a  decided  adherent  of  Pompey. 

It  is  evident  that,  before  the  close  of  his  consulship,  Cicero  had 
definitely  quitted  the  popular  party;  even  during  his  year  of  office 
a  change  of  tone  may  be  noticed '^.  Various  causes  may  have  con- 
tributed to  produce  this  result;  satisfied  ambition  and  the  flatteries 
of  the  leading  nobles;  the  estrangement  of  the  popular  party  from 
Pompey;  and  the  suspicions  under  which  its  leaders  lay  of  complicity 
with  Catiline.  The  same  causes  naturally  tended  to  strengthen  tKe 
dominant  party  in  the  senate  generally. 

But  Cicero  saw  that  the  senate  could  only  maintain  its  position  by 
keeping  up  a  good  understanding  with  the  equites  and  with  Pompey; 
and  he  worked  hard  to  maintain  such  an  understanding.  His  letters 
show  how  his  exertions  were  baffled  by  the  selfishness  and  personal 
jealousy  of  some  senators,  and  by  the  ill-timed  rigour  of  Cato  ^ 

*  In  Cat.  3.  ^  lb.  4;  Sail.  Cat.  55;  Ad  Att.  2.  i,  3;  12.  21,  I.  *  Pro 

Muren.  23;  32,  68.  *  Ad  Att.  2.  i,  3,  where  that  Pro  C.  Pisone  is  also  omitted. 

^  Pro  Muren.  37.  *  Ad  Fam.  5.  2,  7.  ''  Compare  his  language  about  the 

Gracchi  in  January  and  November;  De  Leg.  Agrar.  2.  5,  10;  In  Cat.  I.  I,  3  and  I.  2,  4. 
»  Ad  Att.  I.  17;  1.  18;   2,  I. 


12 


INTRODUCTION 


C.  Octavius,  afterwards  emperor,  was  born  on  Sept.  23  in  this  year^ 
and  C.  Caesar  was  elected  one  of  the  praetors  for  62  b.c.  He  was 
also  elected  pontifex  maximus,  though  Q.  Catulus  was  brought  forward 
against  him  ^. 

62   B.C. 

§  12.  Catiline,  on  hearing  of  the  execution  of  his  accomplices,  had 
attempted  to  make  his  way  into  Cisalpine  Gaul,  with  the  forces  which 
his  partisan  Manlius  had  collected  at  Faesulae.  But  Metellus  Celer  was 
prepared  to  meet  him,  and  he  accordingly  turned  upon  the  consul 
C.  Antonius.  A  desperate  battle  followed,  in  which  the  loyal  forces 
under  M.  Petreius,  legate  of  Antonius,  destroyed  the  rebels.  Catiline 
himself  fell  ^  Many  men  were  brought  to  trial  at  Rome  as  his  accom- 
plices, and  Cicero  defended  one  of  them,  P.  Sulla.  He  also  spoke  in 
the  senate  in  defence  of  his  late  colleague,  C.  Antonius ;  and,  in  a  court 
presided  over  by  his  brother  Quintus,  defended  the  claim  of  the  poet 
Archias  to  Roman  citizenship,  which  had  been  questioned  *. 

Q.  Cicero  and  C.  Caesar  were  among  the  praetors.  By  the  advice, 
probably,  of  the  latter,  the  popular  party  seems  to  have  sought  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Pompey.  Caesar  proposed  to  transfer  to  him  from  Q. 
Catulus  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  ^,  but  without 
success;  and  attempts  made  by  Caesar,  and  by  the  tribune  Metellus 
Nepos,  to  procure  a  popular  vote  entrusting  Pompey  with  the  command 
against  Catiline,  failed  also,  principally  owing  to  the  energetic  resistance 
of  Cato.  Much  rioting,  however,  followed;  and  both  Metellus  and 
Caesar  were  suspended  from  their  functions  by  the  senate.  Nepos 
fled  to  the  camp  of  Pompey;  but  Caesar,  by  a  judicious  mixture  of 
deference  and  firmness,  induced  the  senate  to  re-instate  him  in  his 
office.  He  was  soon  afterwards  denounced  by  L.Vettius  and  Q.  Curius 
as  an  accomplice  of  Catiline;  but  Cicero  declared  the  charge  to  be 
groundless,  and  its  authors  were  disgraced  or  punished  ^ 

Cicero  bought  a  large  house  on  the  Palatine  from  M.  Crassus,  for 
which  he  paid  about  £30,000  (XXXV.HS.)  He  had  to  borrow  large 
sums  of  money  from  P.  Sulla  and  from  *  Teucris  "^,'  and,  in  a  letter  ^  to 
P.  Sestius,  said  that  he  would  rather  join  in  a  conspiracy  than  suppress 
one,  as  he  owed  so  much  money. 

§  13.  The  series  of  his  letters  begins  anew,  after  a  considerable  interval, 

*  Suet.  Octav.  5  ;  Veil.  2.  36.  *  Veil.  2.  43;  DionCassius  37.  37  ;  Ovid.  Fasti  3.  415. 
^  Sail.  Cat.  60.  *  Schol.  Bob.  in  Orat.  Pro  Archia  2,  3.  ^  It  had  been  burned 

in  83  B.C. ;  cp.  Tac.  Hist.  3.  72.  *  Plut.  Cic.  23;  Cat.  Min.  26-29 ;  Suet.  lul.  15-17  ; 

Dion  Cassius  37.  43  and  44;  Abeken  54-61  ;  Merivale  I.  147-149;   155-159;  Mommsen 
4.  I,  191  and  192.  '^  Aul.  Gell.  N.  A.  12.  12,  2;    Ad  Att.  i.  13,  6,  note;   Ad 

Fam.  5.  6,  2.  *  Ad  Fam.  1.  c. 


< 


ii 


^ 


^1 
1I 


\ 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART. 


n 


with  one  written  to  Pompey  early  in  this  year.  Cicero  had  already  sent 
him  a  detailed  account  of  his  consulship,  and  was  vexed  at  receiving 
in  reply  what  he  thought  an  insufficient  acknowledgment  of  his  public 
services.  This  vexation  is  expressed  frankly  enough  in  a  second  letter^; 
the  first  and  longer  one  has  been  lost.  About  the  same  time  Cicero 
received  an  unreasonable  letter  ^  from  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  governor  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  complaining  of  his  behaviour  to  Metellus  Nepos. 
Cicero's  reply  ^  was  a  temperate  and  dignified  expostulation,  shewing 
that  he  had  not  been  the  aggressor. 

The  two  Metelli  were  probably  brothers  *.  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  praetor 
in  63  B.C.,  and  afterwards  governor  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  had  contributed, 
as  has  been  said  \  to  the  suppression  of  Catiline's  rebellion.  He  was 
generally  on  good  terms  with  Cicero,  but  was  a  more  uncompromising 
politician,  being  a  determined  member  of  the  party  of  the  optimates,  and 
not  inclined  to  make  concessions  either  to  the  equites  or  to  Pompey. 
He  married  a  sister  of  P.  Clodius,  nicknamed  Quadrantaria ;  was  consul 
in  60  B.C.,  and  died  next  year,  as  some  believed,  poisoned  by  his  wife^ 

Q.  Metellus  Nepos,  tribune  in  63-62  b.c,  has  been  already  men- 
tioned"^. He  subsequently  gave  up  his  quarrel  with  Cicero,  and  pro- 
moted, as  consul,  his  restoration  from  exile  in  57  ^ 

Towards  the  close  ^  of  the  year,  it  was  generally  believed  that  P. 
Clodius  had  beeti  detected  in  the  house  of  C.  Caesar  while  the  yearly 
sacrifice  to  the  Bona  Dea  was  going  on,  prompted,  it  was  supposed, 
by  a  passion  for  Caesar's  wife  Pompeia.  Caesar  refused  to  take  any 
steps  against  Clodius,  but  divorced  Pompeia,  saying  his  wife  must  be 

*  above  suspicion  ^^' 

A  law  proposed  by  the  consuls  (Lex  lunia  Licinia)  provided  for 
proper  publicity  in  the  registration  of  laws — *  ne  leges  clam  in  aerarium 
inferri  liceret ".' 

61    B.C. 

§  14.  The  new  consuls  were  M. PupiusPiso  and  M.Valerius  Messalla. 
Cicero  was  satisfied  with  Messalla,  but  not  with  his  colleague,  who 
slighted  him  in  the  senate,  and  opposed  a  motion  for  enquiry  into 
the  scandalous  affair  of  Clodius  ^l  Cicero  seems  to  have  been  rather 
despondent  as  to  the  issue  of  that  transaction,  and  relaxed  his  own 
exertions  ^^. 

*  Ad  Fam.  5.  7,  3.  2  lb.  5.  i.  '  lb.  5.  2.  *  lb.  5.  i,  note.  '  supra, 

§  12.  *  Pro  Cael.  24,  59;  Schol.  Bob.  In  Sest.  62.  "^  supra,  §§  11  ;  12. 

•  infra,  §§  21 ;  23:  cp.  Orat.  Post  Red.  In  Sen.  10,  25;  Post  Red.  Ad  Quir.  6.  15  ;  Dc 
Prov.  Cons.  9,  22.  »  See,  however,  Ad  Att.  i.  13,  3,  note.  ^®  Ad  Att.  i.  13,  3: 
cp.  Suet.  lul.  74.  "  Schol.  Bob.  ad  Cic.  Pro  Sest.  64,  note  6 ;  Cic.  Philipp.  5.  3,  8. 
"  Ad  Att.  I.  13,  3.             "  lb. 


14  INTRODUCTION 

He  also  suspected  Pompey  of  jealousy  and  insincerity ^  It  was  from 
the  camp  of  that  general  that  Metellus  Nepos  had  come  to  Rome  to  sue 
for  the  tribuneship;  and,  as  has  been  mentioned  ^  Metellus  took  refuge 
with  Pompey  when  suspended  by  the  senate.  Pompey  lingered  need- 
lessly in  Asia,  and  when  he  landed  in  Italy  (Jan,  6i  b.c.)  order  had 
been  restored  there.  He  disbanded  his  forces  accordingly,  and  returned 
to  Rome  with  few  attendants  ^  ^ 

His  first  address  to  the  people  satisfied  no  party  \  and,  subsequently  , 
he  would  not  commit  himself  to  a  definite  approval  either  of  the  prose- 
cution of  Clodius,  or  of  the  proceedings  of  Cicero's  consulship.  He 
offended  Metellus  Celer  by  divorcing  his  wife,  Mucia,  half-sister  of 
Metellus,  on  suspicion  of  an  intrigue  with  Caesar ;  and  Metellus  joined 
many  other  senators  in  opposing  the  confirmation  of  Pompey's  '  acts '  m 
Asia.     The  increasing  isolation  of  Pompey  led  him  to  court  Cicero  \ 

Meanwhile  the  trial  of  Clodius  had  taken  place.  It  had  been  pro- 
posed that  the  judges  who  were  to  try  him  should  be  named  by  the 
praetor ;  but  a  tribune  threatened  opposition  \  and  Hortensius  advised 
the  senate  to  give  way,  and  allow  the  judges  to  be  chosen  by  lot,  as  was 
usual,  saying  that  no  court  could  acquit  where  the  case  was  so  clear. 
The  senate  complied,  and  the  result  was  that,  owing  to  the  grossest 
bribery,  Clodius  was  acquitted  by  31  votes  to  26«.  Cicero  had  given 
evidence  ^  which  contradicted  a  plea  of  alibi  put  forward  by  Clodius,  and 
the  latter  determined  to  have  revenge.  He  was  of  high  patrician  nobility, 
brother  of  Ap.  Claudius  Pulcher,  and  his  three  sisters  were  married  to 
L.  Lucullus,  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  and  Q.  Marcius  Rex  ^^ 

Towards  the  close  of  September,  Pompey  celebrated  his  triumph  over 
Mithridates  for  two  days  ^^  He  secured  the  election  of  one  of  his  ad- 
herents, L.  Afranius,  as  one  of  the  consuls  for  60  b.c  ;  but  from  the 
other,  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  he  had  only  hostiUty  to  expect. 

Somewhat  later,  the  equites  applied  to  the  senate  for  an  alteration 
of  the  hard  terms  on  which  they  had  farmed  the  revenues  of  Asia. 
Cicero  supported  their  request  from  considerations  of  policy;  but  it 
was  opposed  by  Cato  and  Metellus  Celer,  and,  though  the  senate 
seemed  disposed  for  concession,  no  decision  seems  to  have  been  arrived 
at,   and   an  unfriendly  feeling  between   the   senate  and    the    equites 

remained  ^^ 

Among   the   propraetors  for  this  year  were    Q.  Cicero  in  Asia", 

»  Ad  Att.  I.  13,  4.  '  supra,  §  12.  »  Plut.  Pomp.  43.  *  Ad  Att.  i.  14,  i. 

»  lb   I    14,  2,  •  lb.  I.  16,  II ;  Dion  Cassius  37.  49.  Ad  Att.  i.  16,  2. 

«  lb*  5'  »  lb.  2.  I,  5,  note;  Plut.  Cic.  29.  "  Ad  Att.  2.  i,  5;  Ad  Fam.  i.  9. 

15,  notes.  ^  Plut.  Pomp.  45  ;  Veil.  2.  40,  3.  "  Ad  Att.  1.17;  18 ;  2.  i,  7 

and  8.  ^  Ad  Q-  F.  i.  i. 


y 


i 


i 

\ 


i 


A 


i 


.  / 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART. 


15 


/)fc.  Pomptinus^  in  Transalpine  Gaul,  and  C.  Caesar  in  Farther  Spain. 

/  Pomptinus  had  to  repress  a  revolt  of  the  AUobroges,  who  had  already 
risen  against  C.  Piso  in  ^d  b.c.'^  Caesar  was  very  successful,  not  only 
in  reducing  hostile  tribes  to  submission,  but  in  his  financial  measures  for 
mitigating  the  distress  of  the  provincials  ^ 

60  B.C. 

§  15.  Pompey  renewed  his  efforts  to  escape  from  his  unsatisfactory 
position,  and,  in  particular,  to  obtain  grants  of  land  for  his  soldiers, 
which  he  had  promised  them.  With  this  object  L.  Flavins,  one  of  the 
tribunes,  brought  in  an  agrarian  law,  which  Cicero  revised  and  supported, 
but  without  success*.  Meanwhile  the  discussion  in  the  senate  about  the 
petition  of  the  equites  continued,  and  Cato,  much  to  Cicero's  vexation, 
not  only  opposed  it,  but  proposed  measures  of  increased  severity  against 
judicial  corruption,  a  proposal  naturally  unpleasant  to  the  equites,  from 
whom  one-third  of  the  judges  were  taken.  In  both  cases  the  senate 
followed  Cato's  advice,  and  the  equites,  in  consequence,  regarded  the 
behaviour  of  L.  Flavins  with  indifference,  even  when  he  ordered  the 
consul  Metellus  to  be  imprisoned  for  opposing  his  agrarian  law  ^. 

Cicero,  disgusted  by  the  frivolity^  of  some  of  the  nobles,  and  the 
perversity  of  others,  and  much  courted  by  Pompey,  inclined  to  the 
latter.     Atticus  seems  to  have  criticised  his  conduct  "^. 

About  this  time  Caesar  returned  from  Spain,  and  began  at  once  to 
sue  for  the  consulship,  without  risking  his  chance  of  success  by  waiting 
outside  the  walls  to  claim  a  triumph.  Cicero  speaks  of  his  popularity  ^ 
He  had  not  yet  reached  the  age  required  by  law  for  the  consulship,  but 
this  seems  not  to  have  been  urged  against  him®;  the  law  had  been 
already  broken  in  Pompey's  case. 

P.  Clodius  seems  to  have  wished  already  to  become  a  plebeian,  as 
a  qualification  for  holding  the  office  of  tribune;  he  had  secured  the 
services  of  one  of  the  tribunes  of  this  year,  C.  Herennius,  but  others 
frequently  interposed  ^^ 

The  optimates  ^^  lost  one  of  their  wisest  leaders  in  the  spring,  by  the 
death  of  Q.  Catulus.     Cicero  deeply  lamented  him  ^^ 

Rumours  had  reached  Rome  early  in  the  year,  of  movements  in  Gaul 

^  Dion  Cassius  37.  47 ;  48.  *  Ad  Att.  i.  13,  2.  '  Dion  Cassius  37.  52  ;  53  ; 

Plut.  Caes.  II ;   12  ;  Merivale  i.  173-176.  *  Dion  Cassius  37.  49;  Ad  Att.  i.  19,  4. 

5  Dion  Cassius  37.  50;  Ad  Att.  I.  18,  3 ;   2.  I,  8.  *  lb.  2.  i,  7  and  8.  '  lb.  6. 

*  lb. :  cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.8.  *  That  age  was  43  (cp.  §  8) ;  and  Caesar  was  born 

in  100  B.C.    Suet.  lul.  88.     Pompey  was  35  when  first  elected  consul.  *®  Ad  Att.  I. 

18,  4;  I.  19,  5 ;  2.  I,  4-5,  notes.  "  See  note  A,  "  Ad  Att.  I.  ^o,  3. 


i5  INTRODUCTION 

which  might  make  an  intervention  necessary.  The  Aedui  and  Sequanf 
were  at  war ;  the  Helvetii  were  meditating  a  migration  westwards,  and 
the  senate  decreed  that  the  two  consuls,  after  their  year  of  office  had 
expired,  should  govern  the  two  Gaulish  provinces.  Meanwhile  envoys 
were  sent  to  enquire  into  the  state  of  affairs,  and  hinder  other  states 
of  Gaul  from  joining  the  Helvetii.  The  senate  complimented  both 
Cicero  and  Pompey,  by  regarding  their  presence  as  indispensable  at 
Rome,  and  did  not  allow  them  to  serve  as  envoys  \  The  war  rumours 
seem  subsequently  to  have  died  away,  to  the  satisfaction  of  every  one 
except  the  consul  Metellus,  who  had  wished  to  earn  a  triumph  m  Gaul  \ 

§  1 6.  About  the  summer,  the  celebrated  combination  of  Caesar, 
Pompey,  and  Crassus,  usually  known  as  the  first  triumvirate,  was 
effected.  Cicero  seems  at  first  to  have  thought  that  he  might  exercise 
great  influence  over  Pompey,  and  even  over  Caesar «,  and  he  was 
evidently  flattered  by  some  tempting  offers  which  Balbus  made  him 
in  Caesar's  name  ^ ;  but  he  feared  the  reproach  of  inconsistency.  The 
triumvirs  succeeded  in  securing  the  election  of  Caesar  as  one  consul 
for  59  B.C. ;  but  the  optimates,  by  a  prodigal  expenditure  of  money, 
procured  the  election  of  M.  Calpurnius  Bibulus,  a  decided  member 
of  their  party,  as  his  colleague,  instead  of  L.  Lucceius,  whom  the 
triumvirs  had  supported  ^ 

Cicero  seems  to  have  occupied  the  early  months  of  60  b.c.  in  writing 
a  Greek  history  of  his  consulship,  which  excited  the  envy  of  Posidonius, 
he  says,  by  the  correctness  of  its  style  \  He  also  revised  a  translation  of 
parts  of  Aratus,  which  he  had  written^  in  early  youth,  and  wrote  a  long 
letter  to  his  brother  Quintus,  who  was  still  governor  of  Asia.  It  might 
be  called  an  Essay  on  the  Duties  of  Provincial  Governors  ^ 

59    B.C. 

§  17.  Caesar  lost  no  time  in  fulfilling  what  was  probably  his  portion 
of  the  compact  between  the  triumvirs.  He  proposed  an  agrarian  law, 
with  the  object  of  providing  both  for  Pompey's  veterans  and  for  needy 
citizens.  The  state  lands  in  Campania  seem  to  have  been  exempted^ 
from  the  operation  of  the  law  in  its  original  form,  and  the  land  required 
was  probably  to  be  provided  by  purchase.  The  proposal,  however,  met 
with  violent  opposition  in  the  senate,  before  which  Caesar  laid  it  in  the 
first  instance;   and  he  seems  to  have  been  provoked  into  bringing  it 

1  Ad  Att.  I.  19.  1-3.     Caes.  Bell.  Gall   1.2.  «  Ad  Att.  i.  20,  5.  »  lb.  1. 

16  Mb   2   3,  3.  '  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2,  9 ;  Suet.  lul.  19.  «  Ad  Att.  2.  i,  2. 

»'lb'.  2.  I,  II ;  De  Nat.  Deor.  2.  41,  104.  «  Ad  Q.  F.  i.  I.  •  Ad  Att.  2.  16,  2; 

Dion  Cassius  38.  i ;  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigr.  l.  288. 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART. 


17 


I 


i 


forward  again  in  a  more  sweeping  form,  the  exemption  of  Campania 
being  removed.  A  clause^  was  also  appended,  binding  all  senators 
and  all  candidates  for  any  magistracy  to  take  an  oath  publicly  that 
they  would  respect  its  provisions.  The  law  was  to  be  executed  by  a 
commission  of  twenty,  of  which  both  Pompey  and  Crassus  were  to  be 
members.  Cicero  scornfully  remarks,  that  P.  Clodius  was  not  thought 
worthy  of  a  place  in  so  numerous  a  body  ^ 

The  optimates  naturally  disapproved  of  this  law,  and  the  senate  was 
still  under  their  control.  But,  in  spite  of  the  vehement  opposition  of 
the  consul  Bibulus  and  of  some  of  the  tribunes,  the  law  was  sanctioned 
by  the  people,  and  was  followed  by  another  ratifying  the  acts  of  Pompey 
in  Asia^ 

Other  laws  of  the  same  date  were : — 

One  making  concessions  to  the  equites  with  regard  to  provincial 
taxation  *. 

One  stating  the  liability  to  prosecution  for  extortion  (repetundae)  of 
all  who  should  in  any  way  share  the  spoils  of  a  guilty  provincial 
governor.  This  was  the  *  Lex  lulia  de  repetundis ; '  but  Cicero  says  that 
it  introduced  no  novelty  ^. 

One  recognising  the  title  of  Ptolemy  Auletes  to  the  throne  of  Egypt. 
He  was  not  of  legitimate  descent,  and  is  said  to  have  bought  his  recog- 
nition from  the  triumvirs  for  6000  talents  ^  His  brother,  who  ruled 
in  Cyprus,  was  less  fortunate ''. 

Caesar  also  provided  that  the  senate's  proceedings  and  other  news 
should  be  published  in  the  *  acta,'  or  gazette  ^ 

But  by  far  the  most  important  event  of  this  year  was  the  enactment  of 
the  Lex  Vatinia,  assigning  to  Caesar  the  government  of  Cisalpine  Gaul 
with  lUyricum,  and  the  command  of  three  legions,  for  five  years.  P. 
Vatinius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  brought  this  measure  before  the  people  ®. 

The  senate  had  attempted  to  prevent  Caesar's  obtaining  such  a  posi- 
tion, by  assigning  to  the  two  consuls  for  59  b.c  the  duty  of  repair- 
ing roads  in  Italy  on  the  expiration  of  their  year  of  office.  But  the 
manoeuvre  had  failed;  and  now,  to  avoid  affording  another  triumph 
to  the  popular  party,  the  senate  itself  added  to  Caesar's  province 
Transalpine  Gaul,  with  a  fourth  legion  ^^ 

§  18.  Caesar,  about  this  time,  gave  his  daughter  Julia  in  marriage 
to  Pompey,  and  himself  married  Calpurnia,  daughter  of  L.  Piso,  one 

*  Ad  Att.  2.  18,  2.  *  lb.  2.  7,  3  ;  Dion  Cassius  38.  I.  *  App.  Bell.  Civ. 

2.  IO-I2;  Veil.  2.  44;  Dion  Cassius  38.  4-7.  *  Ad  Att.  2.  16,  2;  Pro  Plane.  14,  35. 

•  Pro  Sest.  64,  135 ;  Pro  Rab.  Post.  4.  *  Ad  Att.  2.  16,  2 ;  Mommsen  4.  i,  153  : 

cp.  207.  ^  V.  infra,  §  20.  •  Suet.  lul.  20.  •  See  Appendix  6,  §  i. 

'0  Suet.  lul.  22;  Dion  Cassius  38.  8. 


i8 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART, 


19 


of  the  consuls  elect.      The  other  was  A.  Gabinius,  a  dependent  of 
Pompey  ^ 

P.  Clodius,  having  been  adopted  into  a  plebeian  family  with  questionable 
legality  ^,  was  elected  tribune  for  58  b.c.  He  seems  to  have  imposed  on 
Cicero  with  regard  to  his  intentions  ^. 

Notwithstanding  the  strength  of  their  combination,  and  the  promised 
support  of  the  consuls  elect,  the  triumvirs  were  afraid  of  serious  oppo- 
sition, and  anxious  to  remove  some  of  the  more  eminent  optimates  from 
Rome.  A  mysterious  plot,  disclosed  in  one  of  Cicero's  letters,  was 
supposed  to  have  been  formed  with  this  object*.  L.  Vettius,  a  man 
whom  Cicero  had  employed  as  an  informer  ^  told  the  younger  Curio 
that  he  had  determined  to  kill  Pompey,  and  was  arrested  on  Curio's 
denunciation.  He  then  charged  several  of  the  leading  nobles  with 
complicity,  but  he  contradicted  himself  so  much  that  he  was  not  believed, 
and  was  committed  to  prison,  where  he  was  shortly  afterwards  found 
dead.  He  was  probably  murdered  by  the  contrivers  of  the  plot.  Cicero 
charges  ^  Vatinius  both  with  suborning  and  with  murdering  Vettius ; 
and  both  Mommsen  "^  and  Abeken  ^  regard  the  whole  affair  as  an  intrigue 
prompted  by  the  triumvirs.  Merivale®,  however,  urges  that  if  such  had 
been  the  case,  Vettius  would  hardly  have  named  M.  Brutus,  whose 
mother,  Servilia,  was  a  favourite  of  Caesar.  He  therefore  suspects 
that  some  of  the  more  violent  optimates  were  the  true  authors  of  the 
affair. 

Cicero  was  much  vexed  by  the  behaviour  of  Pompey  ^^  at  times.  Of 
M.  Bibulus  he  speaks  with  respect,  not  unmixed,  however,  with  irony  ". 
Before  the  close  of  the  year  he  seems  to  have  become  thoroughly  aware 
of  the  designs  of  Clodius  ^^,  but  to  have  been  encouraged  partly  by  the 
assurances  of  Pompey  ",  partly  by  the  evident  unpopularity  of  the  trium- 
virs ".  He  declined,  therefore,  an  offer  of  Caesar  to  take  him  to  Gaul  as 
his  legate,  and  also  one  of  the  *  legatio  libera,'  though  the  former  tempted 
him  considerably  ^^ 

His  principal  speeches  were, — one  for  his  old  colleague,  C.  Antonius, 
accused  of  misgovernment  in  Macedonia,  who,  however,  was  con- 
demned ^" ;  two  for  A.  Thermus,  who  was  acquitted" ;  and  one,  still 
extant,  for  L.  Valerius  Flaccus,  accused  of  misgovernment  in  Asia, 
but  acquitted. 

*  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  14;  Dion  Cassius  38.  9;  supra,  §  7.  ^  Cic.  pro  Dom.  13. 

*  Ad  Att.  2.  12,  2.  *  lb.  2.  24.  ^  lb.  sect.  2  :  cp.  supra,  §  12.  «In 

Vat.  10;  11.  ''4.  I,  206.  «  p.  m.  »1.  196.     For  the  view  of  the 

emperor  Napoleon  III.  cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  24,  2,  note.  "  Ad  Att.  2.  16,  2.  "  lb. 

2.  19,  2.  ^  lb.  2.  21,  6.  "  lb.  2.  24,  5.  "  lb.  2.  19,  4.  "  15* 

2.  18,  3;  2.  19,  5.  !•  Pro  Dom.  16,  41 ;  Pro  Gael.  31,  74.  "  Pro  Flacco 

39,  98. 


*4 


d 


I 


^ 


4 


>4 


I 


58    B.C. 

§  19.  The  new  consuls,  as  has  been  saidS  were  connected  with  the 
party  of  the  triumvirs ;  and  Clodius,  now  tribune,  relying  on  their  aid, 
prepared  for  his  attack  on  Cicero.  He  previously,  however,  carried 
a  number  of  measures  intended  to  win  the  favour  of  various  classes 
of  citizens.     He  proposed  : — 

1.  To   abolish  the   small  payment   hitherto  made  by  recipients  of 

the  public  dole  of  corn  ^. 

2.  To  repeal  the  Lex  Aelia  Fufia,  which  secured  that  the  auspices 
should  be  respected  at  the  time  of  holding  the  comitia  ^ 

3.  To  repeal  a  decree  of  the  senate  against  the  formation  of  collegia- 
clubs,  or  guilds  *. 

4.  To  curtail  the  powers  of  the  censors  ^ 

These  proposals  would,  taken  together,  find  some  support  from 
almost  all  classes ;  for  the  powers  of  the  censors  were  regarded  with 
dislike  by  many  of  the  nobles,  and  after  Sulla's  legislation  the  appoint- 
ment of  such  officers  had  been  discontinued  for  several  years  \  Having 
thus  secured  his  position,  Clodius  proposed  two  more  laws  :— 

5.  Assigning  Syria  to  Gabinius,  and  Macedonia,  apparently  with 
Achaia,  to  Piso,  on  the  expiration  of  their  consulship  \ 

6.  Enacting,  *  That  any  one  who  had  put  Roman  citizens  to  death 
without  trial,  should  be  forbidden  fire  and  water «/ 

§  20.  The  last  measure  was  evidently  directed  against  Cicero,  and 
caused  great  consternation.  The  senators,  the  equites,  and  many 
thousand  citizens,  put  on  mourning,  which  the  senators,  however,  were 
obliged  to  lay  aside.  L.  Ninnius,  a  tribune,  and  L.  Lamia,  one  of  the 
equites,  were  active  in  support  of  Cicero.  Opinions  differed  as  to 
what  he  ought  to  do.  He  was  not  named  in  the  law,  and  some  advised 
him  to  stay  till  a  more  direct  attack  was  made  upon  him.  L.  LucuUus, 
in  particular,  was  eager  to  resort  to  force  in  his  defence.  To  have  done 
so  would  perhaps  have  been  in  the  end  the  best  policy  for  the  optimates  ; 
in  no  other  cause  could  they  have  won  so  much  support  from  the  mass 
of  moderate  and  peaceable  citizens ;  the  country  towns  especially  were 
devoted  to  Cicero  ^  But  Pompey,  to  whom  earnest  appeals  were  made 

1  supra  5  18  ^  Dion  Cassius  38.  13  ;  Ascon.  in  Pisonian.  4.  9.  'In  Pis. 

4,  9;  5,  ;o;  In  Vat.  2,  5  ;  7.  i»-     According  to  some,  the  Lex  Aelia  ^"^^  Lex  Fufia  were 
different  laws.  *  In  Pis.  4,  9-     On  the  nature  of  such  « collegia    cp.  Ad  Att.  3.15,  ^. 

note;  Merivale,  History  i.  202 ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  296.  /"J.»^'  \  9-  ^J^'  "^ 

Caec.  3.  8  and  Schol.  Gronov.  ad  loc.        '  Pro  Dom.  23,  60 ;  In  Pis.  16.  Veil.  2.  4^. 

»  Ad  Alt.  3.  15,  7;  Plut.  Cic.  31. 

C  2 


:JD 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART. 


%i 


on  his  behalf,  declined  to  interfere,  except  at  the  request  of  the  consuls  ^ ; 
and  the  counsels  of  Cato  and  Hortensius,  which  Cicero's  own  family 
supported,  prevailed.  He  left  Rome,  accordingly,  towards  the  end  of 
March  ^.  On  the  very  day  of  his  departure,  Clodius  carried  a  law  ^ 
banishing  Cicero  by  name ;  but  Cicero's  friends  got  a  clause  inserted, 
allowing  him  to  live  anywhere  beyond  the  limit  of  400  miles  from  Rome*. 
After  his  departure,  his  house  on  the  Palatine,  and  his  villas  at  Formiae 
and  Tusculum,  were  pillaged  and  destroyed ;  the  consuls  appropriated 
a  good  deal  of  the  spoil,  and  Clodius  dedicated  the  site  of  the  house  on 
the  Palatine  to  Liberty  ^ 

Clodius  then  carried  another  law,  giving  Cato  a  commission  to  manage 
the  annexation  of  Cyprus,  which  Cato  accepted,  though  unwillingly  \ 

Caesar,  who  had  lingered  near  Rome,  now  hastened  across  the  Alps 
to  meet  the  Helvetii,  whom  he  completely  defeated^  near  Bibracte.  He 
afterwards  also  defeated  Ariovistus  ^. 

The  legality  of  the  execution  of  Lentulus,  Cethegus,  and  their  asso- 
ciates, depends  on  the  extent  of  the  powers  conferred  by  the  senate's 
vote  commissioning  the  consuls  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  state. 
Cicero  maintained  ^  that  he  might  have  ordered  Catiline's  execution  by 
virtue  of  that  decree ;  but  the  prosecution  of  Rabirius  had  shewn  that 
some  of  the  popular  leaders  thought  differently,  and  Cicero  himself, 
by  consulting  ^^  the  senate  as  to  the  punishment  to  be  inflicted  on 
Lentulus  and  his  accomplices,  had  seemed  to  doubt  the  extent  of  his  own 
powers  as  consul.     Cp.  Appendix  IV. 

§  21.  After  leaving  Rome,  Cicero  repaired  at  first  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Vibo,  in  Bruttium,  where  he  had  a  friend  named  Sicca ;  and 
there  he  heard  of  the  enactment  forbidding  him  to  live  within  400  miles 
of  Rome ".  He  was  refused  an  asylum  in  Sicily  by  its  propraetor, 
C.  Vergilius  ^^  who,  though  a  friend  of  Cicero,  was  afraid  of  offending 
the  dominant  party  at  Rome.  Cicero  decided,  therefore,  on  going  to 
Macedonia  ^^  declining  an  invitation  ^*  to  the  estate  of  Atticus  in  Epirus, 
and  avoiding  Greece  for  fear  of  meeting  some  of  the  accomplices  ^^  of 
Catiline  who  lived  there.  He  went,  accordingly,  to  Thessalonica  ^^  where, 
under  the  protection  of  the  propraetor  L.  Appuleius — which  appears,  how- 
ever, not  to  have  been  very  heartily  given  " — and  in  the  house  of  his  own 

1  In  Pis.  31,  77  ;  Ad  Att.  10.  4,  3.  *  Ad  Att.  3.  i ;  2.  'In  the  comitia 

tributa  :  cp.  Pro  Sest.  30,  65.  *  Ad  Att.  3.  4.    500  from  Italy,  according  to  Plutarch, 

Cic.  32;  3750  stadia  from  Rome,  Dion  Cassius  38,  17.     See  too  Mr.  Tyrrell's  notes  on  Ad 
Att.  3.  2  and  4.  ^  On  the  facts  mentioned  above,  cp.  Ad  Fam.  14.  2,  3  ;  Ad  Att.  4. 

I,  7,  note  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  15  ;  Dion  Cassius  38.  14-17  ;  Plut.  Cic.  30-33.  •  Pro 

Sest.  28.  "^  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  I.  25;   26.  «  lb.  51-53.  ^  In  Oat.  I.  2,  4. 

>»  supra,  §  II.         ^^  Ad  Att.  3.  4.         '"  Pro  Plane.  40,  96.         "  lb.  41.  "  Ad  Att. 

3.  7,  I.  "  lb.  "  lb.  3.  8,  I ;  Pro  Pianc.  11,  28.  "  lb.  41,  98. 


I 


devoted  friend  the  quaestor,  Cn.  Plancius,  he  lived  in  security,  though  in 
deep  dejection.  He  apprehended  that  his  brother  Quintus,  then  return- 
ing from  his  administration  of  Asia,  might  be  persecuted  for  his  sake  ^ ; 
suspected  false  dealing  on  the  part  of  Hortensius  and  others  ^ ;  and  was 
tormented  by  fears  for  his  wife  and  children.  He  earnestly  dissuaded 
Terentia  from  selling  part  of  her  property  to  aid  him  in  his  exile  ^ 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  his  prospects  brightened.  On  Caesar's 
departure  from  Rome,  Pompey  shewed  himself  unable  to  keep  Clodius 
in  order ;  and  the  ill-feeling  between  the  two  was  increased  by  the  escape 
of  Tigranes  * — an  Armenian  prince  whom  Pompey  had  brought  to  Rome 
as  a  hostage,  but  whom  Clodius  helped  to  escape— and  by  an  alleged 
attempt  of  Clodius  to  procure  the  assassination  of  Pompey  ^  Moreover, 
eight  ^  at  least  of  the  new  tribunes  were  friendly  to  Cicero ;  and  of  the 
consuls  elect,  one  ^  P.  Lentulus  Spinther,  was  a  warm  friend,  the  other, 
Q.  Metellus  Nepos,  was  much  under  the  influence  of  Pompey,  and 
proved  a  placable  enemy '. 

Various  attempts  were  made,  even  before  the  close  of  58  B.c.,to  repeal 
the  act  banishing  Cicero.  Atticus,  and  his  friend,  Q.  Terentius  Culleo,  one 
of  the  tribunes,  thought  of  attacking  it  as  a  *  privilegium,'  or  law  enacted 
against  an  individual,  such  laws  being  prohibited  by  the  Twelve  Tables. 
This  course,  however,  did  not  seem  advisable  to  Cicero  ^ 

L.  Ninnius  Quadratus,  one  of  the  tribunes  for  59-58  B.C.,  had  brought 
in  a  bill  for  his  direct  recall  on  June  i ;  but,  though  it  met  with  the 
unanimous  approval  of  the  senate,  one  of  the  tribunes,  P.  (.?)  Aelius  Ligus, 

interposed  his  veto  ^°. 

On  October  29,  eight  of  the  tribunes  brought  in  a  bill  for  Cicero's 
restoration,  on  which  Atticus  asked  his  opinion.  It  was  not  favourable  ; 
some  of  its  clauses  seemed  to  shew  either  negligence  or  treachery  in  its 
framers  ^^  Cicero  wrote  from  Dyrrhachium,  whither  he  had  gone,  both 
to  avoid  meeting  L.  Piso's  soldiers  and  to  be  nearer  to  Italy  ^^. 

The  new  tribunes  came  into  ofiice  on  Dec.  10,  after  the  consuls  had 
already  departed  for  their  provinces  ^^  T.  Annius  Milo,  T.  Fadius,  and 
P.  Sestius,  were  prominent  among  the  tribunes  ",  and  the  whole  college 
promised  to  support  Cicero.  Two,  however.  Sex.  Atilius  Serranus  and 
Q.  Numerius  Rufus  ^^  subsequently  went  over  to  his  enemies. 

In  this  year  M.  Scaurus,  son  of  the  celebrated  princeps  senatus,  was 


1  Ad  Att.  3.  9,  I  ;  Ad  CLF.  i.  3,  4.  «  Ad  Att.  3.  9,  1.  *  Ad  Fam.  14.  i.  5. 

*  Ad  Att.  3.  8,  3 ;  Dion  Cassius  38.  30.  *  Pro  Sest.  32,  69.  Ad  Fam.  14. 

I,  2  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  I,  6;  Pro  Sest.  33,  72.  '  Ad  Fam.  i.  1-9,  passim.  Pro 

Sest.  33,  72  ;  62,  130.  «  Ad  Att.  3.  15,  5.  ^»  Pro  Sest.  31,  68.  "  Ad 

Att.  3.  23,  2.  "  lb.  3.  22,  I  and  4.  "  proSest.  33.  71-  "Ad 

Att.  3.  23,  4 ;  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  8.  ^^  Pro  Sest.  33.  72  ;  43,  94. 


22 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FIRST  PART, 


»3 


cunile  aedile,  and  distinguished  himself  by  the  splendour  of  his  shows ', 
which  exhausted  his  fortune  '^. 

§  2  2.  Cicero's  letters  during  this  year  do  not  shew  him  in  a  favourable 
light.  We  find  him  indulging  in  unmanly  lamentations  ^ ;  suspecting  his 
best  friends  of  lukewarmness  or  treachery  without  adequate  grounds  * ; 
regretting  the  course  he  had  been  persuaded  to  take  when  it  was  too 
late  to  alter  it  ^ ;  and  stooping  to  unworthy  artifices  in  order  to  regain 
the  favour  of  men  whom  he  had  offended  ^  It  must  be  remembered, 
however,  that  he  had  been  wounded  in  two  most  tender  points, — his 
aff'ection  for  his  family  and  his  love  of  fame.  The  patriotism  which  had 
nerved  him  for  the  really  magnanimous  resolution  to  leave  Rome,  rather 
than  expose  it  to  the  chances  of  a  civil  conflict,  did  not  support  him 
under  the  daily  weariness  and  annoyances  of  a  life  in  exile.  Moreover, 
the  prospect  of  return  was  uncertain,  and  his  life  was  insecure,  except 
when  he  was  under  the  direct  protection  of  some  official.  In  spite  of 
the  favourable  signs  already  ^  mentioned,  he  was  very  despondent  at  the 
close  of  the  year,  especially  on  account  of  the  departure  of  Atticus  from 
Rome  ^. 

Of  the  men  referred  to  in  his  letters  of  this  date,  the  most  important, 
besides  those  already  mentioned,  were  M.  Terentius  Varro  and  Cicero's 
son-in-law,  C.  Piso. 

The  former,  an  eminent  antiquary,  will  be  often  mentioned.  He  had 
been  on  good  terms  with  Cicero  ®,  who  looked  for  his  support  against 
Clodius,  but  afterwards  suspected  him  of  duplicity  ^°,  and  only  partially 
regained  confidence  in  him  ". 

C.  Calpurnius  Piso,  a  connection  of  Cicero's  enemy,  the  consul  L. 
Piso,  shewed  the  greatest  devotion  to  his  father-in-law,  both  by  trying  to 
conciliate  the  consul,  his  kinsman  ^^,  and  by  declining  to  go  into  a  pro- 
vince as  quaestor,  in  order  that  he  might  watch  over  Cicero's  interests  at 
Rome  ^^  He  seems  to  have  died  soon  after  Cicero's  return  from  exile  ^*. 
Cicero  always  speaks  of  him  in  the  highest  terms  ^^ 

57  B-c. 

§  23.  The  consul  Lentulus  proposed  Cicero's  recall  on  the  ist  of 
January.  He  was  supported  by  Pompey  and  by  L.  Cotta,  and  a  decree 
would  have  passed  on  that  VQvy  day,  but  that  Sex.  Atilius  Serranus,  one 

1  Pro  Sest.  47,  loi  ;  54,  116;  De  Off.  2.  16,  57;  Pliny,  H.  N.  36,  15.         «  Ascon.  ad 
Orat.  pro  Scaur.  131.  ^  ^j  pam.  14.  i  and  2.  *  Ad  Att.  3.  9,  2.  «  lb. 

3.  15,  4.  «  lb.  3.  12,  2.  ''  supra,  §  21.  »  Ad  Att.  3    25.  »  lb.  2.  20,  i. 

^»  lb.  2.  25,  I.  "  lb.  3.  15,  3.  »2  Pro  Sest.  24,  54.  13  pos.  Red.  in  Sen. 

15»  38.  "  Pro  Sest.  31,  68.  "  3^^^   ^3^  272,  alib. 


<■ 


J 


A 


tj 


of  the  tribunes,  demanded  a  night  for  consideration  \  The  decree  seems 
afterwards  to  have  been  regarded  as  legally  passed  ^  Various  difficulties 
prevented  a  renewal  of  the  discussion  till  Jan.  23,  when  Cicero's  friends 
brought  a  bill  for  his  recall  before  the  popular  assembly.  Clodius,  how- 
ever, interfered  with  his  armed  rabble,  and  Q.  Cicero  was  grievously 
hurt^  No  further  steps  seem  to  have  been  taken  in  Cicero's  behalf 
for  some  months ;   in  July,  Clodius  appears  still  to  have  been  master 

of  the  streets  of  Rome  *. 

The  senate  subsequently  passed  a  series  of  decrees  in  favour  of  Cicero, 
but  their  precise  number  and  dates  are  not  easy  to  determine.  Perhaps 
three  may  be  distinguished. 

I.  Summoning  the  Italians  to  Rome  for  Cicero's  protection ;  thanking 
the  allies  for  attentions  shewn  him,  and  recommending  his  safety  to 
officials  in  the  provinces  and  to  foreign  princes  ^  This  was  passed, 
apparently,  in  the  'monument  of  MariusV  and  was  followed  by  a  great 
demonstration  at  the  theatre  in  honour  of  Cicero  \ 

2  Declaring  that  Cicero's  counsels  had  saved  the  state,  and,  perhaps, 
directing  the  consuls  to  propose  a  law  for  his  recall.  This  decree  was 
passed  apparently  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus. 

3.  One  passed  on  the  day  following,  which  contained  expressions 
of  gratitude  to  all  who  had  come  to  Rome  for  the  sake  of  supporting 
Cicero's  recall ;  threats  against  any  who  should  hinder  the  passing  of 
a  law  in  his  favour » ;  and  an  invitation  to  himself  to  return  if  such  a  law 
did  not  pass  within  five  days  '\  On  this  occasion  the  consul  Metellus 
Nepos  declared  himself  reconciled  to  Cicero  ". 

This  decree  perhaps  passed  ^^  on  August  4,  on  which  day  a  law  for 
Cicero's  recall  was  sanctioned  by  the  comitia  centuriata ''.  Milo,  who 
had  already  indicted  Clodius  for  riot,  brought  armed  men  into  the  Forum 
to  protect  the  voters  from  disturbance  ^\ 

§  24.  Cicero  left  Dyrrhachium,  where  he  had  been  since  the  end  of 
November,  58  b.c,  on  the  very  day  on  which  the  law  passed.  He 
landed  next  day  at  Brundisium,  where  he  found  Tullia  awaiting  his 
arrival  •  and,  on  the  8th,  heard  from  his  brother  Quintus  that  the  law  for 
his  restoration  had  passed.  He  then  travelled  to  Rome,  receiving  every- 
where a  warm  greeting,  and  reached  the  capital  on  Sept.  4.     He  was 


1  Pro  Sest   ^1  1±  '  Ad  Att.  3.  26.  3  Pro  Sest.  35.  *  Pro  Milon. 

.4.  38  andl'cln.'?hereon.  «  PrS  Sest  60.  128.  «  lb.  54.  1 16^      t  was^  the 

temple  of  Honos  and  Virtus.    Lange,  3,  305-  pl^ces  this  in  June.  lb.  54-5^-      ^„    '^' 

61      Lange,  V  ^06.  places  this  in  July.  '  lb. ;  Post.  Red  in  Sen.  il,  27.  Pro 

Se^t  61  "  lb.  62,  130.  "  lb.  61,  129 ;  Post  Red.  m  Sen.  11.  27  ;  Ad  Att. 

41,  4. '  "  Ad  Att.  4.  1,4.  "  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  8,  19  ;  Dion  Cassius  39.  8. 


I( 


it 


24 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  FIRST  PART. 


enthusiastically  welcomed,  and  next  day  addressed  the  senate,  thanking 
them  for  his  recall,  possibly  in  the  speech  which  we  now  possess  ^. 

Only  three  of  his  letters  belong  to  the  first  eight  months  of  57  B.C.; 
two  to  Atticus,  one'^  apparently  written  about  the  middle  of  January, 
saying  that  he  would  return  on  the  strength  of  the  senate's  expression  of 
opinion,  even  if  anything  prevented  the  passing  of  a  law  ;  the  other ',  an 
outburst  of  utter  despair  after  the  events  of  Jan.  23  were  known  to  him. 
The  third*  was  to  the  consul  Metellus,  appealing  to  him  to  forget  his 
private  grudges,  and  promising  gratitude. 

§  25.  The  foreign  affairs  of  this  year  were  important.  A.  Gabinius, 
pro-consul  of  Syria,  had  to  make  war  on  the  Jews,  who  had  revolted 
against  the  government  of  Hyrcanus,  which  the  Romans  had  set  up. 
He  governed  ably,  but  was  covetous  and  unscrupulous,  and,  if  Cicero 
is  to  be  believed,  met  with  some  serious  reverses  ^  His  late  colleague, 
Piso,  governed  Macedonia  rapaciously  and  disastrously  ^. 

Meanwhile  Caesar  was  prosecuting  his  conquests  in  Gaul.  He  re- 
duced most  of  the  Belgian  tribes  to  submission,  defeating  the  Nervii 
in  a  great  battle.  He  then  sent  P.  Crassus  against  some  of  the  north- 
western tribes ''. 

Ptolemy  Auletes  had  been  driven  from  Egypt  by  his  subjects  in 
58  B.C.,  and  went  to  Rome  to  intrigue  for  his  restoration.  His  subjects, 
on  their  part,  sent  envoys  to  protest  against  it ;  but  Ptolemy  had  some 
of  them  murdered  on  their  journey,  and  employed  his  money  to  prevent 
the  survivors  getting  an  audience  before  the  senate.  In  57  a  decree  of 
the  senate  directed  that  the  next  governor  of  Cilicia  (the  actual  consul, 
P.  Lentulus)  should  restore  Ptolemy  ^ 

^  The  Orat.  Post  Red.  in  Sen. :  cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  i,  5.  ''Ad  Att.  3.  26.  '  lb. 

3.  27.  *  Ad  Fam.  5.  4.  ^  De  Prov.  Cons.  1-7;  In  Pis.  21  :  cp.  Mommsen 

4.  I,  153  and  154;  4.  2,  329 :  Joseph.  Antiq.  14.  6.  ®  De  Prov.  Cons.  1.  c. ;  In 
Pis.  17  foil.  "^  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  2.  »  Dion  Cassius  39.  12  and  13;  Plut.  Cat. 
Min.  35.     Cicero*s  biography  is  resumed  in  the  Introduction  to  the  Second  Part. 


i 


\ 


\ 


SELECT    LETTERS 


OF 


M.    TULLIUS    CICERO, 


PART    I. 

1.    To    ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.  I.   i)- 
Rome,  July,  65  b.c.  (689  a.u.c.) 

I  With  regard  to  my  canvass  for  the  consulship,  I  am  resolved  not  to  injure  my 
prospects  by  putting  myself  forward  too  soon,  but  to  wait  for  the  17th.  Galba,  Anto- 
nius,  and  Catiline  will  be  among  my  competitors,  if  the  last  named  escape  the  convic- 
tion which  is  his  due.  2.  Of  the  candidates  for  next  year,  Caesar  ,s  thought  sate; 
I  hope  Thermus  may  be  his  colleague,  as  I  should  then  be  relieved  of  a  form.dable 
rival.  I  shall  exert  myself  to  the  utmost  here,  and  shall  perhaps  employ  my  first 
leisure  in  visiting  Cisalpine  Gaul,  to  conciliate  its  inhabitants.  Do  you  urge  Pompey  s 
friends  to  attend  at  the  election.  3-  I  have  to  ask  your  forgiveness  for  denying  your 
uncle  Caecilius  a  request,  viz.  that  I  would  support  his  claims  upon  my  fnend  A.  Can,- 
nius.  4.  I  in  vain  represented  to  your  uncle  that  he  would  be  supported  efficiently  by 
men  who  had  similar  claims  to  his  own  upon  Caninius ;  he  still  seemed  somewhat 
offended,  but  you  will  find  a  sufficient  excuse  for  my  conduct  in  my  present  position. 
5.  I  am  glad  you  are  so  much  pleased  with  your  '  Hermathena.' 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
1      PETITIONIS  nostrae,  quam  tibi  summae  curae  esse  scio, 
huius  modi  ratio  est,  quod  adhuc  coniectura  provideri  possit. 
Prensat  unus  P.  Galba ;  sine  fuco  ac  fallaciis,  more  maiorum, 

present.'     On  the  mood  of  *  possit '  after  a 
relative  limiting  the  verb,  cp.  Madv.  364, 

Obs.  2. 

3.  Prensat  unus  P.  Galba,  'Galba 
alone  is  canvassing  personally.'  According 
to  Maiiutius  the  term  '  prensare  *  applied  to 
a  preliminary  testing  of  public  feeling,  be- 


For  an  account  of  Atticus,  see  Appendix  3. 

1.  Petitionis  nostrae  .  .  .  ratio  est, 
•  matters  stand  thus  with  regard  to  my 
canvass  for  the  consulship.*  Cp.  '  rationem 
tempestatum '  Pro  Muren.  2,  4. 

2.  Q.uod  adhuc  .  .  .  possit,  'so  far 
as  we   can  look  forward  by  conjecture   at 


/ 


/    .1 


«6 


M.  TULLIJ  CICERONIS 


III 


[part  I. 


i 


negatur.  Ut  opinio  est  hominum,  non  aliena  rationi  nostrae 
fuit  illius  haec  praepropera  prensatio  ;  nam  illi  ita  negant  volgo, 
ut  mihi  se  debere  dicant.  Ita  quiddam  spero  nobis  profici,  cum 
hoc  percrebrescit,  plurimos  nostros  amicos  inveniri.     Nos  autem 

5  initium  prensandi  facere  cogitaramus  eo  ipso  tempore,  quo  tuum 
puerum  cum  his  litteris  proficisci  Cincius  dicebat,  in  campo, 
comitiis  tribuniciis,  a.  d.  XVI.  Kalend.  Sextiles.  Competitores, 
qui  certi  esse  videantur,  Galba  et  Antonius  et  Q.  Cornificius : 
puto  te  in  hoc  aut  risisse  aut  ingemuisse.      Ut  frontem  ferias, 

lo  sunt  qui  etiam  Caesonium  putent.     Aquilium  non  arbitramur, 


fore  the  formal  '  petitio  *  began.  The  trans- 
lations of  Wieland  and  Metzger  both  give 

•  unus '  its  usual  sense  here ;  but  some  have 
thought  that  such  a  meaning  is  inconsistent 
with  the  mention  of  more  competitors  a 
few  lines  below,  and  either  suppose  that  a 
new  letter  begins  with  *  competitores  qui 
certi'  foil.,  or  translate  '  unus  *  by  '  especially.' 
May  not  the  meaning  be  that  Galba  alone 
was  actively  canvassing,  though  others  al- 
lowed their  names  to  be  mentioned  ?  For 
the  word  '  prensare,'  cp.  Livy  i.  47  *cir- 
cumire  et  prensare  patres.' 

P.  Sulpicius  Galba  is  well  spoken  of  by 
Cicero,  cp.  In  Verr.  Act.  I.  10,  30;  Pro 
Muren.  8,  17;  De  Harusp.  Resp.  6,  12. 

Sine  fuco  ac  fallaciis,  'without  any 
deceitful  fine  words.'  Cp.  '  fucosi  suffraga- 
tores'  Q^Cic.  de  Pet.  Cons.  9,  35. 

More  maiorum  negatur,  *  men  say 
no  with  old-fashioned  frankness.*  Prof. 
Nettleship  has  pointed  out  to  me  a  parallel 
passage  in  Plautus ;  cp.  Trucul.  Prol.  6 — 
'En  mehercle  in  vobis  resident  mores  pristini 
Ad  denegandum  ut  celeri  lingua  utamini.' 

1.  Rationi,  •  interest.'  Cp.  'si  rationes 
meas  saluti  vestrae  anteposuissem '  Post  Red, 
ad  Quir.  i,  i. 

2.  Ita  negant  .  .  .  ut  .  .  .  dicant,  *in 
refusing  him  their  support  profess  them- 
selves under  obligations  to  me.'  On  the 
constr.  cp.  Zumpt.  L.  G.  726. 

3.  Quiddam  spero  nobis  profici  .  . 
.  .  inveniri,  *I  hope  it  is  proving  of 
some  use  to  me,  that  my  friends  are  being 
found  numerous.'     For  the  pres,  infin.  with 

•  spero,'  cp.  Madv.  395,  Obs.  3  ad  fin.  And 
for  this  sense  of '  proficere,'  cp.  '  ad  summam 
profectum  aliquid  puto,'  Ep.  48,  l. 

Cum  .  .  .  percrebrescit  =  'percrebre- 
scere.'  Cp.  Ep.  iii,  3,  note,  and  Madv. 
358,  Obs.  2. 

5.  Cogitaramus  .  .  .  dicebat  =  'cogi- 
tavimus  .  .  dicit.'  The  past  tenses  are  used 
because    they  would  be  true    of  the   time 


when  the  letter  would  reach  its  destination. 
Atticus  would  say,  '  when  Cicero  wrote  this, 
Cincius  was  saying.'     Cp.  Madv.  345. 

6.  Puerum,  sc.  '  tabellarium.' 
Proficisci,  for 'profecturum  esse.'     Cp. 

'  quando  te  proficisci  istinc  putes  fac  ut 
sciam '  Ad  Att.  2.  6,  2  ;  Ter.  Phorm.  3.  2, 
47  ;  Ep.  36,  1 1  '  negavi  me  audire.' 

Cincius.  (  L.)  Agent,  apparently,  of  Atti- 
cus, and  often  mentioned  in  Cicero's  letters 
to  him :  e.g.  i,  7 :  6.  2,  i. 

In  campo,  sc.  Maitio. 

7.  a.  d.  xvi.  Kal  Sext.  This  would  be 
about  a  year  before  the  day  of  election.  The 
formal  '  professio '  of  the  candidates  gener- 
ally took  place  a  '  trinundinum,'  or  1 7  days 
before  the  election  :  cp.  Ep,  52,  3  ;  Livy  3. 
35  ;  but  the  canvass,  as  we  see  from  this 
passage,  might  begin  much  sooner. 

8.  Qui  certi  ....  videantur.  For  the 
mood,  see  on  this  sect.  *  quod  .  .  possit,' 
line  2.  '  Certi '  appears  to  mean  *  certain  to 
stand.' 

Antonius.  (C.)  Cicero's  colleague  in 
his  consulship.  He  afterwards  governed 
Macedonia,  and  on  his  return  to  Rome  was 
condemned  for  misgovernment.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  I,  §  18. 

Qi  Cornificius.  Spoken  of  with  great 
respect  by  Cicero:  cp.  In  Verr.  Act.  i.  10, 
30.  His  son  was  appointed  to  govern  Africa 
by  Caesar.     Cp.  Epp.  119;  124. 

9.  In  hoc,  sc.  'Cornificio,'  'at  the  last 
name.' 

Risisse.  At  the  pretensions  of  a  'new 
man '  with  no  great  personal  qualifications  ; 
ingemuisse,  at  the  impending  defeat  of  a 
man  of  good  character. 

Ut  frontem  ferias;  ' prae  admiratione 
et  dolore  '  Schiitz.  Cp.  'frons  non  percussa* 
Brut.  80,  278. 

10.  Caesonium.  M.  Caesonius  was 
colleague  of  Cicero  as  curule  aedile,  and  one 
of  the  judges  on  the  trial  of  Verres.  Cp. 
In  Verr.  Act.  i.  10,  29. 


I 


.ri% 


EP.  I.]  EPISTOLARVM  AD  ATTICUM  I,  i.  27 

qui  denegavit  et  iuravit  morbum  et  illud  suum  regnum  iudi- 
ciale  opposuit.  Catilina,  si  iudicatum  erit  meridie  non  lucere, 
certus  erit  competitor.  De  Auli  filio  et  de  Palicano  non  puto 
2  te  exspectare  dum  scribam.  De  iis,  qui  nunc  petunt,  Caesar 
certus  putatur.  Thermus  cum  Silano  contendere  existimatur,  5 
qui  sic  inopes  et  ab  amicis  et  ah  existimatione  sunt,  ut  mihi 
videatur  non  esse  Mvaiov  Curium  obducere.  Sed  hoc  praeter 
me  nemini  videtur.     Nostris  rationibus  maxime  conducere  vide- 


Aquilium.  C.  Aquilius  Gallus  was  a 
celebrated  jurisconsult,  author  of  the  formula 
'de  dolo  malo,'  and  teacher  of  the  cele- 
brated Servius  Sulpicius.  As  the  latter  was 
Cicero's  contemporary,  Aquilius  was  pro- 
bably somewhat  older  than  Cicero,  though 
praetor  in  the  same  year  with  him.  Cp. 
Brut.  42,  153  and  154. 

Non    arbitramur,   sc.    ' competitorem 

fore.'  , 

1.  Iuravit    morbum,    'protested   that 
his  health  would  not  allow  him  to  be  a  can- 
didate.'    Cp.  '  perpetuum  morbum  iurabo 
Ad  Att.  12.  13,  2. 

Regnum  iudiciale  opposuit, 'pleaded 
his  sovereignty  in  the  law  courts,'  i.e.  his 
great  business.  Cp.  '  omnis  dominatio  reg- 
numque  iudiciorum,'  said  of  Hortensius,  In 
Verr.  Act.  i.  12,  35. 

2.  Catilina  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  8. 

Si  iudicatum  erit  meridie  non  lu- 
cere. I  cannot  find  that  this  expression  is 
elsewhere  used.  Apparently  it  means,  'if 
the  judges  decide  that  black  is  white.' 

3.  De  Auli  filio.  L.  Afranius,  consul 
in  60  B.C.,  is  said  to  have  been  called  *Auli 
filius'  on  account  of  his  own  insignificance ; 
'quasi  terrae  filius,'  says  Drumann  (i.  35), 
but  it  seems  a  strange  expression.  ^Mr. 
Tyrrell  retains  the  MS.  reading  'Aufidio,'and 
refers  to  T.  Aufidius  once  praetor  in  Asia  : 
cp.  pro  Flacco  19,  45.  Mr.  Tyrrell  remarks 
that  Cicero  does  not  call  Afranius  A.  filius 
before  61  B.C.  Afranius  was  a  devoted 
adherent  of  Pompey;  commanded  his  forces 
in  Spain,  with  M.  Petreius,  in  49  B.C.,  and 
perished  in  the  African  campaign  three  years 
later.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  III,  §  8  ;  IV,  §  10. 

Palicano.  M.  Lollius  Palicanus,  tribune 
for  72-71  B.C.,  is  mentioned  In  Verr.  Act.  2. 
2.  41,100.  He  seems  to  have  been  held  in 
great  contempt,  and  it  is  said  that  the  consul 
Piso  declared  in  67  B.C..  that  he  would  not 
announce  Palicanus  as  elected  even  if  he 
obtained  a  majority  of  the  votes.  Cp.  Val. 
Max.  3.  8,  3. 

4*.  Nunc,  •  for  this  year's  election,*  i.e.  to 
hold  office  in  64  B.C. 


L.  lulius  Caesar,  consul  64  B.C.  His 
sister  Julia  married  (i)  M.  Antonius  Cre- 
ticus,  to  whom  she  bore  the  celebrated 
triumvir,  (2)  P.  Lentulus,  the  associate  of 
Catiline.  Notwithstanding  this  near  con- 
nection, Caesar  voted,  in  December,  63  b.c, 
for  the  execution  of  Lentulus.  See  Ep.  96,  i. 
After  the  murder  of  the  dictator  Caesar, 
Lucius  tried  to  mediate  between  the  senate 
and  Antony ;  was  proscribed  by  the  triumvirs, 
and  narrowly  escaped  death.  Cp.  Philipp.  8. 
I,  I ;  12,  7,  18;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  12;  4. 
37.     Certus,  'certain  of  success.' 

5.  Q^  Minucius  Thermus.  Said  to  have 
became  C.  Marcius  Figulus,  by  adoption, 
and  so  to  have  been  consul  in  64  b.c  But 
I  cannot  find  any  evidence  for  this,  beyond 
the  probability  arising  from  a  comparison  of 
this  passage  with  Ep.  3.  I,  Drumann  (5.  405) 
is  satisfied  with  the  probability. 

Silano.  D.  lunius  Silanus,  consul  for  02 
B.C.  When  consul  elect,  he  proposed  in  the 
senate  that  Lentulus  and  his  accomplices 
should  be  punished  with  death  (cp.  In  Cat. 
4.  4,  7),  but  afterwards  supported  a  motion 

for  delay. 

Thermus  cum  Silano.  foil.,  '  the  strug- 
gle is  thought  to  lie  between  Thermus  and 

Silanus.'  .         , 

6.  Ab  amicis,  *  in  respect  of  friends. 
See  Madv.  253,  Observations,  for  the  ablat. 

7.  Curium  obducere,  'to  bring  for- 
ward Curius  against  them.'  Boot  says  this 
is  the  only  passage  in  Cicero  where  the  word 
occurs  in  this  sense.  Manutius  says  '  con- 
tra illos  in  Campum  Martium  ducere. 
Asconius  (ad  Orat.  in  tog.cand.  118)  quotes 
from  C.  Licinius  Calvus  the  words  '  et  talis 
Curius  pereruditus '  in  illustration  of  Curius' 
love  of  gambling.  The  Curius  referred  to 
may  have  been  the  Q^  Curius  who  betrayed 
to  Cicero  the  secrets  of  Catiline  and  his 
associates.  The  context  shows  that  he  was 
a  man  of  little  consequence.  Cicero's  slight- 
ing mention  of  Thermus  seems  inconsistent 
with  his  wish  not  to  have  him  for  a  com- 
petitor. 

8.  Rationibus  :  see  note  on  sect.  I,  p.  20. 


28 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


EP.  I.] 


EPISTOLARVM  AD  ATTICUM  1,  i. 


29 


tur  Thermum  fieri  cum  Caesare ;   nemo  est  enim  ex  lis,  qui 
nunc  petunt,  qui,  si  in  nostrum  annum  reciderit,  firmior  candi- 
datus  fore  videatur,  propterea  quod  curator  est  viae  Flaminiae,^ 
tquae   cum  erit  absoluta  sane  facile  eum  libenter  nunc  ceteris 

5  consuli  acciderim.  Petitorum  haec  est  adhuc  informata  cogi-- 
tatio.  Nos  in  omni  munere  candidatorio  fungendo  summam 
adhibebimus  diligentiam  et  fortasse,  quoniam  videtur  in  sufifra- 
giis  multum  posse  Gallia,  cum  Romae  a  iudiciis  forum  refrixerit, 
excurremus  mense  Septembri  legati  ad    Pisonem,  ut  lanuario- 

10  revertamur :  cum  perspexero  voluntates  nobilium,  scribam  ad  te. 
Cetera  spero  prolixa  esse,  his  dumtaxat  urbanis  competitoribus. 
Illam  manum  tu  mihi  cura  ut  praestes,  quoniam  propius  abes, 


2.  Si  .  .  .  reciderit,  'if  he  shall  be  left 
over  for  my  year.* 

Firmior,  'more  likely  to  succeed/ 

3.  Curator  .  .  viae  Flaminiae,  'com- 
missioner for  repairing  the  Flaminian  road.' 
The  Flaminian  was  the  great  north  road, 
leading  to  the  Adriatic  by  Ocriculum  and 
Narnia ;  and  the  office  of  Thermus  would 
give  him  opportunities  of  gaining  influence 
with  the  population  of  the  districts  through 
which  the  road  ran. 

4.  Quae  cum  erit  ....  acciderim. 
1  have  given  the  reading  of  the  best  MS. 
but  it  is  not  intelligible.  Of  conjectures, 
that  of  Manutius,  'quae  turn  erit  absoluta, 
sane  facile.  Eum  libenler  nunc  Caesari  con- 
sulem  addiderim,'  keeps  nearest  to  the  MS. ; 
that  of  Kayser,  *  quae  tum  erit  absoluta  sane 
facile.  Eum  libenter  municipia  consulem  ac- 
cipient,'  perhaps  suits  the  context  best.  Mr. 
Tyrrell  gives  '  sane  facile  :  eo  libenter  Ther- 
mum Caesari  consulem  accuderim'  as  an 
improvement  on  that  of  Manutius,  and  sug- 
gests himself  '  eo  libenter  Thermum  Ciceri 
^a  lupine  to  a  vetch)  consulem  accuderim.* 

5.  Petitorum  ....  cogitatio,  'this 
is  the  general  impression  which  I  have 
formed  about  the  candidates  up  to  the 
present  time.*  Informo=viroTV7r(>a'.  For- 
cell. 

8.  Gallia  Cispadana :  for  the  franchise 
of  theTranspadane  Gauls  was  not  thoroughly 
recognized  till  after  Caesar's  victory  over 
Pompey.  Cp.  Ep.  31,  2,  note.  On  the 
importance  of  the  support  of  the  Gallic  dis- 
trict to  candidates,  cp.  '  municipia  colonias- 
que  Galliae  a  qua  nos  tum  .  .  .  petere  con- 
sulatum  solebamus  *  Philipp.  2.  30,  76. 

Cum  .  .  .  refrixerit,  'when  the  heat  of 
business  shall  have  grown  less  intense  in  the 
courts   at  Rome.*      In   the  autumn   many 


days  were  taken  up  with  the  celebration  of 
different  public  games,  and  were  therefore 
unavailable  for  judicial  business.  Cp.  In 
Verr.  Act.  i.  10,  31.  '  Refrigere  *  is  opposed 
to  '  calere.*     Cp.  Ep.  9,  6. 

9.  Ad  Pisonem.  C.  Calpurnius  Piso 
was  consul  in  67  b.c,  and  afterwards 
governor  of  Gallia  Narbonensis.  He  pro- 
posed a  law  against  bribery  in  his  consul- 
ship, and  it  was  carried.  On  his  return 
from  his  province,  he  was  accused  of  mal- 
administration by  C.  Caesar  ;  defended  by 
Cicero,  and  acquitted,  in  63  b.c.  If  he 
did  not  combine  the  government  of  Cisalpine 
with  that  of  Narbonensian  Gaul,  Cicero  may 
have  visited  the  farther  province  as  an  ex- 
cuse for  canvassing  the  Cispadane  Gauls  on 
his  way.  Legati.  Cicero  would  probably 
apply  for  the  '  legatio  Ubera,'  a  titular  office 
which  would  enable  him  to  visit  the  province 
with  more  dignity.  Cp.  Ep.  11,3;  Philipp. 
I.  2,  6. 

11.  Prolixa,  'clear,*  from  the  sense  of 
flowing  or  streaming  freely ;  hence  '  favour- 
able.' Forcell.  Cp.  '  rebus  secundis  atque 
prolixis  *  Cat.  ap.  Aul.  Gell.  7  (or  6),  3. 

Urbanis,  either  *  who  are  now  at  Rome  * 
(Casaub.  ap.  Billerb.),  or  '  whose  claims  rest 
on  civil  services\Boot,  following  Gronovius). 
Either  version  may,  perhaps,  be  justified  by 
the  expression  '  urbana  militia  *  Pro  Muren. 
9.  19.  The  whole  passage  means,  'if  I 
have  only  to  deal  with  these  competitors.' 
On  the  abl.  abs.  'his,'  see  Madv.  277. 

12.  Manum.  The  friends  and  depend- 
ents of  Pompey,  who  was  now  in  Asia. 
Atticus,  who  was  now  at  Athens,  might 
have  more  opportunities  for  intercourse  with 
the  East,  than  Cicero  in  Italy.  Boot,  how- 
ever, explains  '  manus  '  as  meaning  '  opera, 
auxilium.' 


i> 


tl 


\ 


Pompeii,  nostri  a'mici:  nega  me  ei  iratum  fore,  si  ad  mea 
3  comitia  non  venerit.  Atque  haec  huius  modi  sunt.  Sed  est 
quod  abs  te  mihi  ignosci  pervelim :  Caecilius,  avunculus  tuus, 
a  P.  Vario  cum  magna  pecunia  fraudaretur,  agere  coepit  cum 
eius  fratre  A.  Caninio  Satyro  de  iis  rebus,  quas  eum  dolo  malo  5 
mancipio  accepisse  de  Vario  diceret ;  una  agebant  ceteri  cre- 
ditores,  in  quibus  erat  L.  Lucullus  et  P.  Scipio  et  is,  quern 
putabant  magistrum  fore,  si  bona  venirent,  L.  Pontius.  Verum 
hoc  ridiculum  est  de  magistro.  Nunc  cognosce  rem.  Rogavit 
me  Caecilius,  ut  adessem  contra  Satyrum :  dies  fere  nullus  est  lo 
quin  hie  Satyrus  domum  meam  ventitet ;  observat  L.  Domitium 


I.  Ei,  Pompeio.     Boot. 

3.  Quod  .  .  .  pervelim,  'for  which 
I  should  be  very  glad  of  your  forgiveness.* 
'Pervelim'  recurs  Ad.  Att.  ii.  14,  3.  For 
the  mood,  see  Madv.  350  b,  Obs.  i. 

Caecilius.  (CL.)  Uncle  of  Atticus,  and, 
like  him,  a  great  money-lender.  He  adopted 
Atticus  by  his  will.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  12,  i; 
a.  19,  5;  3.  20,1. 

4.  P.  Vario.  Varius  is  not  apparently 
mentioned  elsewhere. 

Agere  coepit  cum  eius  fratre/began 
legal  proceedings  against  the  brother  of 
Varius.'  If  '  fratre'  has  its  usual  meaning, 
one  of  the  two  brothers  must  have  changed 
his  name  by  adoption,  or  they  may  have 
been  brothers  on  the  mother's  side. 

5.  Dolo  malo  mancipio  accepisse, 
'to  have  fraudulently  purchased/ i.e.  so  as 
to  defraud  the  creditors,  by  giving  less  than 
the  real  value.  There  was  a  legal  action 
for  'dolus  mains'  (cp.  §  i,  note),  which  is 
defined  (Digest  4,  tit.  3,  §  i)  '  omnis  calli- 
ditas,  fallacia,  machinatio  ad  circumvenien- 
dum,  fallendum,  decipiendum  alterum  adhi- 
bita.'  The  action  seems  to  have  been  pro- 
vided for  cases  of  fraud  which  could  not  be 
brought  under  any  more  specific  head.  Cp. 
De  Offic.  3.  14,  60. 

6.  Diceret  =  'ut  dicebat'  with  *acce- 
pisset,*  or  'accepisset'  might  stand  alone. 
See  Madv.  357  a,  Obs.  2,  and  examples. 

Una  agebant,  'are  acting  in  concert 
with  Caecilius.' 

7.  L.  Lucullus.  So  Baiter, but  without 
giving  any  reason  for  his  insertion  of  L.  Boot 
follows  Manutius  in  believing  Marcus  Lucul- 
lus to  be  referred  to,  but  on  the  erroneous  sup- 
position that  Lucius  was  at  this  time  engaged 
in  the  Mithridatic  War,  whereas  he  left  Asia 
in  66  B.C.,  and  seems  to  have  waited  'ad  ur- 
bem,'  three  years  for  his  triumph.  Cp.  Acad. 
Pr.  2 . 1 , 3 ;  Drumann  4.  1 6 1 .    For  an  account 


of  L.  Lucullus,  see  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  7  ;  Ap- 
pendix I,  §  I  ;  and  of  Marcus,  Ep.  ai,  §  3. 

P.  Scipio.  Nasica,  probably,  adopted  by 
Q.  Metellus  Pius  subsequently.  His  daughter, 
Cornelia,  was  Pompey's  third  wife.  He 
commanded  a  considerable  force  for  Pompey 
in  the  campaign  of  48  B.C.,  and  was  after- 
wards general  of  the  army  of  the  optimates 
in  Africa.  Some  days  after  the  battle  of 
Thapsus,  in  46  B.C.,  he  killed  himself,  being 
hotly  pursued  by  Caesar's  partisans.  See 
Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §§  4;  10;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ. 
3.37,  alib. ;  Bell.  Afric.  96  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ. 
2.  100;  Livy,  Epit.  114. 

8.  Magistrum,  sc.  •  auctionis.*  If  a 
debtor's  property  had  to  be  sold,  the  *  ma- 
gister '  presided  at  the  sale  in  the  interest  of 
the  creditors.  Cp.  Pro  Quinct.  15,  50  ;  Ad 
Att.  6.  I,  15;  9.  II,  4:  also  Rein,  Privat- 
recht,  944. 

L.  Pontius  Aquila.  A  friend  of  Cicero. 
As  tribune  of  the  people,  in  44-45  b.c  ,  he 
offended  Caesar  by  his  independence.  Cp. 
Ep.  112,  3,  note.  He  was  one  of  the  con- 
spirators against  Caesar ;  after  whose  death 
he  did  good  service  to  the  senate  in  the  war 
of  Mutina,  and  was  killed  in  one  of  the 
battles  which  obliged  Antony  to  raise  the 
siege  of  that  place.  See  Philipp.  13.  13,  27 ; 
Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4. 

Verum  hoc  ....  magistro,  '  it  is 
ridiculous  to  dwell  on  the  appointment  of  a 
"  magister.'*  * 

9.  Rem,  *  the  affair  for  which  I  wish  you 
to  forgive  me.* 

II.  Observat,  'courts.*  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
6.  10,  2,  alib. 

L.  Domitium  Ahenobarbum.  This 
nobleman  is  mentioned  as  a  witness  against 
Verres.  In  Verr.  Act.  2.  i.  53,  139.  He  was 
consul  54  B.C.,  and  afterwards  named  as 
Caesar's  successor  in  Transalpine  Gaul  by 
the  senate.     He  supported  the  cause  of  the 


30 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


EP.  2.] 


epistoLarum  ad  ATTICUM  /.  2. 


31 


maxime,  me  habet  proximum ;  fuit  et  mihi  et  Q.  fratri  magno 
Usui  in  nostris  petitionibus.     Sane  sum  perturbatus  cum  ipsius  4 
Satyri  familiaritate,  tum  Domitii,  in  quo  uno  maxime  ambitio 
nostra   nititur.      Demonstravi    haec    Caecilio;   simul    et    illud 

5  ostendi,  si  ipse  unus  cum  illo  uno  contenderet,  me  ei  satis 
facturum  fuisse;  nunc  in  causa  universorum  creditorum,  homi- 
num  praesertim  amplissimorum,  qui  sine  eo,  quem  Caecilius 
suo  nomine  perhiberet,  facile  c^usam  communem  sustinerent, 
aequum  esse  eum  et  officio  meo  consulere  et  tempori.     Duri-us 

10  accipere  hoc  mihi  visus  est  quam  vellem  et  quam  homines  belli 
solent,  et  postea  prorsus  ab  instituta  nostra  paucorum  dierum 
consuetudine  longe  refugit :  abs  te  peto,  ut  mihi  hoc  ignoscas 
et  me  existimes  humanitate  esse  prohibitum,  ne  contra  amici 
summam  existimationem  miserrimo  eius  tempore  venirem,  cum 

,5  is  omnia  sua  studia  et  officia  in  me  contulisset.  Quod  si  vples 
in  me  esse  durior,  ambitionem  putabis  mihi  obstitisse;  ego 
autem  arbitror,  etiam  si  id  sit,  mihi  ignoscendum  esse :  eiret  ov^ 
iep^iov  ovbl  PoeCrjv,  Vides  enim,  in  quo  cursu  simus  et  quam 
omnes  gratias  non  modo  retinendas,  verum  etiam  acquirendas 

20  putemus.  Spero  tibi  me  causam  probasse,  cupio  quidem-  certe. 
Hermathena  tua  valde  me  delectat  et  posita  ita  belle  est,  ut  5 


optimates  in  the  civil  war  with  zeal,  but 
without  much  skill  or  success,  and  was  killed 
after  Pharsalus,  Cicero  says  by  Antony.  See 
Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  n. 

1.  Me  habet  proximum,  *  gives  me 
the  next  place  in  his  regard.' 

2.  Petitionibus.  M.  Cidero  had  been 
quaestor,  aedile,  and  praetor.  His  brother 
Quintus  had  been  aedile,  and  in  all  proba- 
bility quaestor. 

3.  Ambitio  nostra  nititur,  'my  can- 
vass rests  its  hopes  of  success.' 

5.  Illo,  sc.  'Satyro.* 

6.  Nunc  in  causa  ....  et  tempori, 
•but  under  existing  circumstances,  seeing 
that  all  the  creditors  were  interested,  and 
they,  too,  men  of  distinction,  able  to  take 
care  of  themselves,  even  without  the  aid  of 
any  advocate  produced  by  Caecilius  indi- 
vidually, it  was  fair  that  Caecilius  should 
consider  my  obligations  and  my  position,' 
i.  e.  not  insist  on  my  accusing  a  friend  and 
an  influential  supporter.  '  Adhibere '  is  more 
common  than  '  perhibere,'  in  the  sense  of 
•  to  produce  in  one's  support. 

10  Belli  =•  humani.'  Forcell. '  of  good 
breeding.'  Rare  in  Cicero,  but  occurs  in 
Ep.  75,  3;  DeFin.  2.  31,  102. 


II.  Ab  instituta  .  .  .  consuetudine, 
'  from  our  intimacy  which  had  begun  a  few 
days  before.'  -^ 

13.  Ne  contra  .  .  .  veiTirem,  '  from 
appearing  against  a  friend  in  his  time  of 
greatest  need,  and  when  his  whole  repu- 
tation was  at  stake.*  For  a  conviction  for 
♦  dolus  malus'  seems  to  have  implied  'infa- 
mia.'     Rein,  Criminalrecht,  916. 

17.  €Tr€t  ovx  Ifpv'iov  ou5€    $0€ir)v 
dpvvaOrjv,  an  iroaalv  diOkia  yi')(V(Tai 

dvSpuVf 
dXXd  trfpl  ^vxv^  Q^ov  "EKTopos  Irrno- 
bdfioio. — 11.  22,  159. 
i.e.  'no  small  interests  are  at  stake.' 

18.  In  quo  cursu  simus,  *in  what  a 
career  I  am  embarked.'  Perhaps  with  an 
allusion  to  the  passage  from  the  Iliad  quoted 
above,  about  the  '  running  '  of  Hector.  On 
the  conjunctive  in  dependent  questions,  see 
Madv.  356. 

19.  Omnes  gratias.  With  this  use  of 
the  plural,  cp.  'multas  bonas  gratias'  Pro 
Muren.  20,  42. 

20.  Me  causam  probasse,  *  that  I  have 
made  good  my  plea,'  'shewn  sufficient  grounds 
for  my  conduct/ 

21.  Hermathena.     A  statue  with  two 


1 


i  V 


i 


fcT^ 


i 


V 

«» 


totum    gymnasium    eius    ava6i]fMa    esse   videatur.      Multum    te 
amamus. 

2.    To  ATTICUS   (AD  ATT.  I.   2). 

Rome,  July  or  August,  6^  b.c.  (689  a.u.c.) 

I.  You  will  be  pleased  to  hear  that  Terentia  bore  me  a  son  on  the  day  that  Caesar 
and  Figulus  were  elected  consuls,  and  that  she  is  doing  well.  I  am  anxious  to  hear 
from  you.  I  think  of  pleading  for  Catiline  on  his  trial,  and,  if  I  succeed,  shall  hope 
for  his  support  at  the  election.  2.  Please  take  care  to  be  at  Rome  in  January;  I  shall 
need  your  influence  with  certain  nobles,  who  are  supposed  not  to  look  with  favour 
on  my  claims. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1      L.   lulio   Caesare   C.    Marcio   Figulo    consulibus   filiolo    me 
auctum  scito  salva  Terentia.    Abs  te  tam  diu  nihil  litterarum  ? 
ego  de  meis   ad  te   rationibus  scripsi  antea  diligenter.      Hoc  5 
tempore  Catilinam,  competitorem  nostrum,  defendere  cogitamus  ; 
iudices  habemus,  quos  voluimus,  summa  accusatoris  voluntate. 


faces,  one  of  Hermes,  one  of  Athene ;  so  we 
hear  of  a  '  Hermeracles/  Ad  Att.  i.  10,  3. 

I.  Gymnasium.  Used  of  a  place  dedi- 
cated to  literary  and  philosophical  discussions, 
from  the  older  philosophers  having  used  the 
Greek  gymnasia  for  such  purposes.    Forcell. 

Eius  dvd$r]fia,  •  an  offering  to  it,'  'dedi- 
cated to  it.' 

3.  L.  lulio  Caesare  C.  Marcio  Fi- 
gulo consulibus.  Cicero  amuses  himself 
by  expressing  in  one  sentence  the  result  of 
the  consular  comitia  for  64  B.C.,  and  the 
birth  of  his  child.  He  must  refer  to  the  day 
of  election,  not  to  that  of  the  new  consuls 
coming  into  office,  for  he  speaks  of  the  trial 
of  Catiline  as  not  yet  concluded,  and  it  took 
place  in  65  b.c.  Cp.  Fragm.  Orat.  in  Tog. 
Cand.  '  In  iudiciis  quanta  vis  esset  didicit 
cum  est  absolutus.  si  aut  illud  indicium  aut  ilia 
absolutio  nominanda  est,'  with  Asconius'  Com- 
ment. III.    See,  too,  Suringar,  Annales,  601. 

Filiolo.  Cicero's  namesake  Marcus. 
He  accompanied  his  father  to  Cilicia,  and 
studied  there,  together  with  his  cousin 
Quintus,  but  seems  to  have  been  slow  in 
learning.  He  commanded  a  body  of  cavalry 
under  Pompey  in  the  civil  war,  cp.  De  Off. 
2.  13,  45,  and  his  father  sent  him,  in  45 
B.C.,  to  study  at  Athens.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  12. 
32,  2  ;  De  Off.  1. 1, 1.  When  M.  Brutus  ap- 
peared in  Greece,  after  Caesar's  murder,  the 
young  Cicero  did  him  good  service  against 
Dolabella  and  C.  Antonius.     Cp.  Philipp.  10. 


6,  13 ;  Plut.  Brut.  26,  3.  After  the  battle 
of  Philippi,  he  escaped  to  Sex.  Pompeius,  in 
Sicily,  and  perhaps  returned  to  Italy  by  virtue 
of  the  amnesty  which  was  one  of  the  condi- 
tions of  the  peace  of  Misenum.  Cp.  App. 
Bell.  Civ.  5.  72.  He  was  consul  30  b  c, 
when  the  senate  ordered  the  destruction  of 
Antony's  images.  Dion  Cassius  51.  19; 
Plut.  Cic.  49.  He  was  famous  for  his  vio- 
lent temper,  and  love  of  the  pleasures  of  the 
table  (cp.  M.  Seneca  Suasor.  7;  Pliny  H.  N. 
14.  22,  28),  and  died,  apparently,  without 
male  issue. 

4.  Auctum,  'enriched/  'blessed.* 
Salva   Terentia,  'and  that  Terentia  is 
doing  well.' 

Nihil  litterarum,  sc,  *accepero.' 

6.  Catilinam  .  .  .  cogitamus.  It  is 
doubtful  if  Cicero  carried  out  this  intention. 
Perhaps,  if  he  had  done  so,  he  would  hardly 
have  spoken  with  such  contempt  of  a  court 
which  had  decided  in  his  favour,  as  is  shewn 
in  the  passage  quoted  above  from  the  •  Oratio 
in  Toga  Candida.'  But  Asconius'  argument, 
that  if  he  had  pleaded  for  Catiline,  he  would 
afterwards  have  charged  the  latter  with  in- 
gratitude, is  not  convincing.  Catiline  was 
apparently  brought  to  trial  in  this  year  on  a 
charge  of  misgovernment  arising  out  of  his 
administration  of  Africa  as  propraetor.  Cp. 
Ascon.  ad  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  in. 

7.  Quos  voluimus,  'such  as  I  wanted.' 
Summa  accusatoris  voluntate,  'with 

the  greatest  good  will  on  the  part  of  the 


T 


3^ 


M.  TULLII  CICERO mS 


[part  I. 


Spero,  si  absolutus  erit,  coniunctiorem  ilium  nobis  fore  in 
ratione  petitionis  ;  sin  aliter  accident,  humaniter  feremus.  Tuo 
adventu  nobis  opus  est  maturo ;  nam  prorsus  summa  hominum 
est  opinio  tuos  familiares,  nobiles  homines,  adversarios  honori 
nostro  fore:  ad  eorum  voluntatem  mihi  conciliandam  maximo 
te  mihi  usui  fore  video.  Qua  re  lanuario  mense,  ut  consti- 
tuisti,  cura  ut  Romae  sis. 

3.    To   POMPEY  (AD   FAM.  V.  7)- 
Rome,  62  b.c.  (692  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  rejoice  over  the  contents  of  your  despatches,  which  seem  to  hold  out  a  good 
prospect  of  peace.  Your  new  friends,  so  long  your  enemies,  are  confounded  by  the 
news.  2.  I  am  not  much  annoyed  by  the  tone  of  your  private  letter  to  me,  3.  though 
I  thmk  you  might  have  added  your  testimony  to  that  of  others,  as  to  the  value  of  my 
services.    I  allow  you  are  greater  than  Africanus ;  do  not  place  me  much  below  Laelius. 

M.  TULLIUS  M.  F.  CICERO  S.  D.  CN.  POMPEIO  CN.  F.  MAGNO 

IMPERATORI. 

S.  T.  E.  Q.  V.  B.  E.      Ex  litteris  tuis,  quas  publice  misisti,  1 

cepi  una  cum  omnibus  incredibilem  voluptatem ;  tantam  enim 

10  spem  otii  ostendisti,  quantam  ego  semper  omnibus  te  uno  fretus 

pollicebar;   sed   hoc  scito,  tuos  veteres  hostes,  novos  amicos, 

vehementer  litteris  perculsos  atque  ex  magna  spe  deturbatos 

M.F.,  CN.F.  =  *Marci  filius,  Cnaei  filio.' 

Magno.  Pompey  is  said  to  have  been 
greeted  by  Sulla  with  the  title  Magnus  on 
his  victorious  return  from  Africa  in  b.c.  81. 
See  Plut.  Pomp.  13  ;  Drumann  4.  335. 

8.  S.  T.  E.  Q.  V.  B.  E.  = '  si  tu  exercitus- 
que  valetis  bene  est.'  Cicero  does  not  use 
this  greeting  often  when  he  writes  confiden- 
tially.    Cp.  note  C  on  Part  I. 

Litteris  tuis  .  .  .  misisti.  The  offi- 
cial despatches  of  Pompey,  announcing  his 
successes  over  Mithridates.  On  which,  and 
on  Pompey's  proceedings  in  the  East  in 
general,  see  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  7;  Appendix  2. 

10.  Spem  otii,  «hope  of  peace,'  in  the 
East,  or  perhaps  '  of  tranquillity  at  Rome.* 
Pompey's  despatch  may  have  announced  an 
intention  of  supporting  the  senate.  See 
Siipfle's  notes  on  this  letter. 

11.  Pollicebar.  Especially  in  the  Oration 
de  Imperio  Cn.  Pompeii,  or  Pro  Leg.  Man. 

Veteres  hostes,  novos  amicos.  These 
words  probably  refer  to  the  Roman  demo- 
crats, though  Manutius  thinks  that  M.Crassus 


accuser.'  On  the  abl.  (abs.\  see  Madv.  277. 
The  accuser  was  P.  Clodius,  and  he  seems 
to  have  left  several  judges  unchallenged,  who 
were  likely  to  favour  the  accused.  See  Rein, 
Criminalrecht,  658,  659.     In  Pison.  10,  23. 

1.  In  ratione,  '  in  the  matter  of.'  Cp. 
De  Prov.  Cons.  14,  35. 

2.  Humaniter,      *  with     equanimity.* 

Forcell. 

Tuo  adventu  ....  maturo,  '  my 
interests  require  your  speedy  return.'  For 
the  abl.,  see  Madv.  266,  Obs. ;  and  for  the 
adject.,  used  as  an  adverb,  lb.  300  b. 

4.  Tuos  familiares.  Probably  Horten- 
sius  was  one  of  them  (cp.  Ep.  14.  l),  and 
perhaps  L.  Lucullus  and  M.  Crassus  were 
others.  Cicero  had  offended  many  of  the 
nobles,  by  arguing  for  the  grant  of  excessive 
powers  to  Pompey.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  8. 

Honori,.'  my  election  to  the  consulship.' 

6.  lanuario  ...  sis.  Atticus  seems  to 
have  complied  with  this  request,  and  to  have 
remained  three  years  at  Rome.  Cicero's  next 
letter  to  him  is  dated  61  B.C. 


I. 


A 


0 


EP.3.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  V.  7. 


33 


iacere.  Ad  me  autem  litteras,  quas  misisti,  quamquam  exiguam 
significationem  tuae  erga  me  voluntatis  habebant,  tamen  mihi 
scito  iucundas  fuisse ;  nulla  enim  re  tam  laetari  soleo  quam 
meorum  officiorum  conscientia,  quibus  si  quando  non  mutue 
respondetur,  apud  me  plus  officii  residere  facillime  patior :  illud  5 
non  dubito,  quin,  si  te  mea  summa  erga  te  studia  parum 
mihi  adiunxerint,  res  publica  nos  inter  nos  conciliatura  coniunc- 
3  turaque  sit.  Ac  ne  ignores,  quid  ego  in  tuis  litteris  desiderarim, 
scribam  aperte,  sicut  et  mea  natura  et  nostra  amicitia  postulat : 
res  eas  gessi,  quarum  aliquam  in  tuis  litteris  et  nostrae  necessi-  lo 
tudinis  et  rei  publicae  causa  gratulationem  exspectavi ;  quam 
ego  abs  te  praetermissam  esse  arbitror,  qiiod  vererere  ne  cuius 
animum  offenderes.  Sed  scito  ea,  quae  nos  pro  salute  patriae 
gessimus,  orbis  terrae  iudicio  ac  testimonio  comprobari ;  quae, 
cum  veneris,  tanto  consilio  tantaque  animi  magnitudine  a  me  15 
gesta  esse  cognosces,  ut  tibi  multo  maiori,  quam  Africanus  fuit, 
me  non  multo  minorem  quam  Laelium  facile  et  in  re  publica 
et  in  amicitia  adiunctum  esse  patiare. 


and  L.  Lucullus  are  meant.  Pompey  had 
served  the  optimates  effectively  in  Italy, 
Africa,  and  Spain,  but  had  afterwards  com- 
bined with  the  democratic  leaders,  and  with 
Crassus  to  reverse  some  of  Sulla's  most 
important  measures.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  5. 
The  democrats  had  been  alarmed,  apparently, 
afterwards  by  the  prospect  of  Pompey's  vic- 
torious return  from  the  East.  Mr.  H.  F. 
Pelham  thinks  that  the  words  *  veteres 
hostes  *  apply  to  Crassus  and  Caesar  in  re- 
gard to  their  supposed  intrigues  against 
Pompey  in  65-63  B.C.,  and  their  possible 
complicity  with  RuUus  and  with  Catilina; 
and  that  the  words  *  novos  amicos'  refer  to 
the  steps  taken  by  Caesar  and  Q^  Metellus 
Nepos  in  favour  of  Pompey.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  p.  12. 

1.  Iacere,  'are  prostrate.* 
Litteras,  quas  misisti.    Cicero  appears 

to  have  written  to  congratulate  Pompey  on 
his  successes,  and  to  have  added  an  account 
of  his  own  consulship.  Pompey's  reply 
seems  to  have  been  rather  cold,  and  any 
uncertainty  as  to  his  feelings  would  be  very 
alarming  to  Cicero.  Cp.  Pro  Sulla  24,  67 ; 
Pro  Plane.  34,  85.  On  the  ace.  *  litteras,' 
attracted  to  *  quas,*  see  Madv.  319. 

2.  Significationem,  *  expression.*    Cp. 
Pro  Sest.  49,  105. 

4.  Si  .  .  .  non   mutue  respondetur, 
'  if  no  fair  return  is  made.'     *  Mutuo '  is  the 


more  common  form.    •  Mutue  respondere  *  = 

•  par  pari  reftrrre.'     Forcell. 

5.  Apud  me  .  .  facillime  patior,*! 
am  well  content  that  the  balance  of  services 
done  should  be  on  my  side.'   With  this  use  of 

•  facile  patior,'  cp.  below,  §  3,  and  Ep.  29,  2 1. 

6.  Mea  summa  erga  te  studia.  Cicero 
had  supported,  as  praetor,  the  proposal  of 
Manilius  (cp  §  i),  and  had  proposed,  as  con- 
sul, a  thanksgiving  of  twelve  days  in  honour 
of  Pompey's  victories.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I, 
§  8  :  also  De  Prov.  Cons.  11.27;  Ep.  29,  11. 

TO    Res  eas  gessi  ....  expectavi, 

•  I  have  performed  achievements  of  which  I 
expected  some  acknowledgment.*  On  the 
ind  ,  see  Madv.  362  a,  and  366. 

12.  Quod  vererere.  The  conjunctive 
is  used  to  express  the  thoughts  of  Pompey. 
See  Madv.  369. 

Cuius.  Q^ Metellus  Nepos,  one  of  Pom- 
pey's most  active  associates,  was  on  bad 
terms  with  Cicero ;  but  it  is  needless  to 
suppose  a  reference  to  any  particular  person. 

Ne  .  .  animum  offenderes, 'lest  yon 
should  give  offence  to.'  Cp.  *ne  Divitiaci 
animum  offenderet'Caes.  de  Bell,  Gall.  i.  19. 

13.  Ea  quae  nos  .  .  gessimus.  Cicero 
refers  especially  to  the  detection  and  suppres- 
sion of  Catiline's  conspiracy. 

16.  Africanus.  Probably  the  younger, 
who  took  Carthage.     Billerb. 

17.  Quam    Laelium.     Accusative  at- 


34 


M.  TULLIl  CICERO NIS 


[part  I. 


4.    Q.  METELLUS  CELER  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  V.  i). 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  Early  in  62  b.c.  (692  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  regret  both  your  unexpected  insult  to  myself,  and  your  attack  on  my  unhappy 
brother.  1  am  surprised  that  you  shewed  so  little  consideration  for  the  dignity  of  my 
family,  and  for  the  claims  of  our  former  friendship.  2.  One  who,  like  me.  is  at  the 
head  of  a  province  and  an  army,  ought  to  have  been  spared  this  humiliation.  You 
must  not  be  surprised  if  you  have  to  repent  such  a  departure  from  old  usage.  How- 
ever, no  insult  shall  prevent  me  from  discharging  my  duty  to  the  State. 

Q.  METELLUS  Q.  F.  CELER  PROCOS.  S.  D.  M.  TULLIO 

CICERONL 

Si  vales,  bene  est.  Existimaram  pro  mutuo  inter  nos  animo  1 
et  pro  reconciliata  gratia  nee  absentem  me  ludibrio  laesum  irl 
nee  Metellum  fratrem  ob  dictum  capite  ac  fortunis  per  te  op- 
pugnatum  iri ;  quern  si  parum  pudor  ipsius  defendebat,  debebat 
6  vel  familiae  nostrae  dignitas  vel  meum  studium  erga  vos  remque 
publicam  satis  sublevare.  Nunc  video  ilium  circumventum,  me 
desertum,  a  quibus  minime    conveniebat.      Itaque  in  luctu   et  2 


tracted  to  '  me.*  It  might  be  '  quam  Laelius 
fuit.'  See  Madv.  402  b  ;  and  cp.  Ep.  64,  2. 
The  friendship  between  Scipio  and  Laelius 
was,  like  that  of  Pompey  and  Cicero,  one 
between  a  general  and  a  statesman  and  man 
of  letters. 

4.  Q.  METELLUS.  For  an  account  of 
Q;  Metellus  Celer,  see  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  13. 
PROCOS.  Q^  Metellus  Celer  had  not 
been  consul,  but  seems  to  have  been  called 
pro-consul  as  governing  a  consular  province. 
Cp.  §  2  of  this  letter,  note. 

I.  Bene  est.  On  the  adverb  as  a  pre- 
dicate, cp.  Madv.  209  b,  Obs.  2. 

Mutuo  inter  nos  animo,  '  our  mutual 
regard '  =  *vohintate.'     Forcell. 

3.  Reconciliata  gratia.  In  the  fol- 
lowing letter  Cicero  does  not  allow  that 
there  bad  been  a  quarrel. 

Ludibrio.  Apparently  Metellus  had  re- 
ceived an  exaggerated  account  of  tbe  amuse- 
ment caused  in  the  senate  by  Cicero's  com- 
plaints of  his  silence.     Cp.  Ep.  5,  2. 

3.  Fratrem.  The  two  Metelli,  Celer 
and  Nepos,  notwithstanding  the  identity  of 
praenomen,  were  probably  brothers.  Dru- 
mann  (2.  25")  gives  from  Manutius  the  fol- 
lowing conjecture  :  that  they  were  both  sons 
of  Q^  Metellus  Nepos,  consul  in  98  b.c; 
that  his  eldest  son  and  namesake  died  after 
his  second  son,  the  writer  of  this  letter,  had 
been  adopted  by  Q^  Metellus  Celer,  consul 
in  90  B.C.;  and  that  he  had  then  a  third 


son,   who   bore    both    his   praenomen   and 
cognomen. 

Ob  dictum.     See  §  8  of  the  next  let- 
ter. 

Capite  ac  fortunis.  On  the  ablat,  see 
Madv.  253.  •  In  his  personal  rights  and  pro- 
perty.' 'Poenae  capitales'  included  in^  the 
largest  sense,  all  penalties  affecting  a  man*s 
life,  liberty,  citizenship,  or  reputation.  But 
this  use  of  the  term  was  rather  popular  than 
legal.  Strictly  speaking,  under  the  republic, 
the  term  '  poena  capitalis '  could  only  be  ap- 
plied to  penalties  involving  loss  of  life,  free- 
dom, or  citizenship  ;  and,  under  the  emp  re, 
it  was  usually  restricted  to  capital  punish- 
ments in  our  sense.  See  Rein,  Criminalrecht, 
286. 

4.  Si  parum  pudor  ipsius  defendebat, 
•  if  he  did  not  find  a  sufficient  protection  in 
the  respect  due  to  him.*  Billerb.  But 
Metzger  translates,  *  if  his  own  attitude  was 
deficient  in  modesty.'  The  last  rendering 
suits  the  words  best,  I  think ;  the  first  the 
context. 

Debebat,  sc.  'defendere.*    On  the  indie, 
see  Madv.  348  e. 

5.  Vos.    Either  'the  senate,*  or  'Cicero's 
own  party.' 

6.  Sublevare  =  'iuvare.'     Forcell. 
Circumventum,    'oppressed,'    'endan- 
gered.' 

7.  Conveniebat,  sc.  '  me  deseri.' 

In  luctu  et  squalore  sum.    'Squalore' 


i 


/ 


.-v 


1 

I 


ft. 


i:K 


EP.  4. 5.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  V.  a.  35 

squalore  sum,  qui  provinciae,  qui  exercitui  praesum,  qui  bellum 
gero:  quae  quoniam  nee  ratione  nee  maiorum  nostrorum  de- 
mentia administrastis,  non  erit  mirandum,  si  vos  paenitebit. 
Te  tam  mobili  in  me  meosque  esse  animo  non  sperabam :  me 
interea  nee  domesticus  dolor  nee  cuiusquam  iniuria  ab  re  publica  5 
abducet. 

5.    To  METELLUS  CELER  (AD  FAM.  V.  2). 
Rome,  Early  in  62  b.c.  (692  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  not  quite  clear  to  what  you  refer  as  an  insult.     It  is  true  that  I  remarked 
with  regret  in  the  senate,  that  you  had  allowed  your  relations  to  estrange  you  from  me  ; 

2.  but  the  amusement  which  followed  was  principally  caused  by  my  disappointment. 

3,  4.  As  for  our  '  mutual  regard,'  ask  yourself  if  your  behaviour  on  your  last  visit  to 
Rome  was  a  fitting  return  for  my  constant  anxiety  to  promote  your  honour.  I  resigned 
my  claim  to  a  province,  no  doubt,  in  the  State's  interest ;  but  it  was  from  regard  to 
you  that  I  contrived  you  should  have  one.  5.  I  do  not  allow  that  there  has  been  any 
quarrel  between  us.  6.  I  admire  your  affection  for  your  brother,  but  you  should  not 
be  offended  by  my  opposition  to  him  on  public  grounds,  nor  by  my  resistance  to  his 
attacks  on  myself.  7.  He  did  me  great  wrong  on  December  31  ;  yet  8.  I  was  still 
anxious  for  a  reconciliation,  but  your  brother  replied  by  a  censure  of  my  best  services 
as  consul,  and  by  further  insults  a  few  days  afterwards,  to  which  I  could  not  help 
replying.  9.  After  all  the  provocations  I  had  received,  however,  I  took  no  active  part 
in  the  proceedings  against  your  brother;  on  the  contrary,  I  supported  the  mildest 
proposals  made.  10.  I  repeat,  that  I  not  only  make  allowance  for  your  indignation, 
but  admire  it :  I  only  ask  you  to  consider  my  position  impartially,  as  I  have  always 
thought  of  you  as  of  a  friend. 

M.  TULLIUS  M.  F.  CICERO  Q.  METELLO  Q.  F.  CELERI 

PROCOS.  S.  D. 

1      Si  tu  exercitusque  valetis,  bene  est.     Seribis  ad  me  te  existi- 
masse  pro  mutuo   inter  nos   animo   et  pro  reconciliata  gratia 


is  not,  perhaps,  to  be  taken  literally.  The 
writer's  brother  was  threatened  with  depriva- 
tion by  the  senate,  and  Metellus  Celer  says 
that  such  a  demonstration  put  him  in  mourn- 
ing, as  for  a  relative  against  whom  a  criminal 
charge  had  been  brought. 

I.  Provinciae.  That  of  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
which  he  owed  to  Cicero's  renunciation  of  a 
province.  See  the  next  letter,  §  3.  Metel- 
lus had  commanded  a  force  in  Umbria  and 
Picenum  during  the  year  63  B.C.,  and  seems 
to  have  entered  on  his  provincial  govern- 
ment, with  the  command  of  a  force  of  three 
legions,  at  the  beginning  of  62  b.c.  Cp. 
In  Cat.  2.  3,  5  ;  Merivale  i.  143;  A.  W. 
Zumpt,  Studia  Romana  57-60. 

Bellum  gero.  Either  against  the  Salassi 
and    other   barbarians  (Siij^fie,  Matth.),    or 


against  the  relics  of  Catiline's  forces.  Metel- 
lus had  been  commissioned  to  prevent  them 
from  penetrating  northwards.   Sail.  Cat.  57. 

2.  Quae  refers  to  *  circumventuni '  and 
•  desertum.'  For  the  use  of  pronouns  refer- 
ring  to  the  contents  of  a  sentence,  cp.  Madv. 
312  b,  and  315  b  ;  and  for  the  relative,  in- 
stead of  the  demonstrative  with  a  particle 
of  transition,  lb.  448.  The  sentence  quae 
.  .  .  administrastis,  may  be  rendered, 
'  since  your  management  of  these  affairs  has 
been  neither  reasonable  nor  in  accordance 
with  our  ancestors*  Unity.* 

5.  Domesticus  dolor,  'indignation  for 
the  slight  to  my  family.' 

Cuiusquam  iniuria,  *  any  one's  wrong 
doing.'  Gen.  poss.,  Madv.  2S0  and  283, 
Obs.  I. 


D  ij 


36 


M.  TULLII  CICERONI S 


[part  I. 


numquam  te  a  me  ludibrio  laesum  iri.  Quod  cuius  modi  sit, 
satis  intellegere  non  possum,  sed  tamen  suspicor  ad  te  esse 
adlatum,  me,  in  senatu  cum  disputarem  permultos  esse  qui  rem 
publicam  a  me  conservatam  dolerent,  dixisse  a  te  propinquos 

5  tuos,  quibus  negare  non  potuisses,  impetrasse  ut  ea  quae  sta- 
tuisses  tibi  in  senatu  de  mea  laude  esse  dicenda  reticeres. 
Quod  cum  dicerem,  illud  adiunxi,  mihi  tecum  ita  dispertitum 
officium  fuisse  in  rei  publicae  salute  retinenda,  ut  ego  urbem  a 
domesticis   insidiis   et   ab   intestino   scelere,   tu    Italiam   et   ab 

loarmatis  hostibus  et  ab  occulta  coniuratione  defenderes,  atque 
banc  nostram  tanti  et  tam  praeclari  muneris  societatem  a  tuis 
propinquis  labefactatam,  qui,  cum  tu  a  me  rebus  amplissimis 
atque  honorificentissimis  ornatus  esses,  timuissent  ne  quae  mihi 
pars  abs  te  voluntatis  mutuae  tribueretur.     Hoc  in  sermone  cum  2 

15  a  me  exponeretur,  quae  mea  exspectatio  fuisset  orationis  tuae 
quantoque  in  errore  versatus  essem,  visa  est  oratio  non  iniu- 
cunda,  et  mediocris  quidam  est  risus  consecutus,  non  in  te,  sed 
magis  in  errorem  meum  et  quod  me  abs  te  cupisse  laudari 
aperte  atque  ingenue  confitebar.      lam  hoc  non  potest  in   te 

20  non  honorifice  esse  dictum,  me  in  clarissimis  meis  atque  am- 
plissimis rebus  tamen  aliquod  testimonium  tuae  vocis  habere 
voluisse.     Quod  autem  ita  scribis, '  pro  mutuo  inter  nos  animo,'  3 
quid  tu  existimes  esse  in  amicitia  mutuum,   nescio ;   equidem 
hoc  arbitror,  cum  par  voluntas  accipitur  et  redditur.      Ego  si 

25  hoc  dicam,  me  tua  causa  praetermisisse  provinciam,  tibi  ipse 
levior  videar  esse;  meae  enim  rationes  ita  tulerunt  atque  eius 


I.  Quod  cuius    modi    sit,  'what  you 
mean  thereby.'     Billerb. 

4.  Propinquos  tuos.  Cicero  probably 
means  Metellus  Nepos,  and  perhaps  also 
P.  Clodius,  whose  sister  Claudia  was  wife  of 
Metellus  Celer. 

7.  Quod  cum  dicerem,  'in  saying  this, 
however.*     See  Madv.  358  for  the  mood. 

12.  Rebus  amplissimis.  These  words 
refer,  probably,  to  the  important  commis- 
sions which  Cicero  had  procured  for  Metellus 

Celer. 

13.  Ne  quae  mihi  .  .  .  tribueretur, 
♦  lest  you  should  show  me  some  good  will  in 

return.* 

15.  Orationis  tuae,  *  of  a  speech  from 
you,*  *  of  some  declaration  on  your  part.* 
On  this  use  of  the  possessive  pronoun,  see 
Madv.  297  a. 


17.  Mediocris  ..  risus.  This  Metellus 
seems  to  have  considered  an  insult  to  him- 
self.    Cp.  §  I  of  the  preceding  letter. 

23.  Mutuum,  '  reciprocity.* 

24.  Ego  si  hoc  dicam.  On  the  inser- 
tion of  the  personal  pronoun,  see  Madv.  482. 

25.  Praetermisisse  provinciam.  In 
a  speech  delivered,  apparently,  late  in  the 
summer,  or  early  in  the  autumn  of  63  b.c. 
Cicero  had  renounced  his  claim  to  govern  a 
province  after  the  expiration  of  his  year  of 
office  at  Rome  (cp.  Ep.  9.  3),  and  thus 
Metellus,  one  of  the  praetors  for  63  b.c, 
obtained  the  government  of  Gallia  Cisalpina. 
See  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  10. 

26.  Levior  videar  esse,  'should  seem 
to    make   foolish   pretensions.*      '  Levis  *  = 

•  vaniloquus.'      Forcell.      On   the  tense   of 

•  dicam,  videar,'  see  Madv.  347  b. 


V      m.i 


ik~  < 


EP.5.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  V.  2. 


37 


mei  consilii  maiorem  in  dies  singulos  fructum  voluptatemque 
capio :  illud  dico,  me,  ut  primum  in  contione  provinciam  depo- 
suerim,  statim,  quem  ad  modum  eam  tibi  traderem,  cogitare 
coepisse.  Nihil  dico  de  sortitione  vestra :  tantum  te  suspicari 
volo,  nihil  in  ea  re  per  collegam  meum  me  insciente  esse  5 
factum.  Recordare  cetera ;  quam  cito  senatum  illo  die  facta 
sortitione  coegerim,  quam  multa  de  te  verba  fecerim,  cum  tu 
ipse  mihi  dixisti  orationem  meam  non  solum  in  te  honorificam, 

4  sed  etiam  in  collegas  tuos  contumeliosam  fuisse.  lam  illud 
senatus  consultum,  quod  eo  die  factum  est,  ea  perscriptione  10 
est,  ut,  dum  id  exstabit,  officium  meum  in  te  obscurum  esse 
non  possit.  Postea  vero  quam  profectus  es,  velim  recordere, 
quae  ego  de  te  in  senatu  egerim,  quae  in  contionibus  dixerim, 
quas  ad  te  litteras  miserim :  quae  cum  omnia  collegeris,  tum 
ipse  velim  iudices,  satisne  videatur  his  omnibus  rebus  tuus  ad-  15 

5  ventus,  cum  proxime  Romam  venisti,  mutue  respondisse.  Quod 
scribis  de  reconciliata  gratia  nostra,  non  intellego,  cur  recon- 

6  ciliatam  esse  dicas,  quae  numquam  imminuta  est.  Quod  scribis 
non  oportuisse  Metellum  fratrem  tuum  ob  dictum  a  me  oppug- 
nari,  primum   hoc  velim  existimes,  animum  mihi  istum   tuum  20 


Meae  rationes,  *  my  interests.*  See  Ep. 
I,  1,  note,  p.  26. 

2.  Illud  dico,  'this  I  do  say,*  refer- 
ring to  what  follows.     Madv.  485  b. 

Deposuerim.  '  Deponere  '  seems  to 
have  been  a  technical  word  for  waiving  a 
claim  to  the  government  of  a  province. 
Forcell.     Cp.  Ep.  9,  3. 

4.  De  sortitione  vestra.  The  prae- 
tors for  63  B  c.  had  to  cast  lots,  apparently, 
for  the  government  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  which 
had  become  vacant  by  Cicero's  renunciation  ; 
and  C.  Antonius,  who  presided  at  the  allot- 
ment, probably  contrived  at  Cicero's  sugges- 
tion that  it  should  result  in  favour  of  Metellus. 

9.  Contumeliosam.  As  exalting  Me- 
tellus at  the  expense  of  his  colleagues. 

lam  illud.  '  lam  transitionibus  inservit  * 
= '  praeterea.'  Forcell.  Cp.  '  iam  hoc  non 
potest'  in  §  2. 

10.  Perscriptione,  'form.'  Cp. Nagelsb. 
Stilistik,  §  9,  p.  38. 

12.  Postea  vero  quam  profectus  es 
.  .  egerim, 'I  should  like  you  to  remember 
how  1  pleaded  your  cause  in  the  senate  after 
your  departure '  for  Picenum  to  act  against 
Catiline. 

14.  Collegeris,  'have  put  together/ 
taken  into  account.' 


15.  Adventus.  Probably  Metellus  c^rew 
near  to  Rome  in  the  winter  of  63-62  B.C., 
as  a  demonstration  in  support  of  his  brother. 
He  could  not  have  entered  the  city  without 
forfeiting  his  imperium  ;  and  perhaps  this 
consideration  suggested  Siipfle*s  rendering  of 
proxime  Romam,  'to  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  Rome.'  On  the  ace,  see 
Madv.  172,  Obs.  4.  But  more  probably 
'proxime*  means  'just  lately.*  'Romam 
venire*  and  '  Romae  esse'  could  be  said  of 
an  officer  visiting  or  remaining  in  the  imme- 
diate neighbourhood  of  Rome.  Cp.  Ep.  46, 
note;  In  Verr.  Act.  2.  2,  6,  17;  '  Romae 
et  ad  urbem  ;'  and  Mr.  Long's  note  on  Act. 
I- 15»  45«  'Roma'  included  the  suburbs 
without,  as  well  as  the  'urbs*  within  the 
'  pomoerium.'  Cp.  Paulus,  Digest  50.16, 
2  ;  ap.  Long.  The  visit  of  Metellus  is  not 
elsewhere  mentioned,  apparently. 

16.  Mutue  respondisse,  *to  have 
shewn  a  shnilar  spirit  in  return.* 

17.  De  reconciliata  gratia.  Cicero 
will  not  allow  that  there  had  been  a  quarrel. 
The  misunderstanding  must,  apparently,  have 
arisen  before  the  struggle  between  Cicero 
and  Catiline  had  definitely  begun,  for  Cicero 
and  Metellus  seem  to  have  co-operated  cor- 
dially against  the  conspirators. 


(li 


38 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


>l 


vehementer  probari  et  fraternam  plenam  humanitatis  ac  pietatis 
voluntatem  ;  deinde,  si  qua  ego  in  re  fratri  tuo  rei  publicae 
causa  restiterim,  ut  mihi  ignoscas ;  tarn  enim  sum  amicus  rei 
publicae,   quam   qui    maxime ;   si    vero    meam    salutem    contra 

5  illius  impetum  in  me  crudelissimum  defenderim,  satis  habeas 
nihil  me  etiam  tecum  de  tui  fratris  iniuria  conqueri :  quem 
ego  cum  comperissem  omnem  sui  tribunatus  conatum  in  meam 
perniciem  parare  atque  meditari,  egi  cum  Claudia,  uxore  tua, 
et  cum  vestra  sorore  Mucia,   cuius  erga  me  studium  pro  Cn. 

10  Pompeii  necessitudine  multis  in  rebus  perspexeram,  ut  eum  ab 
ilia  iniuria  deterrerent.     Atqui  ille,  quod  te  audisse  certo  scio,  7 
pr.  Kal.  lanuarias,  qua  iniuria  nemo  umquam  in  minimo  magis- 
tratu  improbissimus  civis  adfectus  est,  ea  me  consulem  adfecit, 
cum  rem  publicam  conservassem,  atque   abeuntem  magistratu 

15  contionis  habendae  potestate  privavit ;  cuius  iniuria  mihi  tamen 
honori  summo  fuit :  nam,  cum  ille  mihi  nihil  nisi  ut  iurarem 
permitteret,  magna  voce  iuravi  verissimum  pulcherrimumque  ius 
iurandum,  quod  populus  item  magna  voce  me  vere  iurasse  iura- 
vit.     Hac  accepta  tam  insigni  iniuria,  tamen  illo  ipso  die  misi  8 

20  ad  Metellum  communes  amicos,  qui  agerent  cum  eo,  ut  de  ilia 
mente  desisteret ;  quibus  ille  respondit  sibi  non  esse  integrum : 
etenim  paulo  ante  in  contione  dixerat  ei,  qui  in  alios  animum 
advertisset  indicta  causa,  dicendi  ipsi  potestatem  fieri  non  opor- 
tere.  Hominem  gravem  et  civem  egregium !  qui,  qua  poena 
senatus  consensu  bonorum  omnium   eos  adfecerat,  qui   urbem 


r 

3.  Ut  mihi   ignoscas.     After  '  velim.' 

•  Ut '  wouU  more  usually  be  omitted.     See 
Madv.  372  b,  Obs.  2.  ,     ,    , 

4.  Quam  qui  maxime, sc.' est.    Madv. 

310,  Obs.  4. 

Si  .  .  .  defenderim,  'supposing  that  I 
defended/   *  Si'  =  'etiamsi.'  Cp.  Forcell.  On 

*  defenderim/   see  Zumpt,  L.  G.  524  and 
note.     It  is  nearly  = '  defendi ' 

5.  Satis  habeas, 'be  content.'  Conj.  for 
imperat.  Madv.  385,  Obs. 

6.  Nihil  .  .  .  conqueri.  'that  I  ab- 
stain from  making  a  complaint  to  you,  as 
well  as  to  the  senate.* 

7.  Omnem  .  .  .  conatum  .  .  .  medi- 
tari*, 'that  he  was  laying  his  plans,  and  pre- 
paring the  whole  resources  of  his  office,  for 
my  destruction.' 

8.  Claudia.  Eldest  sister  of  P.  Clodius, 
and  wife  of  Cicero's  correspondent ;  a  woman 
of  bad  reputation.     Cp.  Ep.  9,  5. 


9.  Mucia.  Half-sister  of  the  two  Metelli, 
and  wife  of  Pompey. 

Pro  .  .  .  necessitudine,  '  in  consider- 
ation of  my  intimacy  with  Pompey.' 

15.  Contionis  habendae,  *of  address- 
ing the  people  on  the  events  of  the  year,'  as 
was  usual  with  magistrates  retiring  from 
office.     Hofm. 

17.  Ius  iurandum.  Cicero  swore  '  rem 
publicam  atque  banc  urbem  mea  unius  opera 
esse  salvam.'     Cp.  In  Pis.  3,  6. 

20.  Qui  agerent  cum  eo,  *  to  entreat 
him,'  a  favourite  use  of  the  expression,  see 
above,  1.  8. 

21.  Sibi  non  esse  integrum,  *  that  he 
had  no  choice,'  'that  he  was  committed  ;' 
a  common  expression.  Cp.  Pro  Muren.  4,  8. 

22.  Qui  in  alios  .  .  causa  Refer- 
ring to  Cicero's  treatment  of  Lentulus  and 
his  associates.  See  Inlr.  to  Part  I,  §  11; 
also  Appendix  4. 


ts- 


I 


i 


EP.  5.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  K  2.  39 

incendere  et  magistratus  ac  senatum  trucidare,  bellum  maximum 
conflare  voluissent,  eadem  dignum  iudicaret  eum,  qui    curiam 
caede,  urbem    incendiis,   Italiam   bello   liberasset.     Itaque   ego 
Metello,  fratri  tuo,  praesenti  restiti  :  nam  in  senatu  Kal.  lanuariis 
sic  cum  eo  de  re  publica  disputavi,  ut  sentiret  sibi  cum  viro  5 
forti  et  constanti  esse  pugnandum.     A.  d.  III.  Non.  lanuar.  cum 
agere  coepisset,  tertio  quoque  verbo  orationis  suae  me  appella- 
bat,  mihi  minabatur ;  neque  illi  quicquam  deliberatius  fuit  quam 
me,  quacumque  ratione  posset,  non  iudicio  neque  disceptatione, 
sed  vi   atque  impressione   evertere.      Huius    ego   temeritati  si  10 
virtute  atque  animo  non  restitissem,  quis  esset  qui  me  in  con- 
sulatu  non  casu  potius  existimaret  quam  consilio  fortem  fuisse? 
9  Haec  si  tu  Metellum  cogitare  de  me  nescisti,  debes  existimare 
te  maximis  de  rebus  a  fratre  esse  celatum  ;  sin  autem  aliquid 
impertivit  tibi  sui  consilii,  lenis  a  te  et  facilis  existimari  debeo,  15 
qui  nihil  tecum  de  his  ipsis  rebus  expostulem.     Et,  si  intellegis 
non  me  dicto  Metelli,  ut  scribis,  sed  consilio  eius  animoque  in 
me  inimicissimo  esse  commotum,  cognosce  nunc  humanitatem 
meam,  si  humanitas  appellanda  est  in  acerbissima  iniuria  re- 
missio  animi  ac  dissolutio :  nulla  est  a  me  umquam  sententia  20 
dicta    in    fratrem    tuum ;    quotienscumque    aliquid    est    actum,  • 


2.  Voluissent  ....  liberasset.     In 

•  voluissent'  the  conj.  expresses  the  grounds 
of  another's  (Cicero's)  conduct ;  in  '  liberas- 
set,' expresses  the  character  suggested  in 
'eum.'  See  Madv.  369  and  364,  Obs.  i. 
Cicero  almost  quotes  the  very  words  of  a 
decree  of  th6  senate  in  his  honour.  Cp.  In 
Cat.  3.  6,  15. 

4.  Restiti.  Probably  in  the  Oratio 
Metellina  referred  to  Ep.  6,  5. 

7.  Agere,  '  to  argue  for  his  proposal,* 
which  was  that  Pompey  should  be  recalled 
from  the  East,  to  restore  order  in  Italy. 
Cp.  Plut.  Cato  Min.  26.  It  does  not  ap- 
pear whether  this  speech  of  Metellus  was 
delivered  in  the  senate  or  in  the  as- 
sembly. 

8.  Neque   illi   quicquam  ....  fuit, 

*  and  he  had  not  resolved  more  definitely  on 
anything.'  Nagelsb.  Stilistik  72,  191.  See, 
too,  Ad  Att.  15.  5,  3. 

9.  Non  iudicio  neque  disceptatione, 

*  by  no  trial  in  a  court  of  law.* 

10.  Impressione, 'by  an  attack.*  For- 
cell.    Tyrrell  renders  '  vi  atque  impressione,* 

♦  violent  browbeating.' 

12.  Casu.       Cicero   protests    elsewhere 


against  his  successes  being  attributed  to 
chance.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  20,  3;  In  Cat.  3. 
12,  29  ;  and,  on  the  meaning  of  '  casus,'  Ep. 
1 01,  I,  note. 

14.  Celatum,  'kept  in  the  dark.'  Cp. 
Philipp.  2.  13,  32;  Madv.  228  a. 

17.  Non  me  dicto.  On  the  position  of 
the  negative,  see  below,  '  non  ego  oppugnavi 
fratrem  tuum  '  §  lO. 

19.  '^emissio  animi  ac  dissolutio, 
•  carelessness  and  indifference.*  With  this 
meaning  of  'dissolutio*  cp.  De  Off.  i.  28, 
99,  '  neglegere  quid  de  se  quisque  sentiat 
non  solum  arrogantis  est  sed  etiam  omnino 
dissoluti.' 

20.  Nulla  est  .  .  .  sententia  dicta. 
Cicero,  as  a  consular,  would  be  asked  his 
opinion  individually  by  the  presiding  officer 
in  the  senate's  debates.  This  would  give 
him  an  opportunity  either  of  arguing  at 
length  in  favour  of  some  proposal  already 
before  the  senate,  or  of  originating  one  of 
his  own ;  but,  in  the  case  of  Metellus,  he 
does  not  seem  to  have  taken  advantage  of 
either  privilege. 

21.  Quotienscumque     aliquid     est 
actum,  '  whenever  his   behaviour  was  dis- 


40 


M,  TULLII   CIC FRONTS 


[part  I. 


sedens  iis  adsensi,  qui  mihi  lenissime  sentire  visi  sunt.  Ad- 
dam  illud  etiam,  quod  iam  ego  curare  non  debui,  sed  tamen 
fieri  non  moleste  tuli  atque  etiam,  ut  ita  fieret,  pro  mea  parte 
adiuvi,  ut  senati  consulto  meus  inimicus,  quia  tuus  f rater  erat,  lO 

5  sublevaretur.  Qua  re  non  ego  oppugnavi  fratrem  tuum,  sed 
fratri  tuo  repugnavi,  nee  in  te,  ut  scribis,  animo  fui  mobili, 
sed  ita  stabili,  ut  in  mea  erga  te  voluntate  etiam  desertus  ab 
officiis  tuis  permanerem.  Atque  hoc  ipso  tempore  tibi  paene 
minitanti  nobis  per  litteras  hoc  rescribo  atque  respondeo :  ego 

lo  dolori  tuo  non  solam  ignosco,  sed  summam  etiam  laudem  tribuo ; 
meus  enim  me  sensus,  quanta  vis  fraterni  sit  amoris,  admonet. 
A  te  peto  ut  tu  quoque  aequum  te  iudicem  dolori  meo  prae- 
beas;  si  acerbe,  si  crudeliter,  si  sine  causa  sum  a  tuis  oppug- 
natus,  ut  statuas  mihi  non  modo  non  cedendum,  sed  etiam  tuo 

15  atque  exercitus  tui  auxilio  in  eius  modi  causa  utendum  fuisse. 
Ego  te  mihi  semper  amicum  esse  volui ;  me  ut  tibi  amicissimum 
esse  intellegeres,  laboravi.  Maneo  in  voluntate  et,  quoad  voles 
tu,  permanebo  citiusque  amore  tui  fratrem  tuum  odisse  desinam 
quam  illius  odio  quicquam  de  nostra  benevolentia  detraham. 


cussed  in  the  senate.*  For  the  measures 
taken  against  Metellus  Nepos,  see  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  12;  Suet.  lul.  16. 

I.  Sedens.  A  senator  seems  only  to 
have  risen  if  he  wished  to  speak  at  length, 
or  to  bring  a  new  motion  forward. 

Addam  illud  etiam,  '  I  will  add  this, 
too,  that  I  regarded  with  favour,  and  even 
supported,  a  decree  of  the  senate  relieving 
y.  ur  brother  from  some  of  the  penalties  he 
had  incurred  ;  though,  after  what  had  passed 
(iam),  I  had  no  reason  to  trouble  myself 
about  it.*     On  '  illud  *  see  above,  §  3,  note. 

4.  Ut  senati  consulto  .  .  sublevare- 
tur. The  construction  seems  irregular  here, 
though  Siipfle  says  that  these  words  depend 
upon  *  fieri  non  moleste  tuli.'  The  sentence 
seems  to  be  resumed  in  a  new  form  after  the 
parenthetic  clause  *  non  .  .  .  debui,'  and 
then  a  fresh  subordinate  clause,  '  atque  .  .  . 
adiuvi,'  is  introduced.  Prof.  Tyrrell  makes 
the  final  sentence  depend  on  •  curare.'  One 
would  expect  to  find  (i)  'me  tulisse'  and 
*  me  adjuvisse,'  or  (2)  *  meum  inimicum  sub- 
levatum  esse/  or  (3)  '  quod  meus  inimicus 
sublevatusest.'  The  form 'senati*  is  archaic. 
See  Madv.  46,  Obs.  2,  and  cp.  Ad  Fam.  2. 

7.4. 


5.  Sublevaretur,  *  be  relieved,'  'released 
from  his  perilous  position.' 

Non  .  .  .  oppugnavi  .  .  .  repugnavi, 
•  I  did  not  attack  your  brother,  but  resisted 
his  attacks.' 

7.  Etiam  desertus  ab  officiis  tuis, 
'though  you  have  ceased  to  pay  me  any 
attentions.*  Cp.  'a  ceteris  oblectationibus 
deseror'  Ad  Att.  4.  10, 1.  '  Ab'  may  either 
mean  'in  respect  of,'  cp.  Ep.  i.  2,  note;  or 
it  may  personify  the  '  officia,'  cp.  Zumpt, 
L.  G.  451. 

8.  Paene  minitanti  :  see  the  close  of 
the  preceding  letter. 

15.  Exercitus  tui  auxilio.  An  iron- 
ical answer  to  Metellus*  boast  of  his  com- 
manding position.  See  §  2  of  the  preceding 
letter.  The  riots  which  took  place  at  Rome 
early  in  62  b  c,  hardly  required  an  army  of 
three  legions  to  repress  them.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  12.  Cicero  has  adopted  many 
expressions  from  Metellus'  letter  ('  dicto 
Metelli,'  '  sublevaretur,' '  oppugnavi,'  •  deser- 
tus,' 'animo  mobili*),  and  retorts  Metellus' 
reference  to  his  army. 

19.  Detraham.  Fut.  indie.  On  the 
constr.,  cp.  Pro  Ligario  5,  16  'suam  citius  ab- 
iicict  humanitatem  quam  extorquebit  tuam.* 


f. 


EP.  6.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM I.  13.  4i 

6.    To    ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.    I.    13)- 
Rome,  Jan.  25,  6t  b.c.  (693  a.u.c.) 

,    I  have  received  three  letters  from  you,  but  uncertainty  as  to  your  movements,  and 

the',vant  of  a  faithful  messenger,  have  interfered  with  my  promptitude  >Yeplymg 

2.  though  interesting  events  have  happened  since  our  parting.    The  consul  P.so  has 

rather  slighted  me,  but  I  am  not  sorry  to  be  relieved  from  the  need  of  shewmg  h,m 

anv  respect ;   his  colleague  honours  me,  and  is  devoted  to  the  good  cause.     3.  Jhe 

disagreement  of  the  consuls  is  unfortunate,  and  I  fear  its  effects  may  be  aggravated  by 

an  affair  of  which  you  have  probably  heard,  vix.  that  P.  Clodius  has  been  daected 

in  the  house  of  C.  Caesar  when  the  rites  of  the  Bona  Dea  were  bemg  celebrated,  and 

that  Caesar  has  divorced  his  wife  in  consequence.    Proceedings  aga.nst  C  od.us  are  m 

progress,  but  are  not  pressed  with  the  energy  one  could  wish.    4-  I  cannot  say  that  a 

certain  friend  of  yours  is  behaving  honestly  or  straightforwardly  just  now.     5-  The 

praetors-  provinces  have  not  yet  been  allotted.     I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  rema.ks 

and  criticisms  on  various  works  which  I  have  sent  you.     6.  A  purchase  lately  made 

by  the  consul  Messalla,  shows  that  I  have  not  made  a  bad  one  m  my  house,     leucns 

still  keeps  me  waiting.    I  hope  soon  to  write  with  more  freedom. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
1  Accept  tuas  tres  iam  epistolas :  unam  a  M.  Cornelio,  quam 
Tribus  Tabernis,  ut  opinor,  ei  dedisti,  alteram,  quam  mihi 
Caiiusinus  tuus  hospes  reddidit,  tertiam,  quam,  ut  scribis,  ancora 
soluta  de  phaselo  dedisti;  quae  fuerunt  omnes,  ut  rhetorum 
pueri  loquuntur,  cum  humanitatis  sparsae  sale,  tum  msignes  5 
amoris  notis :  quibus  epistolis  sum  equidem  abs  te  lacessitus  ad 
rescribendum,  sed  idcirco  sum  tardior,  quod  non  invenio  fidelem 
tabellarium ;  quotus  enim  quisque  est,  qui  epistolam  paulo  gra- 
viorem  ferre  possit,  nisi  eam  pellectione  relevant?  accedit  eo, 
quod  mihi  non*  ut  quisque  in  Epirum  proficiscitur :  ego  emm  «o 


1.  A  M.  Cornelio.  This  man  seems 
not  to  be  mentioned  elsewhere  by  Cicero. 

2.  Ut  opinor.  Atticus  had  not  dated 
his  letter,  so  Cicero  had  to  guess  whence  it 
was  written,  and  thought  of  one  of  the 
stages  near  to  Rome  on  the  Appian  Way. 
Tres  Tabernae  was  about  35  miles  from 
Rome.  For  another  explanation  of  '  ut 
opinor,'  cp.  Ep.  40,  I,  note. 

3.  Canusinus  tuus  hospes,  '  the  friend 
with  whom  you  lodged  at  Canusium,'  on 
your  way  to  Greece. 

Ut  scribis.  These  words  call  attention 
to  the  unusual  phrase  *  ancora  soluta.' 
•  Ancoram  toUere  *  is  the  usual  phrase  for 
weighing  anchor.  Perhaps  there  was  a  con- 
fusion with  'navem  solvere.*  Cp.  Hor. 
Carm.  3. 2,  29.    Prof.  Tyrrell  has  '  ora  soluta/ 


4.  De  phaselo  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  14-  16,  1, 
•  phaselum  epicopum. 

Rhetorum  pueri  =  ^r]T6pa3V  irat5«, 
'  pupils  of  rhetoricians.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  thinks 
that  the  word  describes  'the  class  or  pro- 
fession.' 

8.  Tabellarium,  cp.  Ep.  18,  6,  note. 
Paulo    graviorem,   'conveying    news 

of  more  than  ordinary  weight.'  I  owe  this 
translation  of  '  paulo  graviorem  '  to  a  notice 
of  my  book  by  Mr.  J.  R.  King  in  the 
Academy  for  Feb.  15,  187 1. 

9.  Pellectione,  'by  reading  it  through. 
^Tta^  \€y6fi€vov  apparently. 

Relevarit, 'have  lightened  it,*  as  if  by 
taking  out  some  money  which  weighted  it. 
An  allusion  to  '  paulo  graviorem  '  above. 

10.  Non  *,     ut.      Various     suggestions 


41 

^1 


42 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


te  arbitror  caesis  apud  Amaltheam  tuam  victimis  statim  esse  ad 
Sicyonem  oppugnandum  profectum ;  neque  tamen  id  ipsum  certum 
habeo,  quando  ad  Antonium  proficiscare  aut  quid  in  Epiro  tem- 
poris  ponas  :  ita  neque  Achaicis  hominibus  neque  Epiroticis  paulo 
5  liberiores  litteras  committere  audeo.  Sunt  autem  post  discessum  2 
a  me  tuum  res  dignae  litteris  nostris,  sed  non  committendae  eius 
modi  periculi.  ut  aut  interire  aut  aperiri  aut  intercipi  possint. 
Primum  igitur  scito  primum  me  non  esse  rogatum  sententiam 
praepositumque  esse  nobis  pacificatorpm  Allobrogum,  idque  ad- 
lo  murmurante  senatu  neque  me  invito  esse  factum  ;  sum  enim  et  ab 
observando  homine  perverso  liber,  et  ad  dignitatem  in  re  publica 
retinendam  contra  illius  voluntatem  solutus,  et  ille  secundus  in 
dicendo  locus  habet  auctoritatem  paene  principis  et  voluntatem 


have  been  made  for  amending  this  passage. 
Orelli's  *non  perinde  est,'  'it  is  not  indifferent 
to  me,'  seems  tauiologous.  Others  are  *  non 
notum  est,'  '  I  am  not  aware  of ;'  '  non  pro- 
dest,'  •  I  derive  no  benefit  from/  the  various 
departures  for  Epirus. 

I.  Amalthea,  or  Amaltheum.  A  villa 
in  Epirus  belonging  to  Atticus,  so  called, 
apparently,  from  containing  a  room  deco- 
rated with  pictures  from  the  story  of  Amal- 
thea. Cp.  Epp.  8.  i8;  9,  10.  Cicero  says, 
in  sport,  that  Atticus  only  went  there  to 
sacrifice  before  his  canjpaign  against  the 
Sicyonians,  i.e.  before  pressing  on  them  his 
demands  for  repayment  of  debts  they  owed 
him. 

3.  Antonium.  C.  Antonius  was  now 
governor  of  Macedonia.  Cicero  had  quar- 
relled with  him,  but  had  subsequently  written 
to  ask  him  to  aid  Atticus  in  recovering  the 
money  owing  to  him  in  that  province.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  5,  5. 

4.  Ponas.  *Ponere'  is  properly  used  of 
money,  'to  lay  out,*  '  invest ;'  hence  of  time, 
*  to  spend.*  On  the  tense  of  'ponas'  and 
proficiscare,'  with  a  future  signification, 
see  Madv.  378  a,  Obs.  3;  and  for  the  mood, 
lb.  356. 

Ita,  'on  account  of  my  uncertainty  where 
you  are.' 

Neque  Achaicis  .  .  neque  Epiroti- 
cis,'neither  to  residents  in  Achaia  nor  to 
residents  in  Epirus,'  who  would  be  the  most 
obvious  letter  carriers  to  those  countries, 

5.  Sunt  autem  .  .  .  nostris,  'affairs 
have,  however,  happened  since  your  depar- 
ture from  me,  important  enough  to  form  the 
subject  of  one  of  my  letters  to  you.' 

7.   Interire,  'be  lost  or  destroyed.* 
Possint.  The  subject  of  this  is  in  con- 


struction  the  'res,'  but  in  reality  the  'lit- 
terae.' 

8.  Primum  .  .  .  rogatum.  Cicero  had 
probably  been  used  to  be  asked  his  opinion 
first  in  the  senate  during  the  consulship  of 
Sil.inus  and  Murena,  62  B.C.,  and  was  now 
vexed  because  the  consul  Piso  gave  prece- 
dence to  a  relative,  C.  Calpurnius  Piso.  The 
latter  had  been  consul  in  67  b  c,  and  had 
afterwards  governed  Gallia  Narbonensis  (cp. 
Ep.  I,  2,  note),  still  barely  pacified  after  a 
revolt  of  the  Ailobroges.  '  Civitas  male  pa- 
cata,'  are  words  Cicero  uses  of  the  district. 
In  Cat.  3  9,  22.  If  Piso's  colleague  Mes- 
salla  was  present  as  is  probable  (see  the  end 
of  this  section)  Piso  probably  presided  as 
having  been  returned  first  at  the  election. 
This  case  would  then  shew  that  a  plebeian 
consul  might  preside  even  if  his  colleague 
were  a  patrician.     Cp.  Manut.  ad  loc. 

9.  Pacificatorem,  a  rare  word,  appar- 
ently. 

Admurmurante  senatu, 'amidst hostile 
murmurs  from  the  senate.'  Forcell.  says  of 
the  verb  •admurmuro,'  'in  utramque  partem 
accipitur.'     Cp.  in  Pis.  14.  31. 

10.  Neque  me  invito,  'yet  without 
reluctance  on  my  part.'  On  the  omission 
of  an  adversative  conjunction,  see  Zumpt, 
L.  G.  781. 

Ab  observando  .  .  .  perverso,  'from 
paying  attention  to  a  perverse  man,*  i.e.  the 
consul  Piso. 

11.  Ad  dignitatem  .  .  .  solutus,  'at 
liberty  to  maintain  a  dignified  political  posi- 
tion, even  if  he  (Piso)  does  not  wish  it.* 

13    Principis,sc.'loci,*'ofthe  first  place.' 
Et    .    .    .    devinctam,   foil.,    'while    it 

leaves  one's  feelings  free  from  any  excessive 

sense  of  obligation.* 


EP.  6.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM I.  13.  43 

non  nimis  devinctam  be^eficio  consulis.      Tertius'est  Catulus, 
quartus,  si  etiam  hoc  quaeris,  Hortensius.     Consul  autem  ipse 

.  parvo  animo  et  pravo,  tantum  caviUator  genere  illo  moroso,  quod 
etiam  sine  dicacitate  ridetur,  facie  magis  quam  facetiis  ridiculus,  - 
nihil  agens  cum  re  publica,  seiunctus  ab  optimatibus,  a  quo  nihil  5 
speres  boni  rei  publicae,  quia  non  volt,  nihil  [speres]  mali,  quia 
non  audet.    Eius  autem  coUega  et  in  me  perhonorificus  et  partium 

3  studiosus  ac  defensor  bonarum.  Qui  nunc  leviter  inter  se  dis- 
sident ;  sed  vereor  ne  hoc,  quod  infectum  est,  serpat  longius  :  credo 
enim  te  audisse,  cum  apud  Caesarem  pro  populo  fieret  venisse  eo  10 


I.  Beneficio  consulis,  'arising  from  a 
compliment  paid  by  the  consul.' 

Q^  Lutatius  Catulus  was  perhaps  the 
most  upright  and  consistent  member  of  the 
Roman  aristocracy.  He  had  taken  an  active 
part  in  resisting  the  seditious  movement  of 
Lepidus  in  78  b c,  and  afterwards  opposed 
the  proposals  made  by  A.  Gabinius  and  C. 
Manilius,  for  investing  Pompey  wiih  extra- 
ordinary powers  in  the  East.  He  voted  for 
the  execution  oi  Lentulus  and  his  associates,  in 
the  debate  of  Dec.  5 .  63  b  c.  See,  Um  notices 
of  him,  Pro  Leg.  Man.  20  and  21 ;  Epp.  13, 
4;  96,  I.     He  seems  to  have  died  60  B.C. 

I.  Q.  Hortensius,  consul  69  B.C.,  was 
the  leading  orator  at  Rome  before  Cicero 
attained  that  position.  He  was  a  decided 
supporter  of  the  optimates,  and  defended 
Verres.  He  incurred  Cicero's  suspicions  after- 
wards, about  the  time  of  the  latter's  exile ; 
but  the  two  orators  were  presently  recon- 
ciled, and  lived  on  good  terms  till  Hortensius* 
death  in  50  B.C.  See  the  Orations  against 
Verres,  passim;  Epp.  7,  5 ;  8,  2-4;  14,  i  ; 
21,3;  42,  2.  It  was  usual  for  the  magistrate 
who  presided  in  the  senate,  to  ask  the  opi- 
nions (i)  of  the  consuls  elect  (this  would 
only  apply  to  the  later  months  of  the  year), 
(2)  of  the  princeps  senatus,  (3)  of  any  other 
consular  whom  he  might  choose.  The  order 
adopted  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  was 
generally  preserved  throughout  it.  Cp.  Ep. 
96,  I,  note;  Philipp.  5.  13,  55  5  Smith*s 
Dictionary  of  Antiquities,  1020. 

3.  Cavillator  =  o-/ca;7rT?7J,  'a  scoffer:' 
apparently  here  only  in  Cicero. 

Genere  illo  moroso,  'of  the  (well- 
known)  perverse  kind.'  On  the  ablative 
('qualitatis'),  see  Madv.  272.  Cicero  ex- 
presses a  different  opinion  about  Piso  else- 
where.    Cp.  Pro  Plancio  5,  12. 

4.  Dicacitate,  'wit.*  'Dicta'  seem^  to 
have  been  distingui^hed  from  '  facetiae  ; '  in 
the  former  the  point  lay  in  the  expression, 


in  the  latter  in  the  substance.  Cp.  Cic.  de 
Orat.  2.  60,  243,  and  2.  66,  264. 

Facie,  'by  his  grimaces.' 

5.  Nihil  agens  cum  re  publica,  'not 
busying  hinuelf  about  the  State's  interest,* 
'not  taking  any  part  in  politics.'  It  is  an 
unusual  expression,  but  may  be  explained  by 
supposing  the  'res  publica'  to  be  personfied. 

Boi  t. 

7.  CoUega.    M.  Valerius  Messalla  Niger. 

See  the  next  letter,  §  6. 

Partium  ,  .  bonarum.  For  the  order 
of  words,  see  Madv.  466 ;  467 :  and  for 
the  difference  of  'et'  and  'ac,'  ibid.  433. 
Studiosus  seems  to  be  used  as  a  substantive, 
'  a  partisan.'     Cp.  Ep.  8,  8. 

9.  Sed,  'but,'  i.e.  in  spite  of  Messalla's 

energy.  ^ 

Hoc  quod  infectum  est,  'this  disorder, 
or  'contagion.'  xMatth.  supposes  Cicero  to 
fear  lest  Messalla  should  be  corrupted  by  his 
colleague.  Or  is  he  afraid  lest  the  dispute 
of  the  consuls  should  be  aggravated  by  dif- 
ference of  opinion  as  to  the  affair  of  Clodius? 
This  would  explain  'enim'  below.  Prof. 
Tyrrell  explains  'sed'  '(to  this  I  am  in- 
different) but  I  am  afraid  the  contagion  of 
these  bad  feelings  towards  each  other  will 
spread  ; '  Mr.  Pretor,  *  in  spite  of  my  satis- 
faction at  their  rupture.' 

10.  Cum  .  .  .  fieret, 'when  sacrifice  was 
being  offered'  to  the  Bona  Dea.  The  house 
of  one  of  the  consuls  or  praetors  was  chosen 
for  the  performance  of  this  rite,  and  only 
women  could  lawfully  be  present.  Caesar 
was  now  one  of  the  praetors,  and  pontifex  ^ 
maximus.  The  time  of  the  sacrifice  is 
doubtful.  According  to  Ovid  (Fasti  5.  148), 
it  took  place  in  the  spring;  but  Asconius 
(in  Milonian.  1 58)  speaks  of  Clodius  as 
*  quaestor  designatus  *  at  the  time,  which 
would  fix  the  date  in  one  of  the  later  months 
of  the  year,  elections  generally  taking  place 
in  summer.     Cicero's  letters  are  hardly  to 


V:J 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


44 

muliebri  vestitu  virum,  idque  sacrificium  cum  virgmes  instaur- 
assent,   mentionem   a  Q.  Cornifido   m   senatu   f^^tam-.s  fm^ 
orinceps  ne  tu  forte  aliquem  nostrum  putes- ;  postea  rem  ex 
S  atu's  consulto  [ad  virgines  atque]  ad  pontifices  re  atam  .  qu 
,  ab  iis  nefas  esse  decretum;  deinde  ex  senatus  ^o-ulto  consules 
rogationem   promulgasse ;    uxori   Caesarem  nunUum  rem.  sse^ 
In  hac  causa  Piso  amicitia  P.  Clodii  ductus  «?«--  f  J  "*  Jf. 
rogatio,  quam  ipse  fert  et  fert  ex  senatus  consu  to  et  de  reh 
gione,antiquetur:  Messalla  vehementer  adhuc  ag.t  severe     Bon 
.oviri  precibus  Clodii  removentur  a  causa;  operae  comparant^r 
nosmet  ipsi,  qui  Lycurgei  a  principio  fuissemus,  quofdte  dem.  - 
gamur;   instat  et  urget  Cato.     Quid  multa?    ^^reorne  haec 
Lglecta  a  bonis,  defensa  ab  improbis,  magnorum  re.  pubh  ae 
malorum  causa  sit.   Tuus  autem  ille  amicus-scm  quern  d.cam  ?- 


be  quoted  for  either  view,  as  he   supposes 
Atticus  to  have  heard  of  the  affair  already. 

1.  Instiurassent,   «had    resumed      on 

another  day.  -n      ,     t 

2.  A  Q..  Cornificio:  cp.  bp.  1,1. 
note.    He  was  probably  of  praetorian  rank ; 

Tvrrell,  Pretor. 

:^  Princeps,  'the  first  to  take  notice 
of  the  atTair.'  A  reproach  against  the  more 
eminent  senators,  especially  against  the  cou- 
sulars,  '  nostrum.'  r      .u 

Ne  tu  .  .  .  putes.     An  ellipse  for    hoc 

dico  ne.'  .  ,        j         a 

4.  Idque  .  .  decretum,  'they  decreed 
that  the  occurrence  was  an  offence  against 
religion.'  For  the  gender  of  '  id,'  referring 
to  a  sentence,  see  Madv.  312  b,  315  b. 

6.  Rogationem.  This  proposal  prob- 
ably was  that  an  enquiry  should  be  made 
about  the  transaction.  Corradus  ap.  Boot 
A  special  law  was  needed  for  the  trial  of 
Clodius  because  apparently  no  statute  pro- 
vided a  penalty  for  the  offence  of  which  he 
had  been  guilty.  Cp.  Ferrat.  Ep.  2,  9,  106; 
ap.  Drumann  2,  207. 

Uxori.  To  Pompeia,  daughter  of  Q.. 
Pompeius  Rufus.  Her  mother  was  a  daughter 
of  Sulla ;  her  paternal  grandfather  had  been 
Sulla's  colleague  in  his  first  consulship,  88 

B  C 

Nuntium  remisisse,  'has  sent  notice 

of  divorce.'     For  the  phrase,  cp.  De  Orat. 

1  40,  183;  Topica,  4.  An  equivalent  ex- 
pression seems  to  have  been  '  repudium  re- 
nuntiare,'  cp.  Ter.  Phorm.  Act.  4.  Sc.  372. 
On  the  force  of  re-  in  *  remittere    cp.  Epp. 

02  i;  98.  1.  notes.  It  appears  that  at 
Rome  in  Cicero's  time  either  husband  or 
wife  could  ordinarily  procure  a  dissolution 


of  marriage  by  simply  giving  or  sending  such 
a  notice  as  that  mentioned  in  the  text.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  8.  7,  2.  A  common  form  seems 
to  have  been  '  tuas  res  tibi  habeto,  cp.  Uc. 
Philipp.  2.  28,  69:  and  on  the  whole  sub- 
ject, Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  art.  *  Divortium, 
418;  Rein,  Privatrecbt,  445-457- 

7.  P.  Clodii.     For  an  account  of  this 
demagogue,  see  Intr,  to  Part  1,  §§  13  J  ^4  5 

^^8^^Q.uam  ipse  fert.  Id  est  cuius  lator 
futurus  est  nam  rogation!  ferendae  nondum 
dies  venerat.     Manut. 

9.  Adhuc.  This  word,  perhaps,  conveys 
a  suspicion  as  to  Messalla's  firmness. 

10.  Removentur  a  causa,  'are  being 
induced  to  take  no  part  in  the  matter^ 
Boni   viri,  according   to  Boot,  is  here- 

opti  mates. 

Operae,  'bands  of  men  hired  to  shout 
and  riot.'     Cp.  Philipp.  I.  9,  22. 

11.  Nosmet...  fuissemus,  '  I  myselt, 
though  I  had  been  rigorous  enough  at  first. 
For  the  conj.  '  fuissemus,'  expressing  an  op- 
position to  the  leading  proposition,  see  Madv. 

366,  Obs.  3.  ,1, 

Lycurgei.  A  reference,  either  to  the 
Spartan  lawgiver,  or.  as  Billerb.  thinks,  to 
an  Athenian  statesman,  contemporary  with 
Demosthenes.     Cp.  Brut.  34,  130.  ^ 

Demitigamur,  'feel  my  anger  diminish- 
ing.'    The  word  seems  only  to  occur  here. 

12.  Cato.  M.  Porcius,  tribune  for  63-62 
B  c      For  notices  of  him,  see  Intr.  to  Parts 

i;§§ii;i5;ii.  §8;  "i»  §105  ^v,§  10. 

Haec,    'this  outrage.'     On  the  sing,  sit 

cp.  Madv.  216, 

14.  Amicus,  Pompey.  With  the  account 
here  given  of  him,  cp.  '  solet  aUud  sentire  et 


I 


i 


li 


EP.  6.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  A TTICUM /13.  45 

de  quo  tu  ad  me  scripsisti,  postea  quam  non  auderet  reprehendere 
laudare  coepisse,  nos,  ut  ostendit,  admodum  diligit,  amplectitur, 
amat,  aperte  laudat ;  occulte,  sed  ita,  ut  perspicuum  sit,  mvidet. 
Nihil  come,  nihil  simplex,  nihil  Iv  rots  hoXitikoIs  honestum,  nihil 
illustre,  nihil  forte,  nihil  liberum.  Sed  haec  ad  te  scribam  alias  5 
subtilius ;  nam  neque  adhuc  mihi  satis  nota  sunt  et  huic  terrae 
filio  nescio  cui  committere  epistolam  tantis  de  rebus  non  audeo. 

6  Provincias  praetores  nondum  sortiti  sunt :  res  eodem  est  loci, 
quo  reliquisti.  jonoQ^^iav,  quam  postulas,  Miseni  et  Puteolorum, 
includam  orationi  meae.  A.  d.  III.  Non.  Decembr.  mendose  fuisse  10 
animadverteram.  Quae  laudas  ex  orationibus,  mihi  crede,  valde 
mihi  placebant,  sed  non  audebam  antea  dicere ;  nunc  vero,  quod 
a  te  probata  sunt,  multo  mihi  arrtKcorepa  videntur.  In  illam 
orationem     MetelHnam    addidi    quaedam :    liber  tibi   mittetur, 

6  quoniam  te  amor  nostri  philorhetora  reddidit.     Novi  tibi  quid-  15 
nam  scribam?     quid?    etiam.      Messalla   consul    Autrpnianam 


loqui,  neque  tantum  valere  ingenio  ut  non 
appareat  quid  cupiat'  Ad  Fam.  8.  i,  3;  also 

Ad  Att.  4.  9,  I.  .       ,  ^ 

I.  De  quo  .  .  .  scripsisti.  '  Quem 
scripsisti'  would  be  a  more  common  con- 
struction, but  cp.  Madv.  395,  Obs.  7  ;  also 
Ad  Fam.  10.  20,  i  'de  te  fama  constans  nee 
decipi  posse  nee  vinci  ;'  also  Tusc.  Disp.  5. 
20,  57,  and  Kuhner's  note. 

R'^eprehendere,  sc. '  me.'     Cp.  Ep.  7,  3. 

4.  Nihil  come  .  .  .  liberum,  '  no 
courtesy,  frankness,  political  honour,  eleva- 
tion (illustre),  energy,  generosity.'     ^ 

6.  Subtilius, 'with  more  precision. 

Nam  neque  ...  et.  For  the  combi- 
nation of  negative  and  affirmative  particles, 

see  Madv.  458  c. 

Terrae  filio,  'the  mean  and  unknown 
fellow,'  who  bears  this  letter.  Cp.  'tuus 
familiaris  sunmio  genera  natus  (iron.)  terrae 
filius'  Ad  Fam.  7.  9,  3. 

8.  Provincias  .  .  .  sortiti  sunt.  I 
cannot  find  any  explanation  of  the  delay  in 
the  allotment  of  the  praetorian  provinces. 
Cicero  was  interested  in  the  matter,  because 
his  brother  Quintus  was  one  of  the  praetors 
for  62  B.C.  Cp. '  Asiam  Quinto  suavissimo 
fratri  obtigisse  audisti'  Ad  Att.  I.  15,  i. 

Res  eodem  .  .  .  reliquisti, 'the  mat- 
ter remains  as  you  left  it.*  '  Eodem  loci  pro 
ibidem  ponitur.'  Forcell.  Cp.  *  eodem  loci 
potentiam  et  concordiam  esse'  Tac.  Ann. 

4»4- 

9.  TOTro^fo-tav,  'topographical  descrip- 
tion.*    Liddell  and  Scott. 


Puteolorum.  Drumann,  6,  393,  infers 
from  this  passage  that  Cicero  already  pos- 
sessed   a   villa  \t   PuteoU,   cp.   Appendix, 

v.  7. 

10.  Orationi  meae.  What  speech  this 
was  does  not  appear.  Siipfle.  Prof.  Tyrrell  - 
can  find  no  example  of  '  includere '  with  the 
dative,  meaning  'to  insert  in,'  or,  as  Mr. 
Pretor  says,  'to  enclose  in.'  Prof.  Tyrrell 
suggests  '  incudam. 

A.  d.  m.  Non  .  .  .  animadverteram, 
'  I  had  noticed,  before  you  told  me,  that  the 
date,  Dec.  3,  was  wrong.'  I  cannot  find  as 
to  what  work  Cicero  makes  this  confes- 
sion. 

13.  aTTiKtJTepa.  Apparently  =  * more 
classical,'  '  more  correct,'  with  an  allusion, 
perhaps,  to  Atticus'  name.  I  cannot  find 
that  the  word  is  used  quite  in  this  sense  in 
classical  Greek. 

14.  MetelHnam.  Against  Metellus  Ne- 
pos.     Cp.  Epp.  4  ;  5,  2. 

15.  Philorhetora,  *  a  lover  of  oratory.' 
The  word  seems  only  to  be  found  here. 

Novi  tibi  .  .  .  etiam,  'shall  I  write 
you  any  more  news?  any?  Yes.'  Cp.  'aliud 
quid?  etiam,  quando  te  proficisci  istinc 
putes,  fac  ut  sciam'  Ad  Att.  2.  6,  2. 

16.  Autronianam,  'of  P.  Autronius 
Paetus.'  This  man  had  been  elected  consul 
for  65  B.C.,  but  a  conviction  for  bribery 
had  prevented  him  from  holding  oflSce,  and 
he  subsequently  joined  Catiline's  conspiracy  ; 
was  tried  and  condemned  '  de  vi,'  and  went 
into  exile  in  62  B.C. 


i 


I 


I 


' 


46 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


EP.  7.] 


EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM 1 14, 


47 


domumemitHS.CXXxmi.  *  Quid  id  ad  me  ? '  inquies.  Tantum, 
quod  ea  emptione  et  nos  bene  emisse  iudicati  sumus  et  homines 
intellegere  coeperunt,  licere  amicorum  facultatibus  in  emendo  ad 
dignitatem  aliquam  pervenire.  Teucris  ilia  lentum  negotium  est, 
6  sed  tamen  est  in  spe.  Tu  ista  confice.  A  nobis  liberiorem 
epistolam  exspecta.     VI.  Kal.  Febr.  M.  Messalla  M.  Pisone  coss. 

7.    To   ATTICUS   (AD    ATT.   I.   14). 
Rome,  Feb.  13,  61  b.c.  (693  a.u.c) 

I.  I  have  already  told  you  how  Pompey's  first  speech  after  his  return  satisfied 
nobody.  He  was  afterwards  asked  in  public  what  he  thought  of  the  senate's  provision 
for  the  trial  of  Clodius,  i.  and  answered  by  dwelling  at  some  length  upon  his  respect 
for  the  senate.  He  renewed  his  declaration  a  few  days  later  in  that  body,  and  3.  was 
followed  by  Crassus,  who  spoke  in  the  highest  terms  of  my  serv-ices  ;  rather.  I  thought, 
to  Pompey's  annoyance.  4.  I  then"  rose,  and  enlarged  on  the  satisfactory  position  of 
affairs  brought  about  by  the  union  of  parties  5.  The  senate's  energy  and  firmness  have 
been  admirable.  When  some  young  nobles  and  their  dependents  had  riotously  inter- 
rupted the  proceedings  against  Clodius  in  the  assembly,  the  senate,  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority,  instructed  the  consuls  to  urge  upon  the  people  the  acceptance  of  the  bill 
providing  for  his  trial.  6.  All  the  magistrates,  except  the  consul  Piso  and  the  tribune 
Fnfius,  are  behaving  very  well ;  and  Piso's  sloth  makes  him  the  less  dangerous  7.  Teu- 
cris has  fulfilled  her  promise.  My  brother  Quintus  is  anxious  to  buy  a  new  house. 
I  should  be  glad  to  see  you  reconciled  to  Lucceius.  Let  me  hear  what  you  are  doing, 
and  how  affairs  stand  in  Epirus. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Vereor  ne  putidum  sit  scribere  ad  te,  quam  sim  occupatus,  1 


1.  HS.  cxxxmi  =  «centies  tricies  quad- 
ringentis,'  or  13,400,000  sesterces,  between 
yfiio.coo  and  £120,000  according  to  vari- 
ous estimates.  The  sum  seems  enormous, 
as  compared  with  3,500,000  ses^terces  which 
Cicero  had  paid  for  his  house.   Cp.  Ad  Fam. 

5-  6,  2. 

2.  Bene,  'cheaply.' 

Homines  intellegere  .  .  pervenire. 
These  words  probably  mean,  *  men  begin  to 
see  that  there  is  no  discredit  in  borrowing 
from  one's  friend  to  buy  a  house  suited  to 
one's  aspirations.'  It  is  implied  that  Mes- 
salla's  house  was  bought  in  part  with  bor- 
rowed money. 

4.  Teucris.  Many  suppose  C  Antonius, 
Cicero's  colleague,  to  be  meant.  But  another 
suggestion  is,  that  Cicero  refers  to  a  rich 
woman  from  whom  he  had  borrowed  money. 
Mr.  Pretor's  note  on  Ad  Att.  I.  12,  induces 
me  to  look  with  more  favour  than  I  did 
previously  on  the  identification  of  '  Teucris ' 
with  C.  Antonius.      A  passage  in  Persius 


(l.  4.)  may  be  quoted  in  illustration  of  the 
use  of  such  a  term  for  an  effeminate  Roman. 

Negotium,  'creature.'  Cp.  *varium  et 
mutabile  semper  Femina '  Virg.  Aen.  4.  569, 
and  the  Greek  XP^MO* 

5.  Est  in  spe,  'there  is  hope  that  she 
will  fulfil  her  promise.'  The  sentence  is 
elliptical.  For  the  phrase  '  in  spe  esse,'  cp. 
Ep.  19,  4:  Ad  Att.  8.  II  D,  8. 

Tu  ista  confice:  cp.  '  tu  mandata 
effice  quae  recepisti,'  §  7  of  the  next  letter, 
1  cannot  explain  the  allusion  in  either  letter, 
but,  from  the  context  in  both  passages,  it 
seems  likely  that  Cicero  is  refcTring  to  his 
transactions  with  Teucris.  Manutius,  how- 
ever, believes  that  in  this  passage  Cicero  is 
urging  Atticus  to  get  in  the  money  owing 
him  as  soon  as  possible,  that  he  may  return 
to  Rome  the  sooner. 

7.  Putidum,  'formal,'  hence  'in  bad 
taste.'  Cp. ' nolo  exprimi  litteras  putidius  nolo 
obscurari  neglegentius '  De  Orat.  3.  11,  4I. 


f 


I 


sed  tamen  distinebar,  ut  huic  vix  tantulae  epistolae  tempus 
habuerim  atque  id  ereptum  e  summis  occupationibus.  Prima 
contio  Pompeii  qualis  fuisset,  scripsi  ad  te  antea :  non  iucunda 
miseris,  inanis  improbis,  beatis  non  grata,  bonis  non  gravis; 
itaque  frigebat.  Tum  Pisonis  consulis  impulsu  levissimus  tri-  5 
bunus  pi.  Fufius  in  contionem  producit  Pompeium — res  agebatur 
in  circo  Flaminio  et  erat  in  eo  ipso  loco  illo  die  nundinarum 
TTav7]yvf}Ls—  ;  quaesivit  ex  eo,  placeretne  ei  iudices  a  praetore  legi, 
quo  consilio  idem  praetor  uteretur :  id  autem  erat  de  Clodiana 
2  religione  ab  senatu  constitutum.  Tum  Pompeius  /xa\'  apicTTOKpa-  10 
TLKm  locutus  est  senatusque  auctoritatem  sibi  omnibus  in  rebus 
maximi  videri  semperque  visam  esse  respondit  et  id  multis 
verbis.  Postea  Messalla  consul  in  senatu  de  Pompeio  quaesivit, 
quid  de  religione  et  de  promulgata  rogatlone  sentiret :  locutus 


1.  Distinebar,  'I  am  so  busy.'  Cp. 
Ep.  I,  1,  p.  26,  note,  for  the  tense,  and 
'  quanta  occupatione  distinear '  Ad  Att.  2. 
23,  I,  for  the  meaning.  'Ita'  before  *  dis- 
tinebar '  would  bring  the  passage  more  into 
accordance  with  usage. 

2.  Prima  contio  Pompeii.  Pompey's 
first  speech  after  his  return  from  Asia. 

3.  Scripsi.  In  a  letter  now  lost;  per- 
haps the  '  liberior  epistola '  promised  at  the 
close  of  the  last. 

4    Miseris,  *to  the  poor;*   improbis, 

*  to  the  democrats;'  beatis,  'to  the 
wealthy  ; '  bonis,  'to  the  well  disposed  or 
optimates.'    See  Mommsen,  E.  T.  4.  i,  194. 

5.  Frigebat, '  was  coldly  received.'  The 
word  is  used  of  a  flute-player.  Brut.  50, 
187  ;  and  see  Nagelsb.  134,  388. 

Tum,  'subsequently.' 

6.  Fufius.  Q.  Calenus.  See  Ep.  il,  i, 
note. 

In  contionem  producit  Pompeium, 

*  brings  Pompey  forward  to  address  the  peo- 
ple,* or  perhaps  '  causes  Pompey  to  mount 
the  rostra.*  A  Roman  could  only  address  a 
meeting  of  the  people  with  the  leave  of  a 
magistrate  who  had  the  power  of  convening 
it.  '  Contio '  was  an  assembly  of  the  people 
for  discussion,  not  for  voting,  and  apparently, 
could  be  convened  anywhere  in  or  near 
Rome.     See  Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.  348. 

7.  In  circo  Flaminio.  This  was  in  the 
Campus  Martius,  and  so  Pompey  did  not  lose 
his  imperium  and  his  claim  to  a  triumph  by 
attending  the  meeting,  as  he  would  have 
done  by  entering  the  city.  See  Ep.  5, 4,  note, 
and  note  E. 

Nundinarum  iravqyvpii,  'a  solemn 
assembly— on  market-day.'     There  is  some 


irony  in  applying  the  term  irav-qyvpis  to  a 
concourse  on  such  an  ordinary  occasion. 
The  '  nundinae  '  were  always  '  dies  fasti  * 
for  plebeians,  and,  after  some  time,  became 
so  for  patricians  also.  Cp.  Smith's  Diction- 
ary of  Antiquities,  sub  voc,  pp.  815,  816. 
lulius  Caesar  (ap.  Macrob.  Sat.  I.  16,  29) 
'  negat  nundinis  contionem  advocari  posse;* 
but  this  passage  seems  to  contradict  his 
statement.     Cp.  Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  2.  100. 

8.  Ex  eo,  sc.  'Pompeio.' 

Indices  .  .  .  legi.  Usually  the  judges 
were  chosen  by  lot,  for  a  particular  trial, 
from  the  whole  list,  or  '  album  iudicum ; ' 
but,  if  corruption  was  to  be  apprehended, 
it  was  sometimes  desired  that  they  should 
be  specially  appointed  by  a  consul  or  prae- 
tor. Cp.  Pro  Muren.  23,  47 ;  Pro  Milone 
8,  21. 

9.  Quo  consilio  ..  uteretur,  'whom 
the  said  praetor  should  employ  at  his  coun- 
cil.' On  the  meaning  of  '  consilium,*  see  on 
§  5  of  the  next  letter. 

Id  autem  erat  .  .  constitutum,  'that, 
you  must  know,  was  the  proposal  of  the 
senate  as  to  the  sacrilege  of  Clodius.* 
*  Autem'  simply  continues  the  narrative. 
See  Madv.  437  b.  For  this  sense  of  *re- 
ligio,'  cp.  Philipp.  1.6,  13. 

10.  ii6.\*  apiaTOKpariKOJS  locutus  est, 
'  held  the  language  of  a  thorough  aristo- 
crat.' 

13.  De  Pompeio,  'o/Pompey.* 

14.  De  promulgata  rogatione,  *  about 
the  proposal  which  had  been  made  for  the 
trial  of  Clodius.'  See  the  last  words  of  the 
previous  section. 

Locutus  ita  est  .  .  ut,  foil.  A  pleon- 
asm.    Cp.  Madv.  481  b. 


48 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


i 


i 


ita  est  in  senatu,  ut  omnia  ilHus  ordmis  consulta  V"--  ^^^ 
daret,  mihique,  ut  adsedit,  dixit  se   putare  satis  ^^  se  e  am 
de  istis  rebus  esse  responsum.     Crassus  postea  quam  vid.t  .num  3 
excepisse  laudem  ex  eo,  quod  suspicarentur  hommes  ei  consu 
/atum'meum  placere,  surrexit  ornatissimeque  de  meo  consula  u 
locutus  est.  ut  ita  diceret,  se,  quod  esset  senator,  quod  cms, 
quod  liber,  quod  viveret,  mihi  acceptum  -f^"-":-' J°  '^"JJ"; 
iugem,  quotiens  domum,  quotiens  patriam  v.deret,  tot.ens  se 
be'nefidum   meum   videre.      Quid  multa?   to^un.  hunc  1^^^^^^^ 
>oquem  ego  varie   meis   orationibus,  ^-^'^^'^/^'^f^f'^'J^^ 
soleo  pingere,  de  flamma,  de  ferro-nosti  lUas^Kj^^.-  valde 
graviterperte^uit.    Proximus  Pompeio  sedebam  :  mtellex.  hom,- 
nem  moveri,  utrum  Crassum  inire  earn  gratiam,  quam  ipse  prae- 
"ermisisset,  an  esse  tantas  res  nostras,  quae  tarn  hbent.  senatu 
„  a^darentu,  ab  eo  praesertim,  qui  mihi  laudem  Ulam  eo  mmus 
^deberet,  quod  meis'omnibus  littens  in  Pompeiana    aude  p^ 


i 


EP.  7.] 


EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  I.  14. 


49 


4 


\ 


I  yeviKus,  Mn  general  terms/  Schiitz, 
Billerb.,  Matth.  But  Orell.  and  Metzger 
render  'without  exception/  The  first 
meapin?  seems  most  probable,  for  Pompey 
wished  ^not  to  break  with  any  party,  which 
he  would  have  done  by  unreserved  approval 
of  the  senate's  measures. 

3.  De  istis  rebus.  Boot  thmks  the 
actual  words  of  Pompey  are  quoted,  who 
might  say,  on  resuming  his  seat,  '  satis  a  me 
de  istis  rebus  responsum  puto.'  If  the  words 
are  Cicero's,  they  may  mean  either  '  on  the 
two  points  upon  which  Messalla  questioned 
him,'  or  'on  the  affairs  you  (Atticus)  know 
about/  i.  e.  my  proceedings  as  consul. 

Crassus.     M.  Licinius,  afterwards  trium- 
vir.   For  notices  of  him,  see  Introd.  to  Part  I, 

§§  5  ;  16.  , 

Ilium  excepisse  .  .  placere,  'that 
Pompey  had  won  praise,  because  men  fancied 
he  approved  of  my  consular  measures.  Boot 
remarks  on  '  excipere.'  that  it  is  said,  '  de 
rebus  quae  forte  offeruntur.  Minus  ahquanto 
est  quam  accipere.'  . 

6  Ut  .  .  .  diceret  =  'saying,  explains 
•  ornatissime/  '  Ita*  is  used  pleonastically 
and  refers  to  what  follows.     Cp.  Ep.  lOO,  l ; 

Zumpt,  L.  G.  748.  .     »      /^      r« 

8.  Patriam,  'his  own  city.       Cp.  t-p. 

47,  I,  note.  , 

9.  Quid  multa?  sc.  '  dicam/  'enough, 

See  Madv.  479  ^*  ^^^-  ^*    .  .      ^  ,  .  , 

10    Aristarchus.  A  cntic  of  proverbial 

severity.  Cp.  Hor.  Ars  Poet  450 ;  Cic.  m 
Pis-  30»  73-  H^  ^^^^^  **  Alexandria,  about  the 
middle' of  the  second  century  before  Christ. 


II.  Pingere,' *1o  embellish/  Translate  est     \ 
ornare.     Forcell.     Cp.  Ep.  25,  3.      ^ 

XrjKvOovs.    Literally,  •  oil  flasks.      For- 
cell, Liddell  and  Scott,  Matth.,  and   Boot, 
think  it  has  the  same  meaning  as  '  ampul- 
lae' in  Hor.   A.  P.  97.  'swelling  phrases. 
Manutius  thinks  it  means  'paint  pots  = 
'  famiUar  rhetorical  passages.*    Cp. '  pingere 
above,  and  '  pigmenta '  Ep.  9.  l ,  note.     For 
examples  of  such  passages,  cp.  In  Cat.  pas- 
sim;  Pro  Muren.  39,  85.     Mr.  Jeans  renders 
' paillettes *  =  ' spangles;'  both  he  and  Pro- 
fessor Tyrrell  deny  that  the  word  is  here 
equivalent  to '  ampullae.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  thmks 
that  it  means  '  flasks  for  holding  pigments. 

Valde  graviter  pertexuit,  'narrated 
with  much  dignity/  Cp.  Lucret.  6.  42, 
*  inceptum  pergam  pertexere  dictis. 

13.  Moveri  =*moleste  ferre/  On  the 
infin.  after  such  verbs,  see  Madv.  397.  ^ 

Utrum.  .  praetermisisset,  an, 'pos- 
sibly at  Crassus*  establishing  a  claim  for 
gratitude  which  he  had  failed  to  secure  ;  pos- 
sibly— *  .     , .      „ 

16    Meis  omnibus  littens, 'mall  my 

literary  efforts/  Cp.  '  te  neque  illos  (versus) 
neque  uUas  omnino  litteras  nosse'  Philipp. 
2.  8,  20  ;  and  for  the  abl.,  Madv.  253.  Prof. 
Tyrrell  denies  the  sense  which  I  have  given 
to  '  litteris/  and  reads  '  meis  orationibus,  om- 
nibus litteris,'  taking  the  last  two  words  to 
mean  '  in  every  letter  of  the  words^I  spoke. 
On  the  plural  sense  of  '  litterae/  cp.  Ep. 

In  Pompeiana  .  .  esset, 'had  had  his 
praises  curuiled/  '  had  been  censured,  that 


{ 


1 

i 


V  1 

4 


M 


4  strictus  esset.  Hie  dies  me  valde  Crasso  adiunxit,  et  tamen 
ab  illo  aperte  tecte  quicquid  est  datum  libenter  accepi.  Ego 
autem  ipse,  di  boni !  quo  modo  h€TT€p'n€p€V(Tdixrjv  novo  auditori 
Pompeio  I  si  umquam  mihi  irfpCoboi,  si  Kap-noiy  si  hdvynqixaTa^  si 
KaracTK^val  suppeditaverunt,  illo  tempore.  Quid  multa  ?  clamores.  5 
Etenim  haec  erat  viroOeats :  de  gravitate  ordinis,  de  equestri 
Concordia,  de  consensione  Italiae,  de  intermortuis  reliquiis  con- 
iurationis,  de  vilitate,  de  otio.  Nosti  iam  in  hac  materia 
sonitus  nostros :  tanti  fuerunt,  ut  ego  eo  brevior  sim,  quod  eos 

6  usque    istinc    exauditos    putem.     Romanae   autem    se    res   sic  10 
habent :  senatus  "Apetos  irayos.     Nihil  constantius,  nihil  severius, 
nihil  fortius  :  nam  cum  dies  venisset  rogationi  ex  senatus  con- 
sulto  ferendae,  concursabant  barbatuli   iuvenes,  totus  ille  grex 
Catilinae,  duce  filiola  Curionis,  et  populum,  ut  antiquaret,  roga- 


Pompey  might  be  praised.*  e.g.  Cicero  had 
praised  Pompey  as  the  conqueror  of  Sparta- 
cus,  whose  insurrection  had  been  suppressed 
almost  entirely  by  Crassus.  Cp.  Pro  Leg. 
Man.  II,  30. 

3.  Ab  illo.     Pompeio. 

Aperte  tecte,  'whether  directly  or  in- 
directly.'    Boot.     Matth. 

3.  €V€ir€pTr€p€v<jdfj.rjv,  'sounded  my 
own  praises.'  Epictetus  uses  the  verb,  but 
it  is  not  found  in  classical  Greek. 

Novo  auditori.  Pompey  had  only  re- 
cently returned  from  Asia.  See  above  §  i, 
note,  and  Manut. 

4.  Trept o5o<,  '  well-turned  periods.'  Cp. 
Arist.  Rhet.  3.  9 ;  Cic.  Orat.  61,  204. 

Kapiroi.  I  cannot  explain  this  word  in 
such  a  connection,  but  it  is  apparently  the 
reading  of  the  best  MS.  /fa/xirat,  which  has 
been  suggested,  might  mean  '  transitions,' 
and  occurs  in  Demet.  Phal.  ap.  L.  and  S. 

kvOvfirifiara,  'conclusions  from  contra- 
ries/ 'antitheses/  Cp.  Cic.  Top.  13,  55, 
and  for  illustration,  Pro  Milon.  29,  79, 
quoted  by  Quintilian,  Inst.  Or.  5.  14,  2. 

5.  KaraCKivai,  'figures.'  Mr.  Pretor 
quotes  Gronovius  for  the  sense  '  figurae  elo- 
cutionis'  and  Ernesti  for  the  sense  '  construc- 
tive arguments,*  confirmationes.  See  also 
Liddell  and  Scott,  sub  voc.  Especially 
confirmation  of  what  has  gone  before.  Cp. 
Quintil.  Inst.  Or.  2.  4.  Boot,  quoting  from 
J.  C.  T.  Ernesti,  says  that  the  two  first 
words  refer  to  style,  the  two  last  to  modes 
of  proof. 

Illo  tempore,  sc.  *  suppeditarunt/ 
Clamores,  sc,  *  secuti  sunt,* '  cheers  fol- 
lowed.* 


6.  VTroOiGis,  'my  subject,*  =  'argu- 
mentum/     Cic.  Top.  21,  79, 

De  gravitate  ordinis,  '  about  the  dig- 
nified conduct  of  our  [the  senatorian]  order,* 
which  it  had  pursued  in  punishing  Catiline's 
accomplices. 

7.  Intermortuis  reliquiis.  These 
words  seem  to  refer  to  the  surviving  accom- 
plices of  Catiline,  who  were  for  the  present 
harmless.  '  Intermortuus  *  is  a  term  used  in 
cases  of  suspended  animation  or  activity. 
Cp.  Pro  Muren.  7,  16. 

8.  Vilitate,  *  the  cheapness  of  provi- 
sions,' supposed  to  have  resulted  from  Pom- 
pey's  appointment  as  praefectus  annonae, 
which  had  been  made  at  Cicero's  suggestion, 
in  63  B.C. 

In  hac  materia,  *on  this  topic/ 

9.  Sonitus  nostros,  'my  thunders/ 

10.  Usque  istinc,  *  even  from  Epirus, 
where  you  are.* 

11.  "Apfios  irdyos,  *a  true  Areopagus.* 
Cp.  dp€ioirayiTai,  used  ironically  in  §  5  of 
the  next  letter,  and  Ep.  28,  4.  The  high 
character  of  the  Areopagus  at  Athens  was 
proverbial,  and  is  much  dwelt  upon  in  the 
Eumenides  of  Aeschylus. 

13.  Barbatuli,  'with  small,  delicate 
beards/  Cp.  '  bene  barbatos  *  In  Cat.  2.  10, 
22.  To  wear  such  a  beard  after  coming  of 
age  was  a  mark  of  foppishness.  Cp.  Smith's 
Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc.  Barba,  197. 

14.  Filiola  Curionis.  The youngerCurio, 
notorious  for  his  debauchery.  Cp.  Ep.  11,  I ; 
Philipp.  2.  18,  44.  For  an  account  of  his 
subsequent  career,  see  note  on  Ep.  30,  and 
Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  26,  and   to   Part  III, 

§9. 


£ 


50 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


^  11 


EP.  7.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM  I,  14. 


51 


II 


bant ;  Piso  autem  consul,  lator  rogationis,  idem  erat  dissuasor. 
Operae  Clodianae  pontes  occuparant ;  tabellae  ministrabantur 
ita,  ut  nulla  daretur  VTI  ROGAS.  Hie  tibi  rostra  Cato  advolat, 
convitium  Pisoni  consuli  mirificum  facit,  si    id    est  convitium, 

5  vox  plena  gravitatis,  plena  auctoritatis,  plena  denique  salutis ; 
accedit  eodem  etiam  noster  Hortensius,  multi  praeterea  boni ; 
insignis  vero  opera  Favonii  fuit.  Hoc  concursu  optimatium 
comitia  dimittuntur ;  senatus  vocatur.  Cum  decerneretur  fre- 
quenti  senatu,  contra  pugnante  Pisone,  ad  pedes  omnium  singil- 

10  latim  accidente  Clodio,  ut  consules  populum  cohortarentur  ad 
rogationem  accipiendam,  homines  ad  quindecim  Curioni  nullum 
senatus  consultum  facienti  adsenserunt;  ex  altera  parte  facile 
CCCC.  fuerunt.  Acta  res  est.  Fufius  tribunus  tum  concessit. 
Clodius  contiones  miseras  habebat,  in  quibus  Lucullum,  Horten- 

15  sium,  C.  Pisonem,  Messallam  consulem  contumeliose  laedebat; 
me  tantum   *comperisse   omnia'   criminabatur.     Senatus  et  de 


2.  operae  Clodianae:  see  §  3  of  the 
preceding  letter,  and  note  thereon. 

Pontes.  Narrow  passages  leading  to  and 
from  the  enclosures  ('  saepta')  in  the  Campus 
Martius,  where  the  tribes  or  centuries  assem- 
bled separately  before  giving  their  votes.  If 
the  comina  were  convoked  for  legislation, 
each  voter  ought  to  be  furnished  with  two 
voting  tablets  (tabellae),  one  marked  V.R. 
('uti  rogas'),  affirmative,  the  other  A.  'anti- 
quo'),  negative;  and  he  would  give  his  vote 
by  throwing  one  of  these  into  a  basket  ( '  cista  *) 
as  he  passed  out  of  his  'saeptum,'  But  on  the 
present  occasion,  owing  to  intimidation  ap- 
parently, no  tablets  marked  V.R.  were  sup- 
plied. See,  on  the  mode  of  voting,  Cic.  de 
Leg.  3.  17,  38;  Festus,  sub  voc.  Sexagenarii, 
(334,  Miilier)  ;  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub 
voce.  Comitia  336 ;  Tabella  1090. 

3.  Tibi.  Dativus  ethicus.  See  Madv. 
348. 

4.  Convitium  . .  facit :  cp.  Ep.  121,  2. 

5.  Salutis,  'of  beneficial  advice,* 
•patriotism.* 

7.  Favonii,  M.  Favonius  was  a  deter- 
mined aristocrat,  jealous  of  Pompey,  and  a 
great  admirer  of  Cato.  He  opposed  the 
triumvirs  in  59  B.C.;  was  aedile  in  53  b c, 
and  probably  praetor  in  49  B.C.;  served 
under  Pompey  in  the  civil  war,  and  was  par- 
doned by  Caesar  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalus. 
He  did  not  conspire  with  Brutus  and  Cassius 
against  Caesar,  but  joined  them  in  the  war 
which  ensued,  and  was  put  to  death  after  the 


battle  of  Philippi.  He  is  frequently  mentioned 
in  Cicero's  letters.    See,  too.  Suet.  Oct.  13. 

II.  Curioni.  C.  Scribonius  Curio,  father 
of  the  young  man  mentioned  above,  is  pro- 
bably here  referred  to,  for  his  son  can  hardly 
have  been  of  senatorial  age.  The  father  was 
consul  in  76  B.C. ;  he  afterwards  governed 
Macedonia,  and  won  victories  over  the  Dar- 
dani.  He  generally  supported  the  optimates, 
and  his  defence  of  Clodius  on  this  occasion 
may  have  been  dictated  by  hostility  to  Caesar, 
who  had  received  a  grievous  wrong  from 
Clodius.  Cicero  delivered  a  speech  about  this 
time,  *  In  Clodium  et  Curionem,'  of  which 
portions  are  extant.     Curio  died  in  53  b.c. 

Nullum  senatus  consultum  facienti, 
'who  suggested  that  no  decree  of  the  senate 
should  be  made.* 

13.  Acta  res  est,  *  the  affair  was  settled.' 
Concessit,  'yielded,*  did  not  press  his 

opposition.* 

14.  Lucullum.  L.  Lucullus,  the  famous 
general,  is  probably  meant :  on  whom  cp, 
Ep.  I,  3,  note,  and  Pro  Milon.  27,  73. 

15.  Pisonem:  see  the  preceding  letter, 
§  2,  and  note. 

16.  Comperisse  omnia.  Cicero  seems 
often  to  have  used  this  expression  about  the 
information  he  had  procured  as  to  Catiline's 
conspiracy,  instead  of  publishing  his  proofs, 
and  to  have  given  offence  thereby.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  5.  5,  a. 

De  provinciis  praetorum  :  cp.  §  5  of 
the  preceding  letter,  and  note. 


provinciis  praetorum  et  de  legationibus  et  de  ceteris  rebus  decer- 
nebat,  ut  ante,  quam  rogatio  lata  esset,  ne  quid  ageretur.    Habes 

6  res  Romanas.    Sed  tamen  etiam  illud,  quod  non  speraram,  audi : 
.  Messalla    consul    est  egregius,  fortis,  constans,  diligens,    nostri 

laudator,  amator,  imitator ;  ille  alter  uno  vitio  minus  vitiosus,  5 
quod  iners,  quod  somni  plenus,  quod  imperitus,  quod  airpaKTo- 
TUTosy  sed  voluntate  ita  KaxiKT-qs,  ut  Pompeium  post  illam  con- 
tionem^  in  qua  ab  eo  senatus  laudatus  est,  odisse  coeperit ; 
itaque  mirum  in  modum  omnes  a  se  bonos  alienavit,  neque  id 
magis  amicitia  Clodii  adductus  fecit  quam  studio  perditarum  10 
rerum  atque  partium.  Sed  habet  sui  similem  in  magistratibus 
praeter  Fufium  neminem.     Bonis  utimur  tribunis   pi.,  Cornuto 

7  vero  Pseudocatone.    Quid  quaeris  ?    Nunc  ut  ad  privata  redeam, 
TevKpLs  promissa  patravit.     Tu    mandata    effice,  quae  recepisti. 
O.    frater,   qui   Argiletani   aedificii   reliquum    dodrantem    emit  15 
HS.  DCCXXV.,  Tusculanum  venditat,  ut,  si  possit,  emat,  Pacilia- 
nam.  domum.  Cum  Lucceio  in  gratiam  redi :  video  hominem  valde 


1.  Legationibus.  In  this  passage, 
embassies  to  and  from  foreign  states  are 
probably  referred  to ;  they  were  usually 
received  and  appointed  in  February.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  I.  18,  7;  Ad  Fam.  i.  4,  i. 

2.  Ut  .  .  ne :  see  Madv.  456,  for  this 
combination. 

Habes  res  Romanas,  'there  is  an  ac- 
count of  Roman  affairs  for  you.'  See  note 
on  §  6  of  the  next  letter. 

3.  Illud,  'this,'  referring  to  what  fol- 
lows.    See  Ep.  5,  9,  note. 

5.  Uno  .  .  vitiosus,  'has  one  fault 
which  cancels  some  of  the  rest ;  he  is 
lazy.' 

6.  dtrpaKTSraros,  'most  indolent.* 

7.  Kax^KTtjs,  'ill-affected.*  Originally 
a  medical  term.     Cp.  Polyb.  i.  68. 

Contionem:  see  the  second  section  of 
this  letter. 

12.  Cornuto.  C.  Cornutus  was  praetor 
in  57  B.C.     Cp.  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  9.  23. 

13.  Pseudocatone.  Does  this  word 
mean  '  a  second  Cato,'  or  *  a  sham  Cato  ? ' 
Perhaps  the  second  version  is  nearest  to 
Cicero's  meaning. 

Quid  quaeris?  'enough.*  The  expres- 
sion seems  to  be  borrowed  from  conversa- 
tion, and  to  be  suggested  by  surprise  ex- 
hibited on  the  face  of  the  person  with  whom 
one  is  talking.     Cp.  also  Ep.  8,  4,  note. 

14.  TevKpis  .  .  recepisti :  see  on  §  6 
of  the  preceding  letter. 


15.  Argiletani.  The  Argiletum  seems 
to  have  been  near  the  Forum  lulium,  north 
of  the  Forum  Romanum.  See  Smith's  Diet, 
of  Geogr.   2.  798,   and    cp.  Virg.  Aen.  8. 

345- 

Reliquum  dodrantem.  Q.  Cicero  was 
previously  owner  of  one  quarter  of  the  house, 
and  seems  to  have  bought  up  the  shares  of 
the  other  joint  owners.  See,  for  the  use  of 
*  dodrans '  and  similar  words,  Madv.  Suppl. 
II,  B.  2. 

16.  Vend i tat,  '  offers  for  sale.*  Forcell., 
and  cp.  Pliny  Ep.  i.  24. 

Pacilianam  domum.  I  can  find  no 
explanation  of  this  allusion. 

17.  Lucceio.  L.  Lucceius  was  a  man 
of  eminent  literary  attainments  and  great 
wealth.  He  coalesced  with  Caesar  at  the 
election  of  consuls  for  59  B.C.,  but  failed  to 
secure  his  own  election.  He  then  seems 
to  have  devoted  himself  to  literature,  and 
Cicero  wrote  him  a  remarkable  letter,  ask- 
ing for  a  flattering  description  of  his  own 
services.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  12.  The  quarrel 
between  Atticus  and  Lucceius  seems  to  have 
been  partly  caused  by  Lucceius,  as  arbitrator, 
giving  his  decision  against  Atticus  in  some 
affair.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  11,  i.  That  letter, 
however,  was  written  six  years  previously, 
and  Wesenb.  agrees  with  Madv.  (Adv.  Crit. 
2.  234)  in  proposing  to  substitute  'redii* 
for  '  redi,'  arguing  that  Cicero  is  more  likely 
to  inform  Atticus  of  a  reconciliation  between 


E  Z 


t 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


5» 

petiturire.    Navabo  operam.    Tu,  quid  agas,  ubi  sis,  cuius  modi 
istae  res   sint,  fac   me  quam  diligentiss.me  certiorem.     Idibus/ 
Febr. 

8.    TO   ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.  I.  i6). 

Rome,  June  or  July,(?)  6i  b.c.  (693  a.u.c) 

,.  I  will  explain  to  you  my  comparative  inactivity  oflate,  and  the  result  ofClodius' 
tria       As  long  as  there  was  ar.y  hope  of  success,  I  exerted  myself  to  the  uttermost 
"tut  when  Hortensius  had  made  his  fatal  concession  as  to  the  apP-n tm  n    o     . 
iud£-es  I  withdrew,  not  sharing  his  confidence  as  to  the  result.     3-  Yet.  even  alter  tne 
Slenge"  the  judges,  which  went  very  much  in  favour  of  the  accused.  4.  m  all  the 
e  Srftag     of  thelrial  everything  looked  promising  f-.^l^^-^*'»":;"  'how- 
T  Inoeared  to  eive  evidence,  I  had  a  most  flattering  reception  from  the  judges.    6-  How 
rbSrarcorruption^f  the  most  atrocious  Uind  secured  a  sli^^^^^^^^ 

•.f  1      f^    Thk  ha<;  been  a  heavy  blow  to  the  commonwealth,  7.  but  i  am  giaa  10 

"'1  bad  cm'  ns  do'"  exult  sY-uch  in  their  victory  as  one  might  have  expected. 

8  Vhave  etrted  m«elf  to  reassure  the  senate  and  all  well-disposed  citizens,  and  have 

ttlSretrruTJiudges.  the  consul  Piso.  and  C.odius.     ,.  J^^^^' »  ^^^^J^^W 

the  acquittal  ofClodius  only  reserved  him  for  heaver  punishment,  and  ^--  ^mple^ely 

silenced  him  in  a  lively  altercation  which  followed  my  speech     ii.  On  the  whole  I 

h  nkmyCsition  is  as  good  as  ever  in  the  regard  of  the  well  disposed,  while  my  un- 

ptirity  -  h  ^e  populace  has  diminished,  and  I  evidently  enjoy  Pompey's  esteem 

fn  a  hlh  dlgree      i^.  We  look  forward  with  much  interest  to  the  consular  com.t.a 

Pom'p?is^:u  ^^^^'^^^^^T^  :7Arr  ;r  ihrrdt 

Trl^n: :;::  LTsLC  '^^^  .-  ;r  wm  not  attend  Qumtus  m  Asi.  ..  am 
content  with  the  inscriptions  in  your  Amaltheum,  ,6.  and  have  written  to  th=mk  C 
Alnius  for  his  services  to  you.     .7.  I  will  attend  to  the  affairs  of  Cmcius.     .8.  Let 
me  know  all  about  your  Amaltheum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Quaeris  ex  me,  quid  accident  de  iudicio,  quod  tarn  praeter 
sopinionem   omnium  factum   sit,  et   simul  vis   scire,  quo^modo 
ego  minus,  quam  soleam,  proeliatus  sim :  respondebo  tibi  var.pov 


himself  and  Lucceius,  both  being  at  Rome, 
than  to  exhort  Atticus,  who  was  absent,  to 
be  reconciled  to  Lucceius.  I  hardly  think  we 
are  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances to  justify  adoption  of  the  suggestion. 
Hominem.  Instead  of  a  pronoun.  It 
expresses  no  contempt,  and  is  used  of  Pom- 
pey  in  the  third  section  of  this  letter. 

1.  Petiturire,  *is  very  anxious  to  be  a 
candidate '  for  the  consulship,  probably.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  I.  17.  II ;,  Ad  Fam.  5.  12-15,  for 
notices  of  L.  Lucceius. 

2.  Istae  res,  '  the  affairs  you  are  en- 
gaged in.'  Cp.  Ep.  6,  1,  notes,  for  an  ac- 
count of  them. 


4.  De  iudicio,  'in  the  matter  of  Clo- 

dius'  trial.'  . 

Quod  .  .  factum  sit,  'that  it  has 
ended  in  a  way  so  contrary  to  general 
expectation.'  The  conjunctive  is  used  be- 
cause the  sentence  is  a  question  quoted  from 
Atticus.     See  Ep.  6,  i,  note. 

6.  Minus  .  .  proeliatus  sim,  «took 
less  part  in  the  struggle  than  usual.'  Appa- 
rently the  word  is  only  here  used  metaphor- 
ically, and  Boot  thinks  it  is  adopted  from 
Atticus'  own  letter. 

varepov  irporcpov  =  'ordine  prae- 
postero,'  •  I  will  answer  your  last  question 
first/ 


'11 


i 


'  i\ 


EP.  8.]  EPISTOLA R UM  AD  A  TTIC UM  I.  1 6.  53 

irpSr^pov,  'OixrjpiKm.     Ego    enim,   quam   diu   senatus   auctoritas 
mihi  defendenda  fuit,  sic  acriter  et  vehementer  proeliatus  sum, 
ut  clamor  concursusque  maxima  cum  mea  laude  fierent :  quod 
si  tibi  umquam  sum  visus  in  re  publica  fortis,  certe  me  in  ilia 
causa  admiratus  esses  ;  cum  enim  ille  ad  contiones  confugisset  5 
in   iisque   meo  .nomine   ad   invidiam   uteretur,   di    immortales! 
quas  ego  pugnas  et  quantas  strages  edidi !  quos  impetus  in  Piso- 
nem,  in  Curionem,  in  totam  ilb  m  manum  feci !  quo  modo  sum 
insectatus    levitatem    senum,   iibidinem    iuventutis!    saepe,   ita 
me   di  invent!    te   non   solum  auctorem   consiliorum   meorum,  10 
verum    etiam    spectatorem    pugnarum   mirificarum    desideravi. 
2  Postea   vero   quam   Hortensius   excogitavit,  ut   legem  de    reli- 
gione  Fufius  tribunus  pi.  ferret,  in  qua   nihil  aliud  a  consulari 
rogatione   differebat   nisi    iudicum   genus— in   eo   autem    erant 
omnia—,  pugnavitque  ut  ita  fieret,  quod  et  sibi  et  aliis  persua-  15 
serat  nullis  ilium  iudicibus  effugere  posse,  contraxi  vela  perspi- 
ciens   inopiam    iudicum,  neque   dixi   quicquam  pro   testimonio, 
nisi  quod  erat  ita  notum  atque  testatum,  ut  non  possem  prae- 


I.  'OfirjpiKws,'  after  the  manner  of  Ho- 
mer,' who  'in  medias  res  Non  secus  ac  notas 
auditorem  rapit.'    Hor.  Ars.  Poet.  148,  149. 

Auctoritas.  Perhaps  the  resolution 
mentioned  in  the  fifth  section  of  the  preced- 
ing letter. 

5.  Ille:  Clodius. 

Contiones,  'addresses  to  the  populace. 

6.  Meo  nomine  .  .  uteretur,  'used 
my  name  to  exasperate  the  people  against 
me.'     See  §  5  of  the  preceding  letter. 

7.  Quas  ego  .  .  edidi!  *in  what  bat- 
tles I  engaged,  and  how  I  overthrew  my 
foes.'  He  keeps  up  the  metaphor  of  •  proe- 
liatus sim.'  and  is  probably  alluding  to  de- 
bates  in  the  senate. 

P  i  s  o  n  e  m .     The  consul  of  this  year. 

8.  Manum,  'crew.' 

9.  Levitatem, 'want  of  principle, worth- 
lessness.'!  Cp.  Philipp.  2.31,77;  A.  Gell. 
N.  A.  6  (7),  1 1  quoted  by  Mr.  Mayor  in  his 
note  on  the  passage  in  the  Philippics.  In  later 
Latin  it  meant  'inconstancy/  Prof.  Tyrrell 
remarks  that  'senum'  refers  especially  to 
Piso  and  Curio  the  elder;  '  iuvenum'  espe- 
cially to  Curio  the  younger.    Cp.  Ep.7,  5-6. 

10.  Auctorem, 'as anadviser,"suggester.' 

13.  A  consulari  rogatione:  see  §  5  of 
the  preceding  letter. 

14.  Genus, 'mode  of  appointment.'  The 
consuls  had  suggested  that  the  praetor  who 
presided  at  the  trial  should  name  the  judges 


(cp.  Ep.  7,  i),  while  the  tribune  Fufius  Cale- 
nus  proposed  that  the  usual  practice  should 
be  followed.  The  motives  of  Hortensius  in 
supporting  the  latter  proposal  are  explained 
presently.  Professor  Beesly  (Fortnightly 
Review,  June  i,  1866)  believes  that  the 
real  question  in  dispute  between  Fufius  and 
the  senate  was,  whether  the  court  should  be 
established  by  a  vote  of  the  centuries  or  of  the 
tribes,  and  thus,  indirectly,  whether  it  should 
have  power  to  pronounce  sentence  of  death. 
Cp.  Maine,  Ancient  Law,  p  388.  But  this 
conjecture  seems  needless  to  me.  We  learn 
from  the  oration  Pro  Murena  23,  47,  that 
the  selection  of  judges  by  a  magistrate  was 
thought  more  likely  to  lead  to  convictions 
than  their  appointment  by  lot,  and  this  would 
account  for  the  enemies  ofClodius  preferring 
the  first  way  of  appointment. 

In  eo  .  .  erant  omnia,  'on  that  every- 
thing depended.' 

15.  Ut  ita  fieret,  'that  such  a  measure 
should  be  passed.' 

16.  Nullis  ilium  .  .  posse,  'that  Cld- 
dius  could  not  escape,  whoever  the  judges 
might  be.'     On  the  abl.,  see  Ep.  1,  2,  note. 

Contraxi  vela,  'I  reefed  my  sails,' 
'  checked 'myself.'  Cicero  is  fond  of  nauti- 
cal metaphors. 

17.  Inopiam, 'the  neediness:*  common 
in  this  sense  in  Cicero. 

18.  Ita  notum  atque  testatum, 'so  well 


T, 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  r. 


54 

terire.  Itaque,  si  causam  quaeris  absolutionis,  ut  iam  Trpo?  r^ 
TrpoVepoi;  revertar,  egestas  iudicum  fuit  et  turpitude ;  id  autem 
ut  accideret,  commissum  est  Hortensii  consilio,  qui,  dum  ventus 
est  ne   Fufius   ei   legi   intercederet,  quae   ex   senatus   consulto 

5  ferebatur,  non  vidit  illud,  satius  esse  ilium   in  infamia  relinqui 
ac  sordibus  quam  infirmo  iudicio  committi ;  sed  ductus  odio  pro- 
peravit    rem  deducere  in  indicium,  cum  ilium  plumbeo    gladio 
iugulatum   iri   tamen   diceret.     Sed   indicium   si  quaeris   quale  3 
fuerit,  incredibili  exitu,  sic,  uti  nunc  ex  eventu  ab  aliis,  a  me 

10  iam  ex  ipso  initio  consilium  Hortensii  reprehendatur.  Nam 
ut  reiectio  facta  est  clamoribus  maximis,  cum  accusator  tam- 
quam  censor  bonus  homines  nequissumos  reiiceret,  reus  tamquam 
Clemens  lanista  frugalissumum  quemque  secerneret,  ut  primum 
indices  consederunt,  valde  diffidere  boni  coeperunt ;  non  enim 

15  umquam  turpior  in  ludo  talario  consessus  fuit :  maculosi  sena- 
tores,  nudi  equites,  tribuni  non  tam  aerati  quam,  ut  appellantur, 
aerarii;  pauci  tamen  boni  inerant,  quos   reiectione   fugare  ille 


known  and  attested.'  Cp.  'testatam  rem 
abjiciunt,'  according  to  one  reading  in  Pro 
Muren.  21,45,  and  *ut  quasi  testata  esset 
rostra  gratia/  Ep.  29,  20.  On  Cicero  s 
evidence  cp.  Introduction  to  Part  I,  p.  14 
and  references. 

I.  irpos  T^  trp^Tcpov,  «to  your  first 
question.'  Cp.  vanpov  vpoTfpov  p.  52.  1.  6  ; 

^3, 1.  I. 

'  2.  Id  autem  .  •  consilio,  'the  mistake 
which  made  the  choice  of  such  judges  possi- 
ble, was  owing  to  the  advice  of  Hortensius. 

5.  Satius  esse  .  .  sordibus,  'that  it 
was*  better  that  Clodius  should  be  left  in 
disgrace  and  danger'  of  a  trial.  'Sordes' 
means  the  mourning  worn  by  persons  accused. 

7.  Plumbeo  .  .  tamen,  'that  a  leaden 
sword  would  be  sharp  enough  to  stab  him.' 
For  this  use  of  'tamen'  with  the  corre- 
sponding particle  suppressed  cp.  'Cethegus 
qui  paulo  antea  aliquid  tamen  respondisset 
la  Cat.  3.  5,  10. 

8.  Indicium,  *  the  trial. 

0.  Incredibili,  'extraordinary,'  because 
the  judges  shewed  such  a  rigorous  disposi- 
tion at  first.  For  the  omission  of  '  fuit' 
after  *  exitu,*  see  Madv.  478,  2. 

Sic,  uti  nunc  .  .  .  reprehendatur. 
We  might  express  this,  'so  much  so,  that  all 
disapprove  the  advice  of  Hortensius  after  the 
event,  as  I  did  before  it.'  '  Sic  *  = '  tale,'  cp. 
Pro  Rose.  Amer.  30.  84.  .       ^     , 

II  Reiectio,  'challenge.  A  larger 
number  of  judges  than  was  actually  required 


for  the  trial  was  chosen  by  lot  from  the 
whole  register  or  '  album  iudicum,'  and  then 
reduced  by  names  being  struck  off  by  the 
prosecutor  and  defendant.  Cp.  below  in  this 
section:  alsocp.  InVerr.  Act.  1.6,16;  10,30. 
Facta  est.  On  the  tense,  see  Madv.  338b. 
Clamoribus  maximis, 'amid  the  loudest 
outcries.'  Perhaps  from  the  friends  of  both 
parties.  Though  Clodius  was  a  favourite 
with  the  populace,  his  anxiety  to  get  rid  of 
upright  judges  may  have  disgusted  many. 
On  the  abl.,  see  Ep.  i,  2.  note. 

Accusator.  L.  Lenti.lus  Crus,  consul  in 
49  B.C.  He  was  supported  by  two  other 
Lentuli.  Cp.  Schol.  Bob.  ad  Orat.  in  Clo- 
dium  et  Curionem  5,  3. 

13.  Clemens  lanista.  A  trainer  of 
gladiators,  when  asked  to  furnish  combatants 
for  a  public  show,  would  be  glad  to  reserve  his 
best  men  for  future  service,  if  possible.  Prof. 
Tyrrell  thinks  that  these  words  refer  to  the 
behaviour  of  a  *  lanista '  when  buying  slaves 
for  service  as  gladiators,  who  might  show  his 
kindness  bypassing  over  the  more  respectable. 

15.  In  ludo  talario,  'in  a  gambling 
house.' 

Consessus,  *  company.* 

Maculosi,  '  under  a  stigma.'  Cp.  Tac. 
Hist.  I,  7,  'Capitonem  ut  avaritia  et  libidine 
foedura  et  maculosum.'  It  need  not  reftr  to 
the  '  nota  censor i a.' 

16.  Nudi, 'needy,' 'beggared.'    Tyrr. 
Aerati,  'men  of  property.' 

17.  Aerarii.  This  word  is  here  used  with 


A 


( 


i\ 


EP.  8.] 


EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM I.  i5. 


55 


non  potuerat,  qui  maesti  inter  sui  dissimiles  et  maerentes  sede- 
4  bant  et  contagione  turpitudinis  vehementer  permovebantur.  Hie, 
ut  quaeque  res  ad  consilium  primis  postulationibus  referebatur, 
incredibilis  erat  severitas,  nulla  varietate  sententiarum ;  nihil 
impetrabat  reus ;  plus  accusatori  dabatur,  quam  postulabat ;  5 
triumphabat — quid  quaeris? —  Hortensius  se  vidisse  tantum; 
nemo  erat  qui  ilium  reum  ac  non  miliens  condemnatum  arbi- 
traretur.  Me  vero  teste  producto  credo  te  ex  acclamatione 
Clodii  advocatorum  audisse  quae  consurrectio  iudicum  facta 
sit,  ut  me  circumsteterint,  ut  aperte  iugula  sua  pro  meo  capite  lo 
P.  Clodio  ostentarint :  quae  mihi  res  multo  honorificentior  visa 
est  quam  aut  ilia,  cum  iurare  tui  cives  Xenocratem  testimonium 
dicentem  prohibuerunt,  aut  cum  tabulas  Metelli  Numidici,  cum 
eae,  ut  mos  est,  circumferrentur,  nostri  indices  aspicere  nolue- 


a  double  meaning :  its  proper  one  is  '  pay- 
masters '  when  used  with  *  tribuni,*  to  de- 
scribe one  of  the  three  orders  of  judges;  but 
there  seems  to  be  in  this  case  an  allusion  to 
the  corruption  of  the  court  which  tried  Clo- 
dius. Cp.  'nummariis*  in  §  8.  Prof.  Tyrrell 
suggests '  non  tam  aerarii  ut  appellantur  quam 
aerati '  (bribed). 

2.  Contagione  turpitudinis,  'their 
contact  with  corruption.' 

3.  Ad  consilium.     See  next  page. 
Primis  postulationibus,  'in  the  first 

requests'  made  by  the  two  parties  to  the 
judges,  e.g.  to  have  witnesses  compelled  to 
attend. 

6.  Triumphabat :  metaph.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  2.  12,  3,  and  Ep.  66,  2. 

Quid  quaeris?  'enough.'  * "  Noli 
quaerere  "  et  "  quid  quaeris  *  sunt  formulae 
quibus  utimur  cum  rem  ejusmodi  dicturi 
sumus  quae  exspectatione  major  sit,  quasi 
dicamus  "ne  plura  quaeras "  "sit  hoc  satis 
quod  iam  dicam.'"  Forcell.  Cp.  p.  51,  note 
on  1.  13. 

Se  vidisse  tantum,  'that  he  had  shewn 
such  penetration.* 

7.  Reum,  'a  man  accused'  only. 

Ac  non,  'and  not  much  rather.*  See 
Madv.  458  a,  Obs.  i. 

8.  Credo  te  .  .  facta  sit,  'I  think  you 
must  have  heard  how  the  judges  rose  after 
the  outcries  made  by  the  partisans  of  Clo- 
dius.' The  natural  order  of  the  words  would 
be,  '  quae  consurrectio  iudicum  facta  sit  ex 
acclamatione.*  Mr,  Pretor  and  Mr.  Jeans 
both  understand  the  passage  as  meaning  'the 
outcries  of  the  partisans  of  Clodius  must 
have   told   you,'    and    refer  in    illustration 


of  the  hyperbole  to  Ad  Att.  i,   14,  4,  ad 
fin. 

9.  Advocatorum:  cp.  Ep.  12.3;  Philipp. 
I.  7,  16. 

10.  Ut  me  circumsteterint.  On  the 
mood,  see  Madv.  356. 

12.  Iurare,  'to  take  an  oath'  when 
giving  his  testimony. 

Tui  cives.  The  Athenians,  who  had 
off^ered  Atticus  the  rights  of  citizenship 
amongst  them.     See  Appendix  3,  §  I. 

Xenocratem.  Xenocrates  was  a  fellow- 
student  of  Aristotle.  Cp.  Diog.  Laert.  4, 
2-4.  Cicero  (De  Off",  i.  30)  calls  him 
'  philosophorum  severissimum,'  and  often 
mentions  him  in  his  philosophical  works. 
The  incident  here  referred  to  is  mentioned 
again  by  Cicero  (Pro  Balbo  5,  12), 

13.  Tabulas,  'his  accounts,'  which,  on  a 
charge  of  extortion  or  peculation,  would  be 
important  documents. 

Metelli  Numidici.  Q.  Metellus  Numi- 
dicus  is  more  than  once  mentioned  by 
Cicero,  as  an  example  of  firmness  and  high 
principle.  He  commanded  in  the  war  against 
Jugurtha,  109-108  b.c,  and  did  good  ser- 
vice, but  incurred  the  hostility  of  C.  Mariusi 
one  of  his  principal  officers,  and  was  obliged, 
during  the  sixth  consulship  of  Marius,  to  go 
into  exile,  for  refusing  to  take  an  oath  im- 
posed by  the  consul  on  the  senate.  See  Ep. 
29,  16.  It  is  doubtful  when  the  occurrence 
to  which  Cicero  here  refers  took  place.  Rein 
(Criminalrecht  649)  says  that  Metellus  was 
accused  by  a  C  Curio  after  either  his  praetor- 
ship,  112  B.C.,  or  his  consulship,  109  ec. 

14.  Circumferrentur,  'were  handed 
round  among  the  judges  for  inspection.* 


^ 


56 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  l 


runt ;   multo  haec,  inquam,  nostra  res   maior.     Itaque  iudicum  5 
vocibus,  cum  ego  sic  ab  iis,  ut  salus  patriae,  defenderer,  fractus 
reus  et  una  patroni  omnes  conciderunt ;   ad  me  autem  eadem 
frequentia   postridie   convenit,    quacum    abiens   consulatu    sum 
5  domum  reductus.     Clamare  praeclari  Ariopagitae   se  non  esse 
venturos  nisi  praesidio  constituto.     Refertur  ad  consilium  :  una 
sola    sententia   praesidium   non    desideravit.     Defertur   res   ad 
senatum  :  gravissime  ornatissimeque   decernitur  ;    laudantur  in- 
dices ;    datur   negotium   magistratibus ;   responsurum   hominem 
10  nemo  arbitrabatur.     tait^T^  vvv  /xot,  Uovcraiy  otttto)?  6r)  -npSirov  irvp 
e/xTTco-e.    Nosti  Calvum,  ex  Nanneianis  ilium,  ilium  laudatorem 
meum,  de  cuius  oratione  erga  me  honorifica  ad  te  scripseram : 
biduo  per  unum  servum,  et  eum  ex  gladiatorio  ludo,  confecit 
totum   negotium;  arcessivit   ad   se,  promisit,  intercessit,  dedit. 
15  lam  vero— o   di  boni    rem    perditam !— etiam  noctes    certarum 
mulierum  atque  adulescentulorum  nobilium  introductiones  non 
nuUis  iudicibus  pro  mercedis  cumulo  fuerunt.     Ita  summo  dis- 
cessu   bonorum,  pleno   foro    servorum,    XXV.  indices   ita  fortes 
tamen  fuerunt,  ut  summo  proposito  periculo   vel    perire  malu- 


I.  Haec  .  .  nostra  res,  'this  reception 
of  mine,'  *  this  incident  in  my  life/ 

Iudicum  vocibus,  'owing  to  the  ex- 
pressions of  the  judges:'  abl.  caus.,  see 
Madv.  255. 

3.  Conciderunt,  Most  all  confidence/ 
Cp.  §§  9,  10,  notes;  and  Livy  28.  26,omnis 
ferocia  concidit. 

4.  Frequentia, 'crowd/ 

Abiens  consulatu,  'at  the  expiration 
of  my   consulate/      See    Intr.    to    Part    I, 

§  II. 

5.  Ariopagitae,  ironical,  Cp.  Tpiaap€io- 

vayhas  Ep.  28,  4. 

6.  Refertur  ad  consilium,  *  the  votes 
of  the  court  are  taken/  *  Consilium,'  '  gene- 
rally, in  passages  relating  to  the  administra- 
tion of  justice,  means  the  body  of  judges 
acting  under  a  praetor  in  any  case.  And 
perhaps  that  may  be  its  meaning  here ;  the 
judges,  having  previously  signified  their 
wishes  by  acclamation,  may  have  declared, 
them  by  a  formal  vote.  Boot,  however, 
considers  the  *  consilium'  to  have  con- 
sisted of  the  praetor's  legal  advisers,  not 
of  the  *  iudices/  Mr.  Tyrrell  agrees  with 
Boot. 

7.  Sententia,  'vote/ 

9.  Datur  negotium  magistratibus, 
•  the  protection  of  the  court  is  entrusted  to 
the  magistrates/. 


Responsurum    hominem,  'that  Clo- 
dius  would  make  any  defence.' 

10.  €aiT€T€  vvv  fioi,  /f.T.X. t  cp.  Hom. 
II.  16.  112,  113. 

11.  Calvum.  M.  Crassus  is  probably 
meant.  A  Nanneius,  or  Nannius,  was  among 
the  victims  of  Sulla's  proscription,  and  Cras- 
sus seems  to  have  bought  some  of  his  pro- 
perty under  the  name  of  Calvus.  So  Manu- 
tius.  Cp.  Plut.  Crass.  2  and  6,  with  Q..  Cicero 
De  Pet.  Cons.  2,  9.  Mr.  Tyrrell  points  out 
how  much  conjecture  there  is  in  this,  and 
suggests  that  a  Greek  word  gave  rise  to  '  ex 
Nanneianis/  He  adds  'possibly  "callidum 
ilium,  ilium  laudatorem  meum "  is  what  he 
(Cicero)  wrote/ 

Laudatorem    meum :    see  §   3  of  the 
preceding  letter. 

13.  Ex  gladiatorio  ludo,  i.e.  'not  one 
of  the  more  educated  of  his  class/ 

14.  Arcessivit  ad  se,  sc.  'indices/ 
Intercessit,' gave  security.'  Cp. Philipp. 

2.  18,  45. 

17.    Cumulo, 'addition/ 

Summo  discessu  bonorum,  'when 
the  well-disposed  spectators  had  altogether 
retired.'  For  this  use  of  the  adj.,  see  Na- 
gelsbach  78  a,  4,  p.  213.  On  the  abl.,  see 
Ep.  I,  2,  note  on  p.  28. 

19.  Periculo.  From  the  disorderly  sup- 
porters of  Clodius. 


\ 


.    i 


/; 


I 


4, 


If 


T 


EP.  8.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM L  16. 


SI 


erint  quam  perdere  omnia:  XXXI.  fuerunt,  quos  fames  magis 
quam  fama  commoverit ;  quorum  Catulus  cum  vidisset  quendam, 
*  quid  vos  '  inquit '  praesidium  a  nobis  postulabatis  r  an  ne  nummi 

6  vobis  eriperentur  [timebatis]  ?'  Habes,  ut  brevissime  potui,  genus 
iudicii  et  causam  absolutionis.  Quaeris  deinceps,  qui  nunc  sit  5 
status  rerum  et  qui  mens :  rei  publicae  statum  ilium,  quem  tu 
meo  consilio,  ego  divino  confirmatum  putabam,  qui  bonorum 
omnium  coniunctione  et  auctoritate  consulatus  mei  fixus  et 
fundatus  videbatur,  nisi  quis  nos  deus  respexerit,  elapsum  scito 
esse  de  manibus  uno  hoc  iudicio,  si  indicium  est,  triginta  homi-  10 
nes  populi  Romani  levissimos  ac  nequissimos  nummulis  acceptis 
ius  ac  fas  omne  delere  et,  quod  omnes  non  modo  homines,  verum 
etiam  pecudes  factum  esse  sciant,  id  Thalnam  et  Plautum  et 
Spongiam  et  ceteras  huius  modi  quisquilias  statuere  numquam 

7  esse  factum.  Sed  tamen,  ut  te  de  re  publica  consoler,  non  ita,  15 
ut  sperarunt  mali,  tanto  imposito  rei  publicae  volnere  alacris 
exsultat  improbitas  in  victoria ;  nam  plane  ita  putaverunt,  cum 
religio,  cum  pudicitia,  cum  iudiciorum  fides,  cum  senatus  auc- 
toritas  concidisset,  fore  ut  aperte  victrix  nequitia  ac  libido 
poenas  ab  optimo  quoque  peteret  sui  doloris,  quem    improbis-  20 

8  simo  cuique  inusserat  severitas  consulatus  mei.    Idem  ego  ille 
— non  enim   mihi  videor   insolenter  gloriari,  cum  de   me  apud 


I.  Quos  fames  .  .  commoverit,  'who 
feared  famine  more  than  infamy/ 

4.  Habes,  sc.  'expositum.'  'Habere 
dicitur  qui  quippiam  audiit  intellexitque.' 
Forcell.     Cp.  Epp.  7,  5  ;  36,  10 ;  29,  20. 

Ut  brevissime  potui,  sc.  '  exponere/ 
On  the  ellipse,  see  Madv.  479  d. 

9.  Nisi  quis  nos  deus  respexerit: 
cp.  •  nisi  idem  deus  .  .  respexerit  rem  pub- 
licam  '  Ad  Att.  7.  i,  2. 

Elapsum  .  .  de  manibus :  cp.  Pro  Mur. 

39'  85. 

10.  Uno  hoc  iudicio.    For  the  abl.,  see 

on  §  5. 

Si  iudicium  est  .  .  delere,  'if  the 
overthrow  of  all  law  and  justice,  by  thirty 
worthless  men  for  wretched  pelf,  deserve 
the  name  of  a  trial/  The  words  populi 
Romani  are  governed  by  the  following 
superlatives.  See  Madv.  284.  'The  most 
worthless  men  in  the  whole  Roman  people.' 
Boot. 

13.  Sciant.  For  the  mood,  cp,  Ep.  5,  8, 
and  note  (p,  39) 

Thalnam  et  Plautum  et  Spongiam. 


These  seem  to  be  names  given  in  derision  to 
the  judges.     Orell.  Onom. 

14    Quisquilias, 'refuse/   Cp.  Pro  Sest 

43' 94.  .        .         .         ^ 

15.  Non  ita  .  .  in  victoria,  'the  un- 
scrupulous are  not  so  active  and  exulting  in 
their  triumph  as  the  badly  affected  had 
hoped.* 

16.  Tanto  imposito  .  .  .  volnere: 
cp.  '  volneribus  quae  sunt  imposita  provin- 
ciae'  Ad  Att.  5.  17,  6.  Improbitas  and 
mali  seem  to  be  different  designations  of 
the  same  people  = '  the  disaffected  and  dis- 
orderly.' 

i8.  Fides,  '  integrity.' 

19.  Nequitia  ac  libido,  'criminal  pas- 
sion.' 

20.  Poenas  .  .  .  doloris.  Cp.  Ep.  108, 
I,  for  the  expression  in  a  slightly  different 
sense;  also  Pro  Milone,  13,  35,  punitor 
doloris  sui. 

21.  Inusserat:  cp.  'cur  hunc  dolorem 
cineri  eius  atque  ossibus  inussisti  *  In  Verr. 
Act.  2.  I.  44,  113. 

Idem  ego  ille.'I  o/^o/    See  Madv.  488. 


58 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  I. 


te  loquor,  In  ea  praesertim  epistola,  quam  nolo  aliis  legi — 
idem,  inquam,  ego  recreavi  adflictos  animos  bonorum,  unum 
quemque  confirmans,  excitans ;  insectandis  vero  exagitandisque 
nummariis   iudicibus   omnem   omnibus    studiosis   ac   fautoribus 

5  illius  victoriae  iiapp^a-iav  eripui,  Pisonem  consulem  nulla  in  re 
consistere  umquam  sum  passus,  desponsam  homini  iam  Syriam 
ademi,  senatum  ad  pristinam  suam  severitatem  revocavi  atque 
abiectum  excitavi,  Clodium  praesentem  fregi  in  senatu  cum 
oratione  perpetua,  plenissima  gravitatis,  tum  altercatione  huius 

lo  modi ;    ex  qua  licet  pauca   degustes— nam  cetera   non  possunt 
habere  neque  vim  neque  venustatem  remoto  illo  studio  conten- 
tionis,  quem    ayG>va  vos  appellatis— :  nam,  ut  Idibus  Maiis    in  9 
senatum  convenimus  rogatusque  ego  sententiam  multa  dixi  de 
summa  re  publica,  atque  ille  locus  inductus  a  me  est  divinitus, 

15  ne  una  plaga  accepta  pat  res  conscripti  conciderent,  ne  defice- 


I.  Aliis  legi,  'to  be  read  to  others.' 
Boot.  Madvig.  on  Cic.  de  Fin.  i.  4, 
II,  says  that  the  words  must  mean  this, 
and  that  the  insertion  of  'ab'  would  be 
required  if  they  were  to  mean  '  read  hy 
others.* 

3.  Confirmans,  excitans,  'encourag- 
ing and  arousing.' 

4.  Nummariis, 'corrupt.*  Cp.  In  Verr. 
Act.  2.  3.  57,  131. 

Studiosis  ac  fautoribus:  see  Ep.  6,2, 
note. 

5.  irapprjffiav  eripui,  'I  deprived  of 
all  freedom  of  speech.' 

Nulla  in  re  .  .  sum  passus,  '  I  gave 
no  rest  to  him  in  anything/  '  deprived  him 
of  his  self-command,'     Cp.  Ep.  23,  2. 

6.  Desponsam, 'promised,'  but  probably 
informally,  not  decreed.  Cp.  De  Prov,  Cons. 
15,  37,  where  the  irregular  '  desponsio '  is 
contrasted  with  the  formal  '  decretum.' 
Syria  only  became  a  province  after  the  suc- 
cesses of  Pompey  in  the  East.  See  Appendices 
I,  §  I  and  2.  Now  to  avoid  favouritism  it 
was  usual  to  assign  provinces  to  the  consuls 
of  each  year  before  their  election  took  place ; 
hence  the  provinces  for  the  consuls  of  61  B.C. 
would  be  fixed  in  the  first  half  of  62  B.C. 
Syria  appears  not  to  have  been  one  of  them, 
but  Piso  may  have  hoped,  by  his  personal 
influence,  to  procure  a  change  of  the  arrange- 
ments. See,  on  the  general  question  of  the 
allotment  of  the  provinces.  Appendix  6,  §  4  ; 
Ep.  26,  10. 

8.  Abiectum,  'in  its  humiliation.' 

F  r  eg  i  =^ '  domui'  (Forcell.), '  overpowered.' 


9.  Perpetua,  '  set,'  'continuous.* 
Altercatione,  '  a  dispute  '  carried  on  in 

short  alternate  speeches. 

10.  Degustes,  'have  a  taste  of.'  Cp. 
'  et  tu  Galba  quandoque  degustabis  impe- 
rium '  Tac.  Ann.  6.  20. 

Nam  cetera  .  .  venustatem,  a  few 
passages  only,  'for  the  rest  would  have  no 
interest.' 

Non  .  .  neque.  The  general  negative 
is  not  cancelled  by  the  two  which  follow, 
but  is  applied  to  two  distinct  ideas.  See 
Madv.  460,  Obs.  2. 

11.  Studio  contentionis,  '  the  heat  of 
dispute.' 

12.  dyojva.  Not  quite  classical  in  this 
sense,  for  it  seems  to  be  given  as  an  equiva- 
lent for  'studium  contentionis.*  Quem, 
For  its  gender,  see  Madv.  316. 

Vos,  'you  Athenians.'     See  note  on  §  4, 

p.  ^B- 

Nam,  '  namely,'  '  then.*     Cp.  '  enim,'  in 

§  I,  and  Madv.  435,  Obs.  4. 

14.  Ille  locus, '  the  foUowingtopic'  Cp. 
Ep.  5,  3,  p.  37,  note,  for  this  sense  of 
'  ille.' 

Divinitus,  '  with  marvellous  appropriate- 
ness.' Mr.  Pretor,  following  Casaubon, 
renders  '  by  inspiration  ;'  Prof.  Tyrrell,  '  by 
a  happy  inspiration,*  or  '  with  wonderful 
effect.' 

15.  Conciderent:  cp.  'concidit,'  §  10. 
'  Concidere*  = '  ruere,  perire,  deficere.'  For- 
cell., who  gives  several  examples  from 
Cicero. 


F. 


EP.8.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM1.\6.  59 

rent ;  volnus  esse  eius  modi,  quod  mihi  nee  dissimulandum  nee 
pertimescendum   videretur;   ne   aut    ignorando    stult.ss.mi   ««^ 
metuendo  ,^««z;mm.- iudicaremur ;  bis  absolutum  esse  Lentulum, 
bis  Catilinam ;  hunc  tertium  iam  esse  a  iudicibus  in  rem  publi-  _ 
cam  immissum.     '  Erras,  Clodi ;  non  te  iudices  urbi,  sed  careen  = 
reservarunt,  neque   te   retinere   in  civitate,  sed   exs.ho  pnvare 
voluerunt.      Quam   ob   rem,    patres   conscripti,   eng.te   an.mos, 
retinete  vestram  dignitatem.     Manet  ilia  in  re  publ.ca  bonorum 
consensio ;  dolor  accessit  bonis  viris,  virtus  non  est  immmuta ; 
nihil  est  damni  factum  novi.  sed,  quod  erat,  mventum  est :  ui 
lounius  hominis  perditi  iudicio  plures  similes  repert.  sunt      bed 
quid  ago?    Paene  orationem  in  epistolam  mclusi.     Redeo  ad 
altercationem  :  surgit  pulchellus  puer,  obiicit  mihi,  me  ad  Ba.as 
fuisse.     Falsum,  sed  tamen   quid  huic?    '  S.m.le   est     mquam 
quasi  dicas  in  operto  fuisse.'     'Quid'  inquit  < homm.  Arpmat  .5 
cum  aquis  calidis  ?'     '  Narra '  inquam  '  patrono  tuo,  qui  Arpinatis 


\ 


2.  Ignorando,  '  by  aff"ecting  ignorance.* 
Cp. '  ignoro  causam,  detestor  exitum'  Philipp. 

'  3.'  Lentulum.  P.  Cornelius  Lentulus 
Sura,  the  accomplice  of  Catiline.  Cp.  Plut. 
Cic.  17.  Lentulus  had  been  charged  with 
peculation  in  8 1  or  80  B.C..  and  agam 
in  some  later  year ;  he  seems  on  both  occa- 
sions to  have  been  acquitted,  but  the  censors, 
L.  GcUius  and  Cn.  Lentulus  Clodianus,  ex- 
pelled him  from  the  senate  in  69  B.C.  See 
Rein,  Criminalrecht  689. 

4.  Catilinam.  In  65  B.C.  for  *  repe- 
tundae'  (see  Ep.  2.  I,  note),  and  m  64  B.C. 
for  the  murder  of  M.  Marius  Gratidianus 
(Asc»n.  in  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  p.  1 16); 
perhaps  also  for  incest  with  a  Vestal  (cp. 
Oros.  6,  3)  in  73  b-c  Cp.  Long,  Decl.  of 
Rom.  Rep.  3.  226,  237.  ^ 

5.  Immissum,  'let  loose  upon,    like  a 

wild  beast.  . 

Carceri.  The  Roman  prison  at  this 
time  was  more  a  place  of  execution  than 
of  penal  detention,  though  occasionally 
used    for   the   custody  of  prisoners   before 

trial.  ,  f 

6.  Exsilio  privare,  'to  deprive  you  ot 
the  power  of  going  into  exile,'  which  appears 
from  this  passage  to  have  been  the  penalty 
Clodius  would  have  suffered  for  sacrilege. 
Cicero  implies  that,  if  he  went  on  as  he 
had  begun,  he  would  incur  the  last  penalty 
of  the  law,  and  not  be  allowed  to  evade  it 
by  going  into  voluntary  exile.  For  instances 
of  such  evasion,  cp.  Livy  3.  13;  ^^,  3. 


8.  Ilia,  'the  former:*  that  which  had 
prevailed  in  his  own  consulship. 

Q    Dolor   accessit   bonis  viris,  'the 
well-disposed   have  been    made  indignant. 
Boot ;  '  have  now  the  added  stimulus  of  in- 
dignation '  Tyrrell. 

10  Nihil  est  damni  factum  novi, 
'  no  new  mischief  has  befallen  us,  but  that 
which  already  existed  has  been  brought  to 

'^i\*.  Pulchellus:  cp.Ep.  11,3.  An  allu- 
sion? perhaps,  to  the  Claudii  Pulchri,  to 
whose  family  Clodius  belonged,  with  an 
ironical  notice  of  his  personal  appearance. 
Cp.  '  postquam  speculum  tibi  adlatum  est, 
longe  te  a  pulchris  abesse  sensisti '  Orat.  in 

Clod,  et  Cur.  5,  4.  ^, 

Me  ad  Baias  fuisse.  The  luxury 
and  dissipation  of  Baiae  were  notorious,  and 
Clodius  said  a  rustic  from  Arpiuum  ought 
not  to  have  gone  there.     See  note  on  1.  15 

below. 

14.  Falsum,  a  remark  to  Atticus. 
Simile   est  .  .  in  operto  fuisse,  'this 

is  as  serious  a  charge  (iron.)  as  if  you  had 
said   I  had  been  in   hiding  like    yourself. 
Boot.      '  la    operto '  =  '  in    adyto    Bonae 

Deae.' 

15.  Quid  .  .  .  homini  Arpinati  .  .  . 
calidis?  cp.  'quid  homini  Arpinati  cum 
Baiis,  agresti  et  rustico*  Orat.  in  Clod,  et 

Cur.  4.  _    .       r.         * 

16   Patrono.  The  elder  Cuno.   See  note 

on   §  5  of  the  preceding  letter.     Cuno  is 

said  to  have  bought  an  estate  once  belong- 


^ 


60 


M.  TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  I. 


aquas  concupivit ;  nosti  enim  marinas.'  '  Quousque '  inquit 
*hunc  regem  feremus?'  *  Regem  appellas,'  inquam  'cum  Rex 
tui  mentionem  nullam  fecerit?'— Ille  autem  Regis  hereditatem 
spe    devorarat.— '  Domum '    inquit    *emisti/     'Putes'    inquam 

5*dicere,  iudices  emisti/     '  luranti '  inquit  'tibi  non  crediderunt.' 
*  Mihi  vero '  inquam  *  XXV.  iudices  crediderunt,  XXXI.,  quoniam 
nummos  ante  acceperunt,  tibi  nihil  crediderunt.'     Magnis  clamo- 
ribus  adflictus  conticuit   et  concidit.     Noster  autem  status  est  11 
hie :  apud  bonos  iidem  sumus,  quos  reHquisti,  apud  sordem  urbis 

10  et  faecem  multo  meHus  nunc,  quam  ami  reHquisti :  nam  et  illud 
nobis  non  obest,  videri  nostrum  testimonium  non  valuisse : 
missus  est  sanguis  invidiae  sine  dolore ;  atque  etiam  hoc  magis, 
quod  omnes  illi  fautores  illius  flagitii  rem  manifestam  illam  re- 
demptam  esse  a   iudicibus  confitentur;   accedit  illud,  quod  ilia 

15  contionalis  hirudo  aerarii,  misera  ac  ieiuna  plebecula,  me  ab 
hoc  Magno  unice  diligi  putat,  et  hercule  multa  et  iucunda  con- 
suetudine   coniuncti   inter  nos   sumus,  usque  eo,  ut   nostri   isti 


ing  to  C.  Marius  at  Baiae,  which  might  be 
called  '  aquae  marinae.' 

2.  Rex.  Q.  Marcius  Rex  was  brother-in- 
law  of  Clcdius,  who  had  expected  a  legacy 
from  him  apparently. 

4.  Spe  devorarat,  'had  already  swal- 
lowed in  his  hopes.'  Cp.  Pro  Domo  23, 
60. 

Domum  .  .  emisti,  'you  have  bought  a 
palace,'  a  censure  on  Cicero's  extravagance, 
as  unbecoming  in  a  '  new  man.'  Cp.  Epp. 
6,  6 ;  25,  2. 

Putes  .  .  dicere,  'suppose  you  say.' 
•Idem  valet  atque  illud  simile  est  quasi  dicas.' 
Boot.  *  Putes '  seems  to  have  the  force  of  a 
potential,     *  One  would  suppose.'    Tyrrell. 

5.  luranti  .  .  non  crediderunt,  *the 
judges  did  not  believe  you  on  your  oath.' 
Cicero  gave  evidence  to  disprove  Clodius* 
plea  of  alibi,  and,  as  the  judges  acquitted 
the  defendant,  it  is  argued  that  they  did 
not   believe   Cicero.     See   Intr,   to  Part  I, 

§  H- 

7.  Nihil   crediderunt,  'gave  you  no 

credit.*     A  play  on  '  crediderunt.' 

8.  Concidit,  'lost  heart.'  Cp.  §  5  of 
this  letter,  note ;  Philipp.  3.  9,  24  '  meute 
concidit.* 

9.  Iidem  sumus,  quos  reliquisti, '  I 
have  as  much  influence  as  when  you  left 
me.* 

10.  Nam  et  illud  . .  confitentur.  The 
construction  of  this  passage  is  rather  con- 


fused; perhaps  the  following  version  will 
give  its  general  force.  'I  do  not  suffer  from 
the  ineffectiveness  of  my  testimony,  and 
profit  more  (etiam  hoc  magis,  sc.  'non 
obest')  by  the  general  confession  that  the 
court  was  bribed.'  Or  *hoc'  may  be  the 
abl.,  and  then  the  meaning  will  be  *  all  the 
more  as.'  In  the  latter  case,  accedit  illud 
may  be  substituted  for  the  more  natural  'et 
illud  nobis  prodest,'  because  of  the  long  pas- 
sage intervening  between  *  non  obest'  and 

•  accedit.*     So  Boot. 

11.  Nostrum  testimonium,  'my  evi- 
dence against  Clodius.' 

12.  Missus  est  sanguis  invidiae,*  my 
swelling  unpopularity  has  been  reduced  by 
bleeding.*  '  Materia  subtracta  est  invidiae 
nostrae.'  Forcell.  Cp.  '  Appius  cum  i^ 
d(paipi(Tfojs  provinciam  curarit  sanguinem 
miserit'  Ad  Att.  6.  i,  2. 

13.  Rem  manifestam  .  .  a  iudicibus, 

♦  that  the  case  was  clear,  and  that  the  judges 
were  bought  off.' 

15.  Contionalis  hirudo  aerarii,  'the 
mob  who  drain  the  treasury'  by  demands 
for  corn,  &c. ;  *  the  hundred  headed  leech,* 
Prof.  Nettleship ;  •  that  bloodsucker  of  the 
treasury  the  wretched  starveling  mob.'  Tyr- 
rell. 

Plebecula,  'rabble,'  apparently  only 
occurs  here  in  Cicero. 

16.  Magno.  Pompey,  then,  must  have 
been  popular  at  this  time. 


/' 


I 


h 


I 


EP.  8.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  A TTICUM  7.  1 6.  61 

bus  Cn.  Ciceronem  ^PP^"^"^*;  '^^^J,  ,'t  „la  luferebamus. 
12  mirandas  ^7Tt<rr,Ma.ri'a$  sine   ulla  pastoncia   tisru 

Nunc  est  exspectatio  comitiorum,  in  quae  omnibus  invitis  trudit 
noster  IgnusAuli  filiun.  atque  in  eo  neque  auctoritate  neque  5 
Sa  pinat   sed  quibus  Philippus  onmia  castella  expugnan 
fote  dSaVlin  qu'ae  modo  asellus  onustus  au^P-et  a^^^^^ 
Sere] ;  consul  autem   ^"e  ^eterionsjnst-^^^^^  s  -  Pi.e 

fi  facta  putantur,  Catone  et  Dornitio  postulant,  ui.um,^ut 
apud  magistratus  inqum   liceret,  ^Ite  um,  cum^^ 
13  habitarent,  adversus  rem  publicam.    Lurco  autem  F 


I  Comissatores  coniurationis, 
«the  boon  companions  of  the  conspiracy, 
who  joined  it  merely  to  gratify  their  taste 
for  sensual  pleasures.  '  Qui  inter  vmumde 
coniuratione  egerunt.'  Gronov.  '  Consortes 
conjurationis  Catilinariae  quae  per  comissa- 
tiones  inita  erat.'     Forcell. 

Barbatuli :  see  on  §  5  of  the  precedmg 

letter.  .,  ,    *   ♦!,.» 

2.  Ludis    et    gladiatoribus,      at   the 

games  and  gladiatorial  shows.      Abl.  ot  the 

date,  see  Madv.  276.  Obs.  2. 

CL.  kniavt^aaias,  *  demonstrations  of 
opinion,'  here  '  applause.'      Cp.  Polyb.  6, 6. 

Sine  ulla  .  .  fistula,  'without  any 
sound  of  the  shepherd's  pipe,'  i.  e.  hissing. 

Pastoricius  is  found  Pro  Cael.  11,  20, 
and  Varro,  R.  R.  2.  I,  I ;  but  '  pastorahs    is 

more  common.  .    ,  •   r- 1  •    «, 

4.  In  quae  ..  trudit  ..  Auh  fihum, 
Mnto  which  contest  Pompey  is  pushing 
Afranius,  against  everybody's  wishes,  tor- 
cell,  does  not  give  another  instance  ot  the 
use  of  'trudere'  in  quite  this  sense.  Frot. 
Nettleship  suggests  that  Afranius  may  be 
compared  to  the  ass  alluded  to  in  the  saying 
quoted  below  from  Philip.  Cp.  Hor.  Epp. 
I.  20,  15  for  such  a  use  of 'trudere. 

5.  A.  filium  :  cp.  Ep.  I,  i,  note. 
In  eo,  '  in  his  cause.* 

6.  Quibus,  sc'subsidiis.*     For  Philip's 
saying,    cp.    Plut.    Apophthegm.    Regum. 

(Philipp.  14) 

8.  Ille.     Piso. 

Deterioris  histrionis,  either  ; playing 
a  subordinate  part  to  Pompey,'  or  inferior. 
After  what  Cicero  has  said  in  Ep.  0,  2,  he 
may  now  compare  Piso  to  a  bad  actor  in  a 
farce.  Another  reading  is  '  Dotenonis, 
which  may  mean  '  an  actor  charged  to  dis- 


tribute presents  in  a  play;'  or  as  Mr.  Jeans 
thinks  there  may  be  an  allusion  to  Anstode- 
mus  and  Neoptolemus,  two  actors  mentioned 
by  Demosthenes  (de.  fals.  leg.  pp.  3M.4I9» 
A.A2)  as  agents  of  Philip. 

9.  Negotium,  sc.  '  suffragiorum  emen- 

dorum.'     Matth. 

Divisores,  'bribery  agents.      Cp.   Fro 

Muren.  26,  54.  ,  t-   r  :^«jc 

10.  Odiosa.   To  Pompey  and  his  friends. 

or  perhaps  to  the  public. 

11.  Domitio:  see  Ep.  i,  3.  "ot^. 
Postulante.      On  this  use  of  the  sing., 

see  Madv.  213  a,  and  Obs. 

Ut  apud  magistratus  .  .  'iceret. 
•  that  there  should  be  power  to  search  in  the 
houses  of  magistrates,'  for  money  supposed 
to  be  deposited  there,  or  for  corrupt  agents. 
I  presume  that,  without  such  a  decree  the 
magistrates'  houses  would  be  exempt  from 

scsrcli 

i2.'Cuius  domi  .  .  rem  publicam,  sc. 
*facere,'  'any  magistrate  at  whose  house 
corrupt  agents  should  be  detected,  should  be 
held  guilty  of  an  offence  against  the  Mate. 

1 3    Lurco.    M.  Aufidius  Lurco  was  lame, 
and  Cicero  remarks  ironically,  that  his  pro- 
posal might  have  been  thought  inauspicious, 
but  for  the  suspension  of  the  Aelian  and 
Fufian  laws.     These  laws  were  carried  about 
1^4 B.C.  (Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  i,  295  ;  2.  277), 
and  gave  to  the  tribunes,  and  to  all  magis- 
trates,  as  against  others  of  "«  ^^g^^^^^,^^"^ 
than  their  own,  the  right  of  '  spectio    and 
» obnuntiatio.*     They  also  forbade  the  pro-.^ 
posal   of  laws   on  the  days  appointed   for 
elective  meetings  of  the  comitia.     As  the 
object  of  these  laws,  probably,  was  to  limit 
the  legislative  activity  of  the  tribunes,  the 
postponement  of  the  comitia  on  this  occa- 


\ 


I 

I' 


62 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[parti. 


qui  magistratum  simul  cum  lege  Aelia  iniit,  solutus  est  et 
Aelia  et  Fufia,  ut  legem  de  ambitu  ferret,  quam  ille  bono 
auspicio  claudus  homo  promulgavit :  ita  comitia  in  a.  d.  vi. 
Kal.  Sext.  dilata  sunt.     Novi  est  in  lege  hoc,  ut  qui  nummos 

5  in  tribus  pronuntiarit,  si  non  dederit,  impune  sit ;  sin  dederit, 
ut  quoad  vivat  singulis  tribubus  HS.  CID  CID  CI3  debeat.  Dixi 
hanc  legem  P.  Clodium  iam  ante  servasse ;  pronuntiare  enim 
solitum  esse  et  non  dare.  Sed  heus  tu !  videsne  consulatum 
ilium   nostrum,   quem    Curio    antea    aTTodecoaiu    vocabat,   si    hie 

30  factus  erit,  fabam  mimum  futurum  ?    qua  re,  ut   opinor,  c^iAo- 
<TO(prjT€ov,  id  quod  tu  facis,  et  istos  consulatus  non  flocci  facteon. 
Quod  ad  me  scribis,  te  in  Asiam  statuisse  non   ire,   equidem  14 
mallem  ut  ires,  ac  vereor  ne  quid  in  ista  re  minus  commode 
fiat ;  sed  tamen  non  possum  reprehendere  consilium  tuum,  prae- 

15  sertim  cum  egomet  in  provinciam  non  sim  profectus.     Epigram-  15 
matis  tuis,  quae  in  Amaltheo  posuisti,  contenti  erimus,  praesertim 


I 


sion,  to  enable  Lnrco  to  bring  forward 
his  proposal,  was  an  evasion  of  their  spirit. 
Claudus.  Apprehensions  of  disaster  were 
felt  at  Sparta  in  connection  with  the  succes- 
sion of  Agesilaus,  who  was  lame.  Cp.  Plut. 
Ages.  3. 

I.  Simul  cum  lege  Aelia,  *  under  the 
obligations  of  the  Aelian  law.'  Hofm.  sug- 
gests *  insimulatus  lege  alia  ;'  Boot  suggests 

*  qui  magiitratus  simul  cum  lege  Aelia  cor- 
ruit ;'  Mr,  Munro,  whom  Prof.  Tyrrell  fol- 
lows, •  insimulatum  lege  Aelia.'  Matth. 
omits  'cum  lege  Aelia;'  Wesenb.  suggests 

*  cum  iis/  i.e.  Catone  et  Domitio. 

3.  a.  d.  VI  Kal.  Sext,  July  27th. 

4.  Novi  est  in  lege  hoc,  'the  law 
contains  the  following  novelty.'  It  was  not 
carried.  Cp.  facto  senatus  consulto  de 
ambitu  .  .  .  nulla  lex  perlata'  Ad  Att.  i. 

18,  3- 

5.  Pronuntiarit,  *  promised.'    Cp.  '  pe- 

cuniam  quam  pro  reo  pronuntiasset '  Pro 
Cluentio  29,  78,  and  Pro  Plancio  18,  45. 

6.  HS.  CIO  CIO  010  =  3000  sesterces,  or 
nearly  £25  for  each  tribe.  The  whole  sum 
to  be  paid  (in  each  year  apparently,  quoad 
vivat)  would  be  about  /[875. 

9.  diTo0€(vffiv.  Frequent  in  Cicero,  and 
used  by  Strabo. 

Hie.    Afranius. 

10  Fabam  mimum.  Billerbeck  ex- 
plains as  meaning  '  a  joke,'  like  the  election 
of  a  king  at  the  Saturnalia,  when  boys 
elected  a  king,  using  beans  to  vote  with. 


'A  Twelfth  Night  Royalty.*  Cp.  '  pueri 
ludentes,  Rex  ens  aiunt '  Hor.  Ep.  i.  i,  59; 
Tac.  Annal.  13,  15.  Hofm.  suggests  '  fabae 
hilum  ;'  Orell.  '  Famam  mimum,  a  miino 
aliquo  Fama  inscripto  ;*  SchUtz  '  fabulam 
mimum  ;*  Wesenb.  *  fabulam  ac  mimum,* 
but  thinks  that  '  fabulam  '  may  be  a  gloss. 

<pi\oao(pr)T€ov,  'one  must  turn  philo- 
sopher :'  quite  classical. 

11.  Istos  consulatus, 'those consulships 
which  some  prize  so  highly.' 

Facteon.  A  Greek  form  for  'facien- 
dum,' suggested  by  (pi\o<TO(pr}T(OV. 

12.  Quod  .  .  scribis,  *  as  to  the  fact 
that  you  write,'  *  as  to  your  writing.'  See 
Madv.  398  b.  Obs.  2. 

Te  .  .  non  ire,  'that  you  have  de- 
cided not  to  go  to  Asia  '  as  legate  to  Quintus. 
See  Appendix  3,  §  2. 

13.  Mallem  ut  ires,  '  I  should  have  pre- 
ferred your  going.'  ♦  Ut '  is  more  usually 
omitted  in  such  cases.  See  Madv.  372  b, 
Obs.  2.  On  the  tense  of  '  mallem,'  lb.  350  b, 
Obs.  I. 

In  ista  re,  *  in  the  administration  of 
Quintus.  He  was  hasty,  and  inclined  to 
harshness.     Cp.  Ep.  15,  6. 

15.  Epigrammatis, 'inscriptions.'  Un- 
der the  statues  of  eminent  Romans  in  his 
Amaltheum  in  Epirus  (cp.  Corn.  Nep.  Att. 
18),  Atticus  had  verses  inscribed,  giving  a 
short  account  of  their  exploits. 

16.  Posuisti,  'have  placed  under  my 
statue.* 


\\ 


h 


i 


i 


t 


EP.  9.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  A  TTICUM II.  i.  «3 

cum  et  Thyillus  nos  reliquerit  et  Archias  nihil  de  me  scripserit, 
ac  vereor  ne,  Lucullis  quoniam  Graecum  poema  condidit,  nunc 

16  ad  Caecilianam  fabulam  spectet.  Antonio  tuo  nomme  gratias 
egi  eamque  epistolam  Mallio  dedi ;  ad  te  ideo  antea  ranus 
scrips!,  quod  non  habebam  idoneum,  cui  darem,  nee  satis  scie-  5 

17  bam,  quo  darem.  Valde  te  venditavi.  Cincius  si  quid  ad  me 
tui  negotii  detulerit,  suscipiam ;  sed  nunc  magis  m  suo  est 
occupatus,  in  quo  ego  ei  non  desum.  Tu,  si  uno  m  loco  es 
futurus,  crebras  a  nobis  litteras  exspecta ;  ast  plures  etiam  ipse 

18  mittito.    Velim  ad  me  scribas,  cuius  modi  sit  'AMaA^.tor  tuum,  ,o 
quo  ornatu,  qua  ro^roScata,  et  quae  poemata  quasque  histonas 
de'AHaASau  habes  ad  me  mittas:  lubet  mihi  facere  m  Arpmati. 
Ego  tibi  ali'quid  de  meis  scriptis  mittam :  nihil  erat  absoluti. 


J 


9.    To  ATTICUS   (AD  ATT.  II.  i). 
Rome,  June,  6o  b.c.  (694  a.u.c.) 

I  T  am  glad  that  I  had  sent  you  my  account  of  my  consulship  in  Greek  before  re- 
ceiving yours  ;  I  thus  escape  the  suspicion  of  plagiarism,  though  perhaps  difference  of 
style  would  in  any  case  have  prevented  its  arising.  2.  My  book  has  won  the  applause 
of  Posidonius  and  others  :  if  you  like  it,  try  to  promote  its  circulation  in  Greece.  3.  You 
shall  have  the  speeches  you  ask  for,  and  others  also ;  I  am  forming  a  collection  of  my 
speeches  as  consul,  which  I  will  send  you.  4.  I  do  not  want  to  hurry  your  return, 
though  I  wish  you  had  arranged  your  movements  differently :  if  Clodius  becomes  more 


I.  Thyillus.  Apparently  a  Greek  poet. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  I.  9,  2;   I.  12,  2.  ^ 

Nos  reliquerit,  '  has  deserted  us,^ 
•not    finished    his    promised    inscriptions.' 

Matth. 

Archias.  A.  Licintus  Archias,  a  poet 
of  Greek  extraction,  for  whose  claims  to  the 
Roman  franchise  Cicero  pleaded  afterwards. 
See  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  12.  Archias  wrote  a 
heroic  poem  in  praise  of  the  Luculli  (cp.  Pro 
Arch.  9,  21),  and  another  in  praise  of  Cicero. 
Atticus  seems  to  have  asked  for  anything 
Thyillus  or  Archias  might  have  written 
about  Cicero. 

3.  Caecilianam  fabulam, 'a  poem  on 
the  Metelli '  probably.  Archias  was  intimate 
both  with  CL  Metellus  Numidicus  and  with 
his  son  Pius.  Cp.  Pro  Arch.  3.  Others 
think  there  is  a  reference  to  Statins  Caeci- 
lius,  a  freedman  of  the  Metelli,  and  an  ieariy 
Latin  poet,  whose  language  is  criticised  by 
Cicero,  Brut.  74,  258. 

Antonio.  C.  Antonius  seems  to  have 
complied  with  a  request  of  Cicero  that  he 
would  interest  himself  in  the  affairs  of  Atticus 


in   Macedonia  :    for  an   account   of  which 
request  cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  5. 

4.  Mallio.  Of  this  Mallius  little  seems 
to  be  known.  L.  Manlius  of  Neapolis  is 
mentioned  (Ad  Fam.  13.  30,  i),  and  T. 
Manlius,  a  'negotiator'  atThespiae(AdFam. 

13.  22,  i).  ^ 

6.   Quo,  '  with  what  address. 

Venditavi,  '  praised  you.'  Boot  thinks 
the  name  of  the  person  to  whom  Cicero  re- 
commended Atticus  has  been  lost.  Cicero 
may  mean,  '  to  Antonius,'  as  Matth.  thinks, 
though  the  long  passage  intervening  since  the 
mention  of  his  name  is  rather  against  this. 

Cincius  :  see  Ep.  i,  i,  note  on  p.  26. 

11.  ronoOea-ia:  cp.Ep.6,5,note,p.  45. 

12.  'Af*aX^€t<j,  the  Amalthea  df  my- 
thology. ^   • 

'      Facere,    sc.   'simile    quid,    Billerb.,  *a 
similar  apartment  to  your  Amaltheum.* 
In  Arpinati,'onmy  estate  at  Arpinum.* 

Cp.  Ep.  10,  4. 

13.  Nihil  erat  absoluti,  'I  have  no- 
thing finished.'  For  the  tense,  see  Ep.  i,  l^ 
note,  p.  26. 


64 


M.  TULLll  CIC FRONTS 


[part  I. 


violent,  I  shall  summon  you  at  once.  Metellus  is  an  excellent  consul.  5.  Clodius  is 
eager  to  become  tribune  of  the  people ;  I  attacked  him  lately  in  the  senate,  but  we  are 
on  fair  terms  with  each  other,  notwithstanding  my  jokes  about  him.  6.  You  complaui 
of  my  intimacy  with  Pompey,  but  I  hope  to  influence  both  him  and  Caesar  for  the 
public  good.  7.  In  any  case  I  should  be  disposed  for  conciliation  ;  but  now  that  some 
of  our  nobles  think  only  of  indulging  frivolous  tastes,  while  8.  others  by  ill-timed 
obstinacy  have  estranged  the  senate  and  the  equites  from  each  other,  and  so  increased 
the  power  of  the  populace— such  a  policy  as  mine  is  all  the  more  necessary.  9.  Favo- 
nius  has  failed  to  secure  his  election,  and  did  not  make  a  very  good  impression  as 
accuser  of  Scipio  Nasica.  10.  Cato's  ill-timed  rigour  is  the  cause  of  your  difficulties 
at  Sicyon.  11.  I  take  much  pleasure  in  my  different  country  estates,  though  their  pur- 
chase has  rather  embarrassed  me.  We  hope  that  Gaul  is  tranquil.  When  may  we 
expect  you  at  Rome?  12.  Please  take  care  of  Paetus'  legacy  of  books,  and  see  that 
I  get  them  safe.     I  wrote  to  Octavius  on  your  behalf. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Kal.  luniis  eunti  mihi  Antium  et  gladiatores  M.  Metelli  cupide  1 
relinquenti  venit  obviani  tuus  puer:   is  mihi  litteras  abs  te  et 
commentarium  consulatus  mei  Graece  scriptum  reddidit ;  in  quo 
laetatus  sum  me  aliquanto  ante  de  isdem  rebus  Graece  item 

5  scriptum  librum  L.  Cossinio  ad  te  perferundum  dedisse :  nam,  si 
ego  tuum  ante  legissem,  furatum  me  abs  te  esse  diceres.  Quam- 
quam  tua  ilia — legi  enim  libenter — horridula  mihi  atque  incompta 
visa  sunt,  sed  tamen  erant  ornata  hoc  ipso,  quod  ornamenta 
neglexerant,  et,  ut  mulieres,  ideo  bene  olere,  quia  nihil  olebant, 

10  videbantur.  Meus  autem  liber  totum  Isocrati  myrothecium  atque 
omnes  eius  discipulorum  arculas  ac  non  nihil  etiam  Aristotelia 
pigmenta  consumpsit;  quem  tu  Corcyrae,  ut  mihi  aliis  litteris 


1.  Gladiatores  M.  Metelli,  'the  gla- 
diatorial show  which  M.  Metellus  was  about 
to  provide.*  Cicero  had  no  taste  for  such 
amusements.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  7.  i,  2  and  3. 
The  Metellus  here  mentioned  was  brother  of 
Q^  Metellus  Creticus,  and  one  of  the  praetors 
in  69  B.C.  Cicero  mentions  him  as  a  friend 
of  Verres.  In  Verr.  Act.  i.  9,  26.  It  does 
not  appear  with  what  object  he  was  now 
going  to  exhibit  gladiators. 

Cupide  relinquenti.  Prof.  Tyrrell  has 
*  cupido  relinquendi.'  He  also  remarks,  '  we 
may  gather  trom  Ad  Att.  4.  4  b,  2  that  it 
was  a  practice  with  wealthy  Romans  to  buy 
gladiators  as  a  speculation,  and  to  give  a 
show  as  a  specimen  of  their  powers.' 

3.  Commentarium  consulatus  mei, 
•a  memoir  of  my  consulship  written  in 
Greek'  byAtticus.  Cp.  'tuum'  a  few  Hoes 
below,  and  Corn.  Nep.  Atticus  18. 


5.  L.  Cossinio.  This  Cossinius  was  a 
friend  of  Cicero  and  Varro.  He  belonged  to 
the  same  tribe  (Lemonia)  with  Ser.  Sulpi- 
cius,  to  whom  Cicero  recommends  him  in 
Ad  Fam.  13.  23. 

6.  Quamquam,  'and  yet,'  correcting 
the  previous  remark.  See  Madv,  443.  The 
roughness  of  Atticus'  style  would  prevent 
Cicero's  being  suspected  of  plagiarism. 

9.  Ideo  .  .  olebant:  cp.  *  mulier  recte 
olet  ubi  nihil  olet.'    Plaut.  Mostell.  i.  3, 116. 

10.  Isocrati.  A  common  form  for  the 
genitive.     See  Madv.  42.  2. 

Myrothecium.  Apparently  the  word 
only  occurs  here.  It  seems  to  mean  much 
the  same  as  *  arcula.* 

11.  Arculas,  'jewel-,  or  scent-boxes.' 
Aristotelia  pigmenta,  'colours,'  orna- 
ments, such  as  Aristotle  recommends  in  his 
Rhetoric. 


11 


^1 


EP.  9 .]  EP  IS  TO  LA  RUM  AD  A  TTIC  UM  IL  i .  65 

significas,  strictim  attiglsti,  post  autem,  ut  arbitror,  a  Cossinio 
accepisti ;  quem  tibi  ego  non  essem  ausus  mittere,  nisi  eum  lente 

2  ac  fastidiose  probavissem.  Quamquam  ad  me  scripsit  iam  Rhodo 
Posidonius  se,  nostrum  illud  iirSiivriixa  cum  legeret,  quod  ego  ad 
eum,  ut  ornatius  de  isdem  rebus  scriberet,  miseram,  non  modo  5 
non  'excitatum  esse  ad  scribendum,  sed  etiam  plane  perterritum. 
Ouid  quaeris?  conturbavi  Graecam  nationem :  ita,  volgo  qui 
instabant  ut  darem  sibi  quod  ornarent,  iam  exhibere  mihi  mole- 
stiam  destiterunt.  Tu,  si  tibi  placuerit  liber,  curabis  ut  et  Athenis 
sit  et  in  ceteris  oppidis  Graeciae ;   videtur  enim  posse  aliquid  10 

3  nostris  rebus  lucis  adferre.  Oratiunculas  autem  et  quas  postulas 
et  plures  etiam  mittam,  quoniam  quidem  ea,  quae  nos  scribimus 
adulescentulorum  studiis  excitati,  te  etiam  delectant.  Fuit  enim 
mihi  commodum,  quod  in  eis  orationibus,  quae  Philippicae  nomi- 
nantur,  enituerat  civis  ille  tuus  [Demosthenes],  et  quod  se  ab  15 
hoc  refractariolo  iudiciali  dicendi  genere  abiunxerat,  ut  o-c/xi^orepo's 

12.  Quae  .  .  scribimus,  'which  I  com- 
mit to  writing,  urged  by  the  eagerness  of 
young  men  to  have  them.'  Cicero  affects 
to  suppose  that  only  the  young  would  care 
to  have  copies  of  his  speeches.  Cp.  '  oratio 
iuventuti  nostrae  deberi  non  potest '  Ad  Att. 

4.  2,  2. 

13.  Fuit  enim  ..  nominarentur.   The 

substance  of  this  passage  may  be  thus  stated  ; 
♦  I  will  comply  with  your  request,  for  I  have 
found  it  suit  my  purpose  to  combine  the 
orations  of  my  consulship  in  one  collection, 
just  as  Demosthenes  did  his  Philippics.* 
Enim,  I  think,  explains  '  plures.*  Atticus 
had  apparently  only  asked  for  some  of  the 
consular  speeches ;  Cicero  promises  all.  Prof, 
Tyrrell  follows  Orelli  in  suspecting  the  pas- 
sage from  'Fuit  enim.'  1.  13,  to  '  offerebam* 
on  the  next  page  to  be  spurious.  Orelli,  in- 
deed, suspects  the  preceding  passage  begin- 
ning with  '  Oratiunculas.* 

14.  Quod  .  .  enituerat.  The  indicative 
is  used  as  giving  a  real  reason.  See  Madv. 
357.  The  eminence  of  Demosthenes  dated 
from  his  exchange  of  the  position  of  a  legal 
advocate  for  that  of  a  political  leader; 
Cicero  hopes  that  his  consulship  will  form  a 
similar  epoch  in  his  own  career. 

16.  Refractariolo,  'quarrelsome.'  For- 
cell.  The  word  is  only  found  here  apparently. 

Ut  ff€iJLv6T€p6s  .  .  videretur,  'that 
he  might  assume  a  more  dignified  and 
statesmanlike  position.'  iroXiriK&npos 
is  often  used  in  this  sense  by  Cicero,  as  by 
the  Greeks. 


1.  Strictim,  *hastily,'  =  'obiter.'  Schutz. 
The  book  seems  to  have  been  published  be- 
fore Atticus  received  a  special  revised  copy. 

2.  Lente  ac  fastidi^ose,  'deliberately 
and  with  pedantic  rigour.'  ^       ^ 

3.  Probavissem, 'had tested,  «revised. 
Cp.  «villam  publicam  probare,'  said  of  the 
censors.     Or  perhaps    'approved   after   re- 
vision.' 

4.  Posidonius.  A  pupil  of  Panaetms,  born 

at  Apamea  in  Syria  about  135  B.C.  After 
spending  some  time  at  Athens  and  Rhodes, 
he  removed  to  Rome,  51  B.C.,  and  died 
there  shortly  afterwards.  In  mental  philo- 
sophy he  is  said  to  have  been  eclectic,  with 
a  leaning  towards  the  Stoics ;  in  physics  he 
rather  followed  Aristotle. 

virofiVTjixa,  'a  memoir,' =  ' commenta- 
rius.'  The  word  is  used  in  this  sense  by 
Polyb.  1,1,6.  None  of  the  memoir  referred 
to  has  been  preserved. 

7.  Qui  instabant.  Some  Greek  con- 
temporaries of  Cicero  probably. 

8.  Exhibere  ='facessere,'  '  creare,  For- 
cell.     Cp.  de  Nat.  Deor.  I.  17,  45. 

0    Ut  .  .  sit,  '  that  it  be  in  circulation. 

10.  Aliquid  .  .  lucis  adferre,  'to  give 
some  distinction  to.'     Billerb.  ^ 

11.  Oratiunculas,  '  my  little  speeches. 
Billerb.  supposes  Cicero  to  refer  to  short 
declamations,  written  for  young  students  to 
practise  oratory  with  :  but  is  not  he  speak- 
ing of  his  political  orations  with  affected 
modesty  ?  Cp.  '  fuit  enim  mihi  commodum ' 
etc.  below. 


66 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


EP.  9.] 


EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM II.  i. 


67 


Tts  et  TroXiTtK(iTepos  videretur,  curare  ut  meae  quoque  essent  ora- 
tiones,  quae  consulares  nominarentur ;  quarum  una  est  in  senatu 
Kal.  lanuariis,  altera  ad  populum  de  lege  agraria,  tertia  de 
Othone,  quarta  pro  Rabirio,  quinta  de  proscriptorum  filns,  sexta, 

5  cum  provinciam  in  contione  deposui,  septima,  qua  Catilinam 
emisi,  octava,  quam  habui  ad  populum  postridie  quam  Catdina 
profugit,  nona  in  contione,  quo  die  Allobroges  t  invocarunt,  de- 
cima  in  senatu,  Nonis  Decembribus.  Sunt  praeterea  duae  breves, 
quasi  airo<r^a<r^cdna  legis  agrariae.     Hoc  totum  <sS>i,a  curabo  ut 

10  habeas  ;  et  quoniam  te  cum  scripta,  tum  res  meae  delectant,  isdem 
ex  libris  perspicies  et  quae  gesserim  et  quae  dixerim  :  aut  ne  po- 
poscisses  ;  ego  enim  tibi  me  non  offerebam.     Quod  quaeris,  quid  4 
sit  quod  te  arcessam,  ac  simul  impeditum  te  negotiis  esse  significas, 
neque  recusas  quin,  non  modo  si  opus  sit,  sed  etiam  si  velim, 


1.  Ut  meae  quoque  .  .  nominaren- 
tur, 'that  there  should  be  a  collection  of  my 
spee'ches  also,  under  the  title  "consulares."' 

2.  Una  est.  This  was  on  the  agrarian 
law  of  KuUus  apparently.  Only  the  begin- 
ning has  been  preserved, 

3.  Altera,  the  second  against  Rullns. 
De  Othone.     Spoken  to  reconcile  the 

mass  of  the  citizens  to  the  precedence  which 
the  law  of  L.  Roscius  Otho  granted  to  the 
equites  in  the  theatre.  The  people  raised 
an  outcry  against  Otho  when  he  appeared 
in  the  theatre,  but  Cicero  invited  them  to 
attend  him  to  the  temple  of  Bellona,  and 
there  appeased  them.  The  law  of  Otho 
had  been  carried  in  67  B.C.  Pliny  (H.N. 
7.  30)  refers  to  this  speech  of  Cicero,  which 
has  been  lost,  as  have  the  fifth  and  sixth 
here  mentioned,  with  one  of  the  two  short 
ones  on  the  agrarian  law. 

4.  Pro  Rabirio:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I, 
§  9;  also  Merivale  I.  124;  Mommsen  4. 
I,  159  (E.  T.). 

De  proscriptorum  filiis.  Sulla's  laws 
had  excluded  the  sons  of  proscribed  citizens 
from  high  office,  and  the  repeal  of  this  pro- 
vision was  discussed  in  Cicero's  consulship. 
Cicero  persuaded  the  people,  apparently,  that 
the  repeal  would  do  more  harm  than  good. 
Cp.  In  Pis.  2,4;  and  a  fragment  of  the  speech 
itself,  quoted  by  Quinctil. Inst. Orat.  II.  1,85. 

5.  Cum  provinciam  .  .  deposui, 
*w*hen  I  publicly  renounced  my  claim  to 
govern  a  province.'  The  two  provinces  to 
be  administered  by  the  consuls  for  63  B.C., 
after  their  year  of  office  had  expired  were 
apparently  Macedonia  and  Gallia  Cisalpina. 
Cicero  seems  first  to  have  allowed  his  col- 


league Antonius  to  choose  Macedonia,  and 
then  to  have  waived  his  own  claim  to  Gallia 
Cisalpina,  which  was  allotted  to  Q.  Metellus 
Celer.     Cp.  Ep.  5,  3  and  4. 

Septima.  This  and  the  three  following 
are  the  four  orations  against  Catiline  which 
we  now  possess. 

6.  Emisi :  cp.  In  Cat.  2.  i,  i ;  Pro  SuU. 

5. 

7.  Invocarunt.  Manutius  suggests  'm- 
dicarunt,'  *  made  their  disclosures.'  Cp.  In 
Cat.  3.  3-5  for  the  facts. 

8.  ^Dua'e  breves.  One  of  these  is  extant 
as  the  third  against  RuUus. 

9.  diroanaffixaTia,  'fragments.*  The 
word  occurs  here  only  apparently. 

(TUfm,  *  collection.'  Not,  apparently,  class- 
ical quite  in  this  sense. 

11.  Aut  ne  poposcisses,  *oryou  should 
not  have  asked  for  them.'  Cp.  '  forsitan 
non  nemo  vir  fortis  .  .  .  dixerit  restitisses ' 
Pro  Sestio  20,  45  ;  also  Zumpt  L.  G.  529, 
note;  Nagelsbach  98,  a  2,  267. 

12.  Ego  enim  .  .  offerebam,  'for  I  did 
not  want  to  force  myself  upon  you.'  Cp. 
Pro  Rose.  Am.  38,  112. 

Quod  quaeris  .  .  significas,  'as  for 
your  enquiry  about  the  reason  for  my 
asking  you  to  come,  which  you  couple 
with  a  reference  to  your  business  engage- 
ments.' 

13.  Quod  te  arcessam,  an  indirect  ques- 
tion. See  Ep.  6,  I,  note,  on  p.  42.  Prof. 
Tyrrell  follows  the  Medicean  MS.  and  Klotz 
in  reading  'quo' = 'in  quam  rem'  for  'quod.' 

14.  Neque  recusas,  *  and  yet  do  not 
refuse.'  We  might  expect  *  tamen '  to  fol- 
low *  neque.' 


\ 


I    M 


accurras,  nihil  sane  est  necesse  ;  verum  tamen  videbare  mihi  tem- 
*^ora  peregrinationis  commodius  posse  discribere  :  nimis  abes  diu, 
praesertim  cum  sis  in  propinquis  locis,  neque  nos  te  fruimur  et  tu 
nobis  cares.  Ac  nunc  quidem  otium  est,  sed,  si  paulo  plus  furor 
Pulchelli  progredi  posset,  valde  ego  te  istim  excitarem.  Verum  5 
praeclare  Metellus  impedit  et  impediet.  Quid  quaeris  ?  est  consul 
5  (f)i\6iTaTpLs  et,  ut  semper  iudicavi,  natura  bonus.  Ille  autem  non 
simulat,  sed  plane  tribunus  pi.  fieri  cupit ;  qua  de  re  cum  in  senatu 
ageretur,  fregi  hominem  et  inconstantiam  eius  reprehendi,  qui 
Romae  tribunatum  pi.  peteret,  cum  in  Sicilia  aedilitatem  se  petere  lo 
dictitasset,  neque  magno  opere  dixi  esse  nobis  laborandum,  quod 
nihilo  magis  ei  liciturum  esset  plebeio  rem  publicam  perdere,  quam 
similibus  eius  me  consule  patriciis  esset  licitum.  lam,  cum  se  ille 
septimo  die  venisse  a  freto  neque  sibi  obviam  quemquam  prodire 
potuisse  et  noctu  se  introisse  dixisset  in  eoque  se  in  contione  iS 
iactasset,  nihil  ei  novi  dixi  accidisse,  ex  Sicilia  septimo  die 
Romam  :  tribus  horis  Roma  Interamnam  ;  noctu  introisse :  item 


I.  Nihil  .  .  est  necesse,  sc.  *te  ac- 
currere.'  For  the  use  of  'nihil'  for  *non' 
see  Madv.  455,  Obs.  4. 

Videbare  .  .  discribere,  *I  thought 
you  might  have  arranged  the  times  of  your 
residence  abroad  more  conveniently  than 
you  proposed  to  do.' 

3.  In  propinquis  locis.  Atticus  was 
in  Epirus  probably. 

4.  Cares,  'feel  the  want  of  me/  'have 
to  do  without  me,* 

5.  Pulchelli :  see  Ep.  8,  10,  note  on 
p.  59. 

Posset.  'Non  poterat  impediente  Me- 
tello.'     Boot. 

Valde  .  .  excitarem,  *I  should  press  you 
earnestly  to  come  hither  from  where  you  are.' 

6.  Metellus.  The  consul  Q.  Metellus 
Celer.     Cp.  Ep.  4,  i,  note. 

7.  (pikoTrarpis,  'patriotic'  Polyb.  1. 14. 
Natura  bonus, 'naturally  well  disposed,' 

though  set  against  me  formerly  by  his  bro- 
ther. Cp.  Epp.  4  and  5.  Cicero's  satisfac- 
tion with  the  conduct  of  Metellus  probably 
arose  from  the  latter's  re>istance  to  a  pro- 
posal of  C.  Herennius  for  transferring  Clo- 
dius  to  the  plebs.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  18,  4; 
Pro  Cael.  24,  60;  Dion  Cass.  37.  51. 

Ille,  P.  Clodius. 

Non  simulat.  'does  not  merely  pretend 
to  desire  the  office : '  supp.  '  cupere.'  •  It 
is  not  a  mere  pretence  to  frighten  me.' 
Prof.   Tyrrell.     Manutius   thinks  that   the 


words  mean  'makes  no  false  pretences  as  to 
his  reason  for  wishing  to  become  a  plebeian.* 

9.  Fregi, 'humbled.' 

Qui  Romae  .  .  dictitasset.  Clodius 
had  been  quaestor,  and  in  Sicily  had  said, 
apparently,  that  the  next  office  for  which 
he  should  stand  would  be  the  aedileship. 
But  on  his  return  to  Rome  he  changed  his 
mind  and  expressed  anxiety  to  be  tribune. 
As  a  patrician  he  could  only  become  tribune 
by  renouncing  his  order  and  going  over  to 
the  plebs. 

II.  Neque  :  see  note  on  §  4. 

Magno  opere..  laborandum, 'that  we 
should  have  any  serious  cause  for  anxiety.' 

13.  Similibus  eius  ..  patriciis.  Cati- 
line, Lentulus,  and  Cethegus  were  patricians. 

Cum  se  ille  . .  iactasset.  Clodius  took 
credit  for  activity  shewn  in  his  travelling 
rapidly  from  the  straits  to  Rome,  and  for 
his  modesty  in  avoiding  a  public  reception. 

14.  A  freto, 'from  the  straits*  of  Messina. 

15.  In  eo,  '  on  that  account/  *in'  =  'ob, 
propter.'     Forcell. 

17.  Tribus  horisRoma  Interamnam, 
sc.  'isse.'  Clotlius  affirmed  that  he  was  at 
Interamna  on  the  night  when  the  outrage 
at  the  rites  of  the  Bona  Dea  occurred  at 
Rome,  but  Cicero  swore  that  he  had  seen 
him  at  Rome  three  hours  before  that  event 
happened.  Interamna  on  the  Nar  was  more 
than  sixty  miles  from  Rome;  Interamna  oq 
the  Liris  was  still  more  distant. 


F  2, 


68 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


/       EP.  9.]  EPISTOLA RUM  AD  A  TTIC UM II.  i . 


69 


ante ;  non  esse  itum  obviam :  ne  turn  quidem,  cum  iri  maxime 
debuerit.  Quid  quaeris  ?  hominem  petulantem  modestum  reddo 
non  solum  perpetua  gravitate  orationis,  sed  etiam  hoc  genere 
dictorum  ;  itaque  iam  familiariter  cum  ipso  cavillor  ac  iocor ;  quin 

5  etiam,  cum  candidatum  deduceremus,  quaerit  ex  me,  num  con- 
suessem  Siculis  locum  gladiatoribus  dare?  Negavi.  *At  ego' 
inquit  '  novus  patronus  instituam ;  sed  soror,  quae  tantum  habet 
consularis  loci,  unum  mihi  solum  pedem  dat.'  *Noli'  inquam 
*  de  uno  pede  sororis  queri ;  licet  etiam  alterum  tollas/    *  Non 

10  consulare'  inquies  '  dictum  :'  fateor  ;  sed  ego  illam  odi  male  con- 
sularem  :  [ea]  est  enim  seditiosa,   [ea]  cum  viro  bellum   gerit, 
neque  solum  cum  Metello,  sed  etiam  cum  Fabio,  quod  eos  f  in  hoc 
esse  moleste  fert.    Quod  de  agraria  lege  quaeris,  sane  iam  videtur  6 
refrixisse.     Quod  me  quodam  modo  molli  brachio  de  Pompeii 

15  familiaritate  obiurgas,  nolim  ita  existimes,  me  mei  praesidii  causa 
cum  illo  coniunctum  esse,  sed  ita  res  erat  instituta,  ut,  si  inter 
nos  esset  aliqua  forte  dissensio,  maximas  in  re  publica  discordias 
versari  esset  necesse :  quod  a  me  ita  praecautum  atque  ita  pro- 


I.  Non  esse  itum  obviam,  'he  did 
not  have  a  public  reception.' 

Ne  turn  quidem,  'no,  nor  on  his  entry 
into  Caesar's  house.* 

Cum  iri  .  .  debuerit.  Prof.  Tyrrell 
remarks  that  there  is  a  play  on  two  senses 
of  '  obviam  ire,'  '  to  go  to  meet,'  and  '  to 
check.' 

3.  Perpetua     gravitate    orationis  = 

with  a   serious   set 


»  ( 


'perpetuae  orationis, 
speech.' 

4.  Dictorum,  'repartees.'  Cp.  Ep.  6,  2, 
note. 

Cavillor, 'saepe  sumitur  pro  "  iocari," 
*•  dicteria  dicere."  *     Forcell. 

5.  Deduceremus,  'were  attending  to 
or  from  his  home ; '  an  honour  paid  to  can- 
didates by  their  friends.  Cp.  Q.  Cic.  de  Pet. 
Cons.  9,  36 ;  Cic.  pro  Muren.  34,  70. 

6.  Siculis, 'my  Sicilian  clients.'  Cicero 
and  Clodius  had  both  been  quaestors  in 
Sicily,  and  both  apparently  were  regarded 
as  patrons  by  the  natives  of  that  province. 
Cp.  Div.  in  Caec.  I,  2.  On  the  relation  in 
general  cp.  Cic.  de  Off.  I.  11,  35. 

Gladiatoribus,  'at  the  gladiatorial 
games.'  Seeontheabl.Ep.8,ii,note,onp.6i. 

7.  Tantum  .  .  loci,  *  so  much  of  her 
husband's  space,  '  so  much  room  at  her 
disposal  as  a  consul's  wife.*  A  sister  of 
P.  Clodius  had  married  Q^  Metellus  Celer, 
but  seems  to  have  been  notoriously  unfaith- 


ful to  him.  Cicero  says  of  Clodius  '  qui 
non  pluris  fecerat  Bonam  Deam  quam  tres 
sorores'  Ep.  29, 15.  See,  too,  Ep.  5,  6,  note. 
10.  Male  consularem,  'so  unworthy  to 
be  the  wife  of  a  consul.*  Boot.  Or  per- 
haps *  so  little  of  a  consul's  wife.' 

12.  Fabio.  This  Fabius  is  said  to  have 
been  a  previous  lover  of  Claudia. 

In  hoc  esse  =* hoc  agere;  operam  dare 
ne  P.  Clodius  tribunus  fiat.'     Boot. 

13.  De  agraria  lege.  L.  Flavius,  tri- 
bune for  61-60,  proposed  an  agrarian  law 
which  Pompey  supported,  as  one  of  its  ob- 
jects was  to  provide  lands  for  his  veterans. 
See  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  15;  Dion  Cass.  37.  50: 
Ad  Att.  I.  18,  6;  Mommsen  4.  I,  195; 
Merivale  I.  181. 

14.  Refrixisse,  *  to  have  lost  interest.' 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  15.  17,  2. 

Molli  brachio,  'with  a  gentle  touch,  or 
hand.'     Cp.  '  levi  brachio  '  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  6. 

15.  Mei  praesidii  causa,  'for  the  sake 
of  my  own  safety.'  Compare  with  Cicero's 
profession  here  the  following  passage,  '  mu- 
nitur  quaedam  nobis  ad  retinendas  opes 
nostras  tuta  ut  spero  via  .  .  utor  Porapeio 
familiarissime'  Ad  Att.  i.  17.  10. 

16.  Ita  res  erat  instituta,  'matters  had 
taken  such  a  shape.'  Billerb.  Cp.  'rem 
aliter  institutam  offendissem '  Ad  Fam.  5. 
17,  2. 

18.  Ita    praecautum    .  .  deponeret, 


visum  est,  non  ut  ego  de  optima  ilia  mea  ratione  decederem,  sed 
ut  ille  esset  melior  et  aliquid  de  populari  levitate  deponeret; 
quem  de  meis  rebus,  in  quas  eum  multi  incitarant,  multo  scito 
gloriosius  quam  de  suis  praedicare ;  sibi  enim  bene  gestae,  mihi 
conservatae  rei  publicae  dat  testimonium.  Hoc  facere  ilium  mihi  5 
quam  prosit  nescio ;  rei  publicae  certe  prodest.  Quid,  si  etiam 
Caesarem,  cuius  nunc  venti  valde  sunt  secundi,  reddo  meliorem, 
7  num  tantum  obsum  rei  publicae  ?  Quin  etiam,  si  mihi  nemo 
invideret,  si  omnes,  ut  erat  aequum,  faverent,  tamen  non  minus  ^o 
esset  probanda  medicina,  quae  sanaret  vitiosas  partes  rei  publicae, 
quam  quae  exsecaret.  Nunc  vero,  cum  equitatus  ille,  quem  ego 
in  clivo  Capitolino  te  signifero  ac  principe  collocaram,  senatum 
deseruerit,  nostri  autem  principes  digito  se  caelum  putent  attin- 
gere,  si  muUi  barbati  in  piscinis  sint,  qui  ad  manum  accedant, 


*  my  precautions  and  forethought  do  not 
imply  my  abandoning  my  principles,  but 
have  his  improvement  in  view.'  For  this 
use  of  ita  .  .  ut,  see  Zumpt  L.  G.  726,  and 
Ep.  50,  I,  note. 

1.  Do  optima  ilia  .  .  ratione,  'from 
my  former  constitutional  policy.* 

2.  Ille,  Pompeius. 

De  populari  levitate,  'of  his  weak 
subserviency  to  the  populace.'  Cp.  Philipp. 
5.  18,  49.  Pompey  had  perhaps  suggested 
the  seditious  proceedings  of  Metellus  Nepos; 
had  not  held  consistent  language  about  the 
suppression  of  Catiline's  conspiracy;  and  was 
now  intriguing  with  Caesar  and  Crassus. 
See  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  16. 

3.  In  quas,  'to  attack  which.' 
Multo  .  .  .  gloriosius,  'in    far   more 

flattering  terms.'  Cp.  'indices  gloriosi'  Ep. 
28,  9. 

5.  Hoc  .  .  mihi  quam  prosit.  The 
prominence  given  to  Cicero  might  bring 
him  into  trouble,  though  the  appearance 
of  a  good  understanding  between  him  and 
Pompey  was  beneficial  to  the  state. 

7.  Caesarem.  This  is  the  first  passage 
in  Cicero's  letters  in  which  the  future  dic- 
tator is  mentioned  as  a  prominent  politician. 

Cuius  .  .  .  venti  .  .  .  sunt  secundi, 
*who  has  the  wind  in  his  sails  now;'  'whose 
prospects  are  very  good.'  Cp.  Ep.  30,  4, 
note. 

8.  Tantum,  '  so  much  as  you  hint  by 
your  remonstrances.'     Manut. 

Qjiin  etiam  .  .  medicina,  'even  if  my 
position  were  more  secure  than  it  is,  my 
present  policy  would  be  the  best.'  Cp.  Ep. 
39,  21. 


9.  Ut   erat   aequum,  *as  they   ought.' 
For  the  indie,  see  Madv.  348  e. 

10.  Medicina, 'a  treatment.' 

11.  Equitatus  is  substituted  for  the  more 
common  '  equester  ordo.' 

12.  In  clivo,  on  the  sloping  road  from 
the  forum  to  the  Capitol.  The  equites 
assembled  there  in  large  numbers  to  protect 
the  senate  when  it  sat  in  the  temple  of  Con- 
cord to  deliberate  on  the  fate  of  Lentulus 
and  his  accomplices. 

Te  signifero  ac  principe.  Atticus 
was  one  of  the  equites.  The  metaphors  iif 
this  passage  are  throughout  military.  Cp. 
*cum  princeps,  cum  signifer  esset  iuventutis* 
pro  Sull.  12,  34;  'belli  princeps,'  Philipp.  2. 
29,  71.  I  owe  these  references  to  Prof. 
Nettleship. 

13.  Deseruerit.  For  the  causes  of  this 
breach  between  the  two  orders,  see  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §§  14,  15. 

Principes.  Especially  Lucullus  and  Hor- 
tensius.  The  frivolity  of  the  nobles  is  de- 
scribed in  similar  terms.  Ad  Att.  I.  18,  6. 

Digito  ..  caelum  ..  attingere.  Appa- 
rently this  phrase  is  not  found  elsewhere. 
Forcell.  explains  it  '  summe  beatum  et  velut 
diis  proximum  se  putare.' 

14.  MuUi  barbati,  'mullets,'  barba 
geniina  insigniuntur  inferiori  labro'  Pliny, 
H.  N.  9.  17,  30.  Mr.  Jeans  remarks  that 
*the  mullus  barbatus  of  naturalists  is  the 
plain  red  mullet,  distinguished  from  our 
common  or  striped  red  mullet  (mullus 
surmuletus).  All  kinds  of  mullet  have  two 
long  barbules  on  the  under  jaw.' 

Qui  ad  manum  accedant,  '  tame 
enough  to  come  when  called.' 


70 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


EP.  9.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM II.  i. 


71 


alia  autem  neglegant,  nonne  tibi  satis  prodesse  videor,  si  perficio 
ut  nolint  obesse  qui  possunt  ?    Nam  Catonem  nostrum  non  tu  amas  8 
plus  quam  ego  ;  sed  tamen  ille  optimo  animo  utens  et  summa  fide 
nocet  interdum  rei  publicae  :  dicit  enim  tamquam  in  Platonis 

5  TTo\LT€Lq,  non  tamquam  in  Romuli  faece,  sententiam.  Quid  verius 
quam  in  iudicium  venire  qui  ob  rem  iudicandam  pecuniam  acce- 
perit?  censuit  hoc  Cato,  adsensit  senatus :  equites  curiae  bellum, 
non  mihi ;  nam  ego  dissensi.  Quid  impudentius  publicanis  re- 
nuntiantibus  ?  fuit  tamen  retinendi  ordinis  causa  faciunda  iactura : 

10  restitit  et  pervicit  Cato ;  itaque  nunc,  consule  in  carcere  incluso, 
saepe  item  seditione  commota,  aspiravit  nemo  eorum,  quorum  ego 
concursu  itemque  ii  consules,  qui  post  me  fuerunt,  rem  publicam 
defendere  solebant.  Quid  ergo  ?  istos,  inquies,  mercede  conductos 
habebimus?  Quid  faciemus,  si  aliter  non  possumus?  an  libertinis 

I  -  atque  etiam  servis  serviamus  ?    Sed,  ut  tu  ais,  aAtj  cnrovbris.    Favo-  9 
nius  meam  tribum  tulit  honestius  quam  suam,  Lucceii  perdidit. 


2.  Obesse  (rei  publicae)  qui  possunt 
(obesse).  Cicero  refers  especially  to  Caesar 
and  Pompey. 

Nam  introduces  and  answers  an  objection. 
Cp.  Philipp.  II.  8,  18. 

5.  iroXiTcfa, 'the  ideal  commonwealth' 
of  Plato. 

Faece,  *  rabble.'  Cp.  Ep.  8,  ii,  apud 
sordem  urbis  et  faecem.  Prof.  Tyrrell  thinks 
that  it  is  a  strange  expression,  and  suggests 
•  Roniulea  faece,'  or  *  Romulae '  of  our  de- 
generate Rome. 

Verius,  =  'aequius.'     Forcell. 

6.  In  iudicium  venire,  'should  be 
brought  to  trial.'  1  do  not  know  what 
cases  of  corruption  are  here  referred  to; 
probably  some  among  the  equites  acting  as 
judges.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  17,  8  '[equites] 
graviter  tulerunt,  promulgatum  ex  senatus 
consulto  fuisse,  ut  de  eis,  qui  ob  iudicandum 
pecuniam  accepissent,  quaereretur.'  Boot 
thinks  that  the  decree  referred  to  the  court 
which  tried  Clodius.  So,  too,  Long,  Decl. 
of  Rom.  Rep.  3.  388. 

7.  Bellum,  sc.  '  indixerunt.'  On  the 
ellipse,  see  Madv.  479  d. 

8.  Renuntiantibus,  'giving  up  their 
contract.  For  the  fact,  cp.  note  on  §  7,  and 
Ad  Att.  I.  17,  9. 

9.  Fuit  tamen  .  .  iactura,  'it  would 
have  been  wise  to  submit  to  the  public  loss,' 
which  would  result  from  modifying  the 
terms  of  the  contract,  for  they  had  been 
very  favourable  to  the  state. 

10.  In  carcere  incluso.     The  tribune 


Flavins  ordered  Metellus  Celer  to  be  arrested 
for  his  opposition  to  the  agrarian  law.  But 
the  interposition  of  the  other  tribunes  and 
of  Pompey  procured  his  release,  after  a 
detention  of  a  few  houis.  See  Merivale  l. 
183. 

II.  Aspiravit,  'shewed  himself  even  in 
the  distance.'  Nagelsb.  152,  382.  'Shewed 
any  inclination  to  support  Metellus.'  '  Aspi- 
rare,'  according  to  Forcell,  is  a  weaker  word 
than  '  accedere.' 

Eorum,  'of  the  equites.* 

13.  Istos  .  .  habebimus, '  shall  we  buy 
the  support  of  the  equites?' 

14.  Quid  faciemus  .  .  possumus,  'what 
shall  we  do  if  we  cannot  get  their  support  in 
any  other  way?  '  Cicero  answers. 

An  libertinis  .  .  serviamus?  'shall 
we  be  dependent  on  freedmen  and  even  on 
slaves?'  of  whom  the  popular  assemblies  in 
great  measure  consisted.  A.  W.  Zumpt, 
Comment.  Epigraph,  i.  276,  note  2,  thinks 
that  the  reference  is  to  the  dependents  of 
the  nobles.  Cp.  *  pedisequorum  nostrorum  * 
Ep.  lo,  I,  note. 

15.  aXts  crirovS^s,  '  enough  of  serious 
topics.' 

Favonius  :  see  Ep.  7,  5,  note. 

16.  Meam  tribum.  Cicero,  as  an  Arpi- 
nate,  voted  in  the  Cornelian  tribe.  Cp.  Livy 
38,  .S6. 

Tulit  honestius,  'carried  by  a  larger 
majority.* 

Lucceii.  What  tribe  this  was  does  not 
appear.     On  Lucceius,  see  Ep.  7,  7,  note. 


I  ft. 


^ 


i 


i 


Accusavit  Nasicam  honeste,  ac  moleste  tamen  dixit,  ita  ut  Rhodi 
videretur  molis  potius  quam  Moloni  operam  dedisse ;  mihi,  quod 
defendissem,  leviter  succensuit  Nunc  tamen  petit  iterum  rei 
publicae  causa.    Lucceius  quid  agat,  scribam  ad  te,  cum  Caesarem 

10  videro,  qui  aderit  biduo.    Quod  Sicyonii  te  laedunt,  Catoni  et  eius  5 
aemulatori  attribues  Servilio.     Quid  ?  ea  plaga  nonne  ad  multos 
bonos  viros  pertinet?  sed,   si  ita  placuit,  laudemus ;   deinde  in 
discessionibus  soli  relinquamur !    Amalthea  mea  te  exspectat  et 

11  indiget  tui.    Tusculanum  et  Pompeianum  valde  me  delectant,  nisi 


I.  Nasicam.  For  an  account  of  P. 
Scipio  Nasica,  see  on  Ep.  l,  3.  The  present 
prosecution  may  have  been  for  bribery  prac- 
tised against  Favonius. 

Honeste,  'from  honourable  motives.' 

Moleste.  Does  this  word  mean  'spite- 
fully,' or  '  to  the  annoyance  of  his  hearers  ?' 
As  it  seems  to  be  used  to  discredit  Favo- 
nius' training,  I  should  prefer  the  second 
version.  Prof.Nettleship  suggests  'laboured,' 
'  strained/  as  versions  of  '  molestus,'  re- 
marking that  it  means  'affected'  in  CatuU. 
42,  8;  Ovid  Art.  Amat.  i.  6.  Prof. 
Tyrrell  retains  the  MS.  '  inhoneste,'  '  shab- 
bily,' and  '  modeste.' 

Ita  ut  .  .  molis  .  .  operam  dedisse, 
'  so  that  it  seemed  he  must  have  worked  in 
a  mill  at  Rhodes,  and  not  studied  under 
Molon.'  There  is  a  play  on  the  words 
*  moleste/  '  molis,'  '  Moloni.'  Apollonius, 
surnamed  Molon,  a  native  of  Alabanda,  was 
a  rhetorician  of  considerable  reputation  at 
Rhodes.  See  Intr.  to  Part  1,  §§  i,  2  ;  also 
Brut.  90, 312;  Schol.  Bob.  in  Orat.  Pro  Plane. 
34,  3.  Mr.  Long,  however,  in  a  note  on 
Plut.  Caes.  3,  expresses  a  doubt  of  the 
identity  of  Molon  and  Apollonius.  Civil 
Wars  of  Rome,  vol.  iii.  p.  223. 

3.  Petit  iterum,  'he  is  again  a  candi- 
date.' Boot  conjectures  that  after  having 
failed  in  a  contest  for  the  praetorship  he 
stood  for  the  tribuneship. 

Rei  publicae  causa,  'solely  for  the 
public  good.'     Slightly  ironical. 

5.  Aderit  biduo.  Caesar  was  on  his 
return  from  Lusitania,  where  he  had  been 
propraetor. 

Laedunt,  sc.  'by  not  paying  their  debts.' 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  I.  19,  9.  A  decree  seems  to 
have  been  passed,  on  the  motion  of  Servi- 
lius,  for  checking  the  employment  of  violence 
in  the  exaction  of  debts  alleged  to  be  owing 
to  Roman  citizens  from  provincials  and  citi- 
zens of  allied  states.  Sicyon  was,  apparently, 
an  '  urbs  libera.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  on  Ad  Att. 
I.  19,  9  thinks  that  the  decree  perhaps  pro- 
vided that  debts  incurred  by  populi  liberi 


were  not  cognizable  in  Roman  courts  of  law. 
The  Servilius  here  mentioned  is  P.  Servilius 
Vatia  Isauricus,  son  of  the  first  who  bore 
the  name  Isauricus.  He  was  praetor  54 
B.C.,  and  then  apparently  an  opponent  of 
the  triumvirs,  but  sided  with  Caesar  in  the 
civil  war,  and  was  his  colleague  as  coi  sul  in 
48  B.C.  After  Caesar's  death  he  acted  gene- 
rally with  Cicero,  and  with  the  consuls 
•Hirtius  and  Pansa  ;  but  afterwards  was  re- 
conciled to  Antony  and  Octavian.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  10.  12,  2-4;  12.  2,  I  ;  Philipp.  11. 8, 
19;  II.  10,  25. 

6.  Ea  plaga  nonne  .  .  pertinet?  'does 
not  that  blow  "  affect  the  interests  of"  many 
good  citizens  ?'  Cicero  refers  to  the  decree 
of  the  senate  mentioned  above,  which  would 
be  unwelcome  to  the  moneyed  class  at 
Rome:  or  perhaps  to  the  general  estrange- 
ment of  the  equites  from  the  senate.  Prof. 
Nettleship  remarks  that  'pertinere  ad* 
means  '  to  reach  to.*  Cp.  Pro  Rose.  Araer. 
33,  94  ne  ad  plures  oratio  mea  pertinere 
videatur. 

7.  Si  ita  placuit,  'if  such  was  the 
senate's  pleasure.' 

Laudemus,  'let  us  approve  what  has 
been  done.' 

Deinde  .  .  relinquamur,  '  and  then  be 
left  alone ' — i.e.  unsupported  by  the  equites 
— *  in  all  future  dissensions.'  '  Discessiones  ' 
is  not  apparently  used  here  in  the  technical 
sense,  of  divisions  in  the  senate.  Billerb. 
Wesenb.  and  Prof.  Tyrrell  retain  the  MS. 
'  dissensionibus '  in  their  texts,  but  Prof. 
Tyrrell  thinks  '  discessionibus  '  a  good  con- 
jecture. 

8.  Amalthea  mea.  Apparently  a  gym- 
nasium attached  to  Cicero's  villa  at  Arpi- 
num,  which  he  had  named  after  that  of 
Atticus  in  Epirus.     Cp.  Ep.  6,  I  ;  8.  15. 

9.  Indiget  tui,  'wants  you  to  set  it  in 
order.' 

Tusculanum  et  Pompeianum.  Ci- 
cero's villas  near  Tusculum  and  Pompeii, 
which  are  often  referred  to  in  his  letters. 
Cp.  Appendix  5,  I. 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  I. 


72 

quod  me,  ilium  ipsum  vindicem  aeris  alleni,  acre  non  Corinthio, 
sed  hoc  circumforaneo  obruerunt.  In  Gallia  speramus  esse  otium. 
Prognostica  mea  cum  oratiunculis  propediem  exspecta  ;  et  tamen, 
quid  cogites  de  adventu  tuo,  scribe  ad  nos :  nam  mihi  Pomponia 

5  nuntiari  iussit,  te  mense  Quintili  Romae  fore ;  id  a  tuis  litteris, 
quas  ad  me  de  censu  tuo  miseras,  discrepabat.     Paetus,  ut  antea  12 
ad   te  scripsi,  omnes   libros,  quos   frater  suus   reliquisset,  mihi 
donavit.     Hoc  illius  munus  in  tua  diligentia  positum  est :  si  me 
amas,  cura  ut  conserventur  et  ad  me  perferantur ;  hoc  mihi  nihil 

10  potest  esse  gratius,  et  cum  Graecos,  tum  vero  diligenter  Latinos 
ut  conserves  velim.  Tuum  esse  hoc  munusculum  putabo.  Ad 
Octavium  dedi  litteras  ;  cum  ipso  nihil  eram  locutus  :  neque  enim 
ista  tua  negotia  provincialia  esse  putabam,  neque  te  in  tocullio- 
nibus  habebam  ;  sed  scripsi,  ut  debui,  diligenter. 


I.  Vindicem  aeris  alieni,  *  maintainer 
of  credit/  •  protector  of  creditors/  Smith  ; 
Forcell.  Cicero  might  claim  this  title  on  the 
ground  both  (i)  of  his  opposition  to  the 
anarchical  plots  of  Catiline,  and  (2)  of  a 
measure  for  an  equitable  settlement  of  debts, 
which  seems  to  have  been  introduced  during 
his  consulship.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  6,  2  ;  In 
Cat.  2.  8,  18;  Sail.  Cat.  21. 

Acre,  used  in  a  double  sense.  On  the 
bronze  of  Corinth,  cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of 
Antiq.  sub  voc.  Aes,  p.  25.  Cicero's  build- 
ings had  burdened  him  with  debts  to  the 
money-lenders  who  lived  near  the  forum  : 
*aere  circumforaneo/ 

2.  In  Gallia  .  .  otium,  'we  hope  that 
tranquillity  prevails  in  Gaul/  Cp.  '  spero 
enim  .  .  et  confido  te  iam  ut  volumus  valere' 
Ad  Att.  6.  9,  I  ;  and  see  Ep.  I,  i,  note,  on 
p.  26.  Prof.  Tyrrell  thinks  that  '  esse '  may 
stand  for  '  futurnm  esse/  and  may  be  one  of 
Cicero's  Plautinisms.  The  peace  of  Gaul 
was  endangered  or  disturbed  by  the  inten- 
tion of  the  Helvetii  to  emigrate,  and  by 
quarrels  between  the  Aedui  and  Ariovistus. 
Cp.  Caes.  de  Bell.  Gall.  I ;  and  Mommsen 

4-  I.  235-237. 

3.  Prognostica  mea,  'my  translation 
of  the  Prognostica  of  Aratus.'  Passages  from 
this  work  are  quoted  or  referred  to,  Ad  Att. 
15,  16  b;  and  De  Divin.  I.  7,  13. 

Et  tamen,  'and  yet/  without  waiting 
for  their  arrival. 

4.  Pomponia,  sister  of  Atticus,  and 
wife  of  CL  Cicero.  The  marriage  was  not 
very  happy  ;  cp.  Ad  Att.  5.1;  6.  2,  i  and  2. 

6.  De  censu  tuo.  Boot  compares  '  ne 
abseus  censeare  curabo  .  .  sub  lustrum  autem 


censeri  germani  negotiatoris  est'  Ad  Att.  I. 

18,8. 

Paetus.  For  an  account  of  L.  Papirius 
Paetus,  see  Ep.  87,  note.  His  kinsman 
Ser.  Claudius,  had  died,  leaving  a  handsome 
library,  apparently  in  Epirus. 

Ut  antea  .  .  scripsi  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  I. 
20,  7. 

7.  Quos  .  .  reliquisset,  'which  his 
brother,  as  he  (Paetus)  believed,  had  left ;' 
or  *  which  his  brother  might  have  left.'  See 
Madv.  368. 

Frater,  'half-brother/  «cousin/  or  per- 
haps a  brother  who  had  passed  by  adoption 
into  the  Claudian  family. 

8.  Hoc  illius  .  .  positum  est,  'it  de- 
pends on  your  care  whether  I  ever  profit  by 
his  gift.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  20,  7  for  Cicero's 
anxiety  that  Atticus  should  serve  him  in  this 
matter. 

10.  Cum  Graecos,  tum  vero  .  .  Lati- 
nos, 'both  the  Greek  books,  and  more 
especially  the  Latin  /  '  cum  .  .  tum  '  brings 
the  second  member  of  the  comparison  more 
prominently  forward  than  '  tum  . .  turn.'  See 
Zumpt  L.  G.  723. 

11.  Tuum  esse  ..  putabo  ,' 1  shall  con- 
sider myself  indebted  to  you  for  the  books.' 

Ad  Octavium  .  .  putabam,  *I  have 
written  to  recommend  you  to  Octavius : 
I  did  not  speak  to  him  on  the  subject,  for 
before  he  left  Rome  I  did  not  know  that 
your  business  had  to  do  with  his  province/ 

13.  Provincialia  means  apparently  'in 
the  province  of  Octavius/  *  in  Macedonia.' 
Wiei.  Metzg.  C.  Octavius,  father  of  the 
emperor  Augustus,  succeeded  C.  Antonius  as 
governor  of  Macedonia.  He  had  been  praetor, 


i 


4 


I 

i 


EP.  10.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM IL  i6.  73 

10.    To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.   II.    16). 

FORMIAE,  EARLY  IN   MaY,  59  B.C.  (695  A.U.C.) 

I .  I  was  at  first  much  disturbed  by  your  news  about  the  Campanian  domains,  but 
regained  my  composure  on  considering  that  the  proposed  measure  will  not  satisfy  the 
populace,  and  will  arouse  the  indignation  of  good  citizens  as  threatening  ruin  to  our 
finances.  2.  I  do  not  understand  Pompey's  language.  Hitherto  he  has  avoided 
committing  himself  to  all  Caesar's  measures,  but  now  seems  inclined  to  throw  off  the 
mask.  3.  I  do  not  wish  to  take  any  part  in  politics  at  present,  and  think  of  devoting 
myself  to  literature.  4.  My  letter  from  Quintus  shewed  as  much  inconsistency  as 
yours.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  received  one  from  me,  as  to  the  exaction  of  certain 
duties  in  his  province.  If  I  have  to  express  an  opinion  on  the  subject  here,  I  must 
declare  against  the  publicani,  but  I  had  rather  be  silent.  I  hope  that  the  quaestors 
will  pay  Quintus  in  our  currency.     Come  to  me  at  Arpinum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Cenato  mihi  et  iam  dormitanti  pridie  K.  Maias  epistola  est  ilia 
reddita,  in  qua  de  agro  Campano  scribis.  Quid  quaeris  ?  primo 
ita  me  pupugit,  ut  somnum  mihi  ademerit,  sed  id  cogitatione 
magis  quam  molestia ;  cogitanti  autem  haec  fere  succurrebant : 
primum  ex  eo,  quod  superioribus  litteris  scripseras,  ex  familiari  te  5 
illius  audisse  prolatum  iri  aliquid.  quod  nemo  improbaret,  maius 
aliquid  timueram ;  hoc  mihi  eius  modi  non  videbatur.  Deinde, 
ut  me  egomet  consoler,  omnis  exspectatio  largitionis  agrariae  in 
agrum  Campanum  videtur  esse  deriyata,  qui  ager,  ut  dena  iugera 


but  was  never  consul.  Cicero  expresses  a 
very  high  opinion  of  him  (Ep.  15,  7),  and 
says  that  he  would  have  been  consul  but  for 
his  premature  death,  Philipp.  3.  6,  1 5. 

Neque  .  .  habebam,  'nor  did  I  class 
you  among  petty  usurers.* 

TocuUionibus.  This  word  may  be  a 
diminutive  from  tokos,  but  seems  not  to 
occur  elsewhere.  Prof.  Tyrrell  suggests  *a 
bit  of  an  usurer '  thinking  that  the  diminu- 
tive has  a  softening  force. 

2.  De  agro  Campano.  One  of  Caesar's 
agrarian  laws  proposed  the  assignation  of 
this  district  to  the  people.  See  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  17. 

Quid  quaeris:   see  Ep.  7,  6,  note,  on 

p.  51- 

3.  Pupugit, 'excited.'   The  verb  is  often 

used  metaphorically  by  Cicero. 

Cogitatione  .  .  molestia,  'more  from 
the  thoughts  it  suggested  than  from  vexa- 
tion,' 


5.  Primum  .  .  scripseras, 'first  from 
a  statement  in  your  last  letter.' 

Ex  familiari  .  .  illius,  'from  some  in- 
timate friend  of  Caesar.* 

6.  Prolatum  .  .  improbaret,  'that 
some  proposal  would  be  made  which  would 
satisfy  everybody:'  i.e.  probably,  from  the 
context,  every  partisan  of  an  agrarian  law. 

Maius  aliquid,  'some  more  sweeping 
measure.' 

7.  Hoc  mihi  .  .  videbatur,'  this  does 
not  (see  Ep.  1,1,  note)  seem  to  answer  to 
your  de.<;cription.'  It  would  satisfy  too  few, 
Cicero  means. 

Eius  modi  refers  either  to  'maius  ali- 
quid' or  to  '  quod  nemo  improbaret.' 

8.  Largitionis  agrariae,  'of  gratuitous 
assignation  of  land.' 

9.  Derivata,  'diverted,  or  directed,  to  ;* 
'concentrated  on'  Tyrrell. 

Ut  dena  iugera  sint, 'supposing  each 
settler  to  get  ten  jugera '  only.  It  would 
not   be   a   large   allowance.      For    '  ut  *  ^ 


74 


31.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


sint,  non  amplius  hominum  quinque  milia  potest  sustinere :  re- 
liqua  omnis  multitude  ab  illis  abalienetur  necesse  est.  Praeterea, 
si  ulla  res  est,  quae  bonorum  animos,  quos  iam  video  esse  com- 
motos,  vehementius  possit  incendere,  haec  certe  est,  et  eo  magis, 
5  quod  portoriis  Italiae  sublatis,  agro  Campano  diviso,  quod  vectigal 
superest  domesticum  praeter  vicensimam  ?  quae  mihi  videtur  una 
contiuncula  clamore  pedisequorum  nostrorum .  esse  peritura.  2 
Gnaeus  quidem  noster  iam  plane  quid  cogitet  nescio : 

<\>v(Tq  yap  ov  a-ynKpoia-iv  avXiaKOis  cTiy 
10  aXX'  dypiaii  <f)vcrai(Tiy  (Pop^eias  arep' 

qui  quidem  etiam  istuc  adduci  potuerit.  Nam  adhuc  haec  6o-o(|)t- 
C^To,  se  leges  Caesaris  probare,  actiones  ipsum  praestare  debere ; 
agrariam  legem  sibi  placuisse,  potuerit  intercedi  necne,  nihil  ad 
se  pertinere  ;  de  rege  Alexandrino  placuisse  sibi  aliquando  confici ; 


•supposing    that/  see   Madv.  440  a,  Obs. 

4- 

I.  Reliqua  .  .  multitudo,  'the  rest  of 

the  numerous  expectants.'  Caesar  did  pro- 
vide for  20,000  settlers,  by  dividing  both 
the  ager  Stellatis  and  the  ager  Campanus 
among  them.  See  above ;  also  Velleius  2. 
44 ;  Suet.  lul.  20. 

3.  Bonorum,  *of  the  friends  of  the 
constitution.' 

4.  Vehementius,  'more  violently,  or 
seriously,  than  another/ 

5.  Portoriis.  Customs-duties  had  been 
abolished  in  the  Italian  ports  in  60  B.C. 
Cp.  Dion  Cass.  37,  51.  But,  according  to 
Suet.  lul.  43,  Caesar  reimposed  them  on 
foreign  goods :  after  he  acquired  supreme 
power,  probably. 

6.  Domesticum,  *  levied  in  Italy.' 
Vicensimam  manumissorum.    A  tax  of 

five  per  cent,  on  the  value  of  slaves  emanci- 
pated. It  was  first  imposed  by  a  Lex  Manlia, 
passed  357  B.C.  Cp.  Livy  7.  16  for  the 
details. 

Una  contiuncula  .  .  .  nostrorum, 
'will  be  abolished  by  the  outcries  of  the 
rabble  after  one  popular  harangue.'  '  Con- 
tiuncula '  seems  not  to  be  found  elsewhere. 
The  ablative  here  expresses  the  more  re- 
mote cause,  clamore,  the  instrument,  of 
what  Cicero  feared.     See  Madv.    255  and 

254- 

7.  Pedisequorum,  'lackeys,'  as  the  po- 
pulace was  so  largely  composed  of  freed- 
men.     Cp.  Ep.  9,  8,  and  note. 

9.  (pva^ydp  K.T.\.  Soph.  Fragm.  753 
ap.  Dind. 


av\i(TKOis,  'pipes.' 

10.  (pvaaiai,  ' blasts,*  lit.  ' bellows.'  It 
was  usual  for  pipers  to  wear  a  mouth-band 
for  compressing  their  cheeks  while  playing, 
called  </)cpj3€ta  or  '  capistrum.'  Cp.  Smith, 
Diet,  of  Antiq.  p.  238. 

(pop^fids  drep,  '  wildly.* 

H.  Qui  quidem  .  .  potuerit,  ' seeing 
that  it  was  found  possible  to  bring  him  even 
to  the  position  you  describe,'  of  advocating 
the  agrarian  law  in  its  original  shape.  For 
the  position  of '  quidem '  in  such  passages, 
see  Madv.  471  ;  and  for  an  account  of 
Caesar's  legislation  in  this  year,  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  17. 

Adhuc,  opposed  to  nunc  vero  below. 

Haec  (<To<pi(€TOf  'he  resorted  to  the 
following  evasions.' 

12.  Actiones  .  .  debere, 'that  Caesar 
must  himself  be  responsible  for  the  means 
he  took  to  carry  them.' 

13.  Agrariam  legem:  seelntr.  as  above. 
Potuerit   intercedi    necne,   'whether 

a  veto  was  possible  or  not.'  Three  tribunes 
did  interpose.  See  Mommsen  4.  I,  202, 
E.T. 

14.  De  rege  Alexandrino.  The  re- 
cognition of  the  title  of  Ptolemy  XII 
Auletes  to  the  throne  of  Egypt  had  been 
brought  about  by  the  influence  of  the 
triumvirs:  see  Mommsen  4.  i,  152,  153; 
Merivale  T.  371,  376,  397.  Cicero  seems 
to  have  been  offered  an  embassy  to  this 
prince.     See  Ad  Att.  2.  5,  i. 

Placuisse  sibi  ..  confici, 'that  he  had 
approved  of  a  settlement  being  made  at 
length.' 


\ 

S 


} 


\ 


■l  / 


i 


X 


EP.  10.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM IL  16.  75 

Bibulus  de  caelo  tum  servasset  necne,  sibi  quaerendum  non  fuisse  ; 
de  publicanis,  voluisse  se  illi  ordini  commodare ;  quid  futurum 
fuerit,  si  Bibulus  tum  in  forum  descendisset,  se  divinare  non 
potuisse.  Nunc  vero,  Sampsicerame,  quid  dices  ?  vectigal  te  nobis 
in  monte  Antilibano  constituisse,  agri  Campani  abstulisse?  quid,  5 
hoc  quem  ad  modum  obtinebis  ?  '  Oppressos  vos  '  inquit '  tenebo 
exercitu  Caesaris.'  Non  mehercule  me  tu  quidem  tam  isto  exer- 
citu  quam  ingratis  animis  eorum  hominum,  qui  appellantur  boni, 
qui  mihi  non  modopraemiorum.sed  ne  sermonum  quidem  umquam 
3  fructum  ullum  aut  gratiam  rettulerunt.  Quod  si  in  eam  me  partem  10 
incitarem,  profecto  iam  aliquam  reperirem  resistendi  viam  :  nunc 
prorsus  hoc  statute  ut,  quoniam  tanta  controversia  est  Dicaearcho, 
familiari   tuo,  cum  Theophrasto,  amico   meo,  ut   ille   tuus   rov 


1.  Bibulus  de  caelo  .  .  .  servasset 
necne,  'whether  Bibulus  had  watched  for 
omens  in  the  sky  or  not.'  A  magistrate 
could  suspend  public  business  at  Rome  by 
declaring  '  se  servasse ' — or  '  servaturum ' — 
♦decatlo.'  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  32  and  33.  Tum, 
'  when  the  agrarian  law  was  being  discussed.' 
See  below.  M.  Calpurnius  Bibulus,  one  of 
the  consuls  for  this  year,  was  one  of  the 
most  obstinate  of  the  optimates.  For 
notices  of  his  conduct  as  consul,  see  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §§  17,  18,  and  reff.  He  governed 
Syria  at  the  same  time  that  Cicero  was 
governing  Cilicia,  and  excited  Cicero's  jea- 
lousy on  various  grounds.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  8, 
5  ;  7.  2,  6.  In  the  civil  war  between  Caesar 
and  Pompey,  Bibulus  commanded  a  fleet  for 
the  latter  in  the  Adriatic,  and  died  in  con- 
sequence of  his  great  exertions.  Cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  18. 

2.  De  publicanis  .  .  .  commodare, 
*  as  for  the  publicani,  he  had  been  willing 
to  do  that  order  a  service.'  See  Intr.  as 
above  ;  also  Ad  Att.  I.  17,  9;   Pro  Plancio 

14.  35- 

3.  Fuerit.  Forthe  tense, see  Madv.  381. 

Tum='on  the  day  when  the  agrarian 
law  was  brought  forward.'  Bibulus  was 
then  driven  by  violence  from  the  forum. 
Cp.  Dion  Cass.  38,  6. 

4.  Nunc  vero  .  .  abstulisse?  'but 
now,'  after  the  sacrifice  of  the  Campanian 
domains,  'what  will  you  say?  that  you  have 
increased  our  resources  in  the  East,  while 
diminishing  them  in  Italy  ? '  If  Pompey  did 
say  this  he  used  a  good  argument;  the 
improvement  of  the  Roman  revenues  by 
conquests  in  the  East  rendered  the  produce 
of  the  Campanian  domains  less  indispensable 
to  the  treasury. 


Sampsiceramus,  a  prince  of  Emesa. 
Here  a  nickname  for  Pompey. 

Vectigal  .  .  in  .  .  Antilibano  consti- 
tuisse, '  that  you  have  established  a  source 
of  revenue  for  us  on  Antilibanus,*  by  making 
Judaea  and  Syria  tributary.  Antilibanus 
was  a  mountain  range  running  to  the  east 
of  Coele  Syria. 

5.  Quid  .  .  obtinebis,  'how  will  you 
defend,  or  make  good,  this  ? '  *  Quid '  seems 
pleonastic.  See  Zumpt  769,  and  cp.  Madv. 
449,  and  395,  Obs.  7. 

7.  Exercitu  Caesaris.  Caesar's  army 
would  threaten  the  capital  from  Cisalpine 
Gaul,  and  recruits  or  soldiers  on  leave  of 
absence  might  mingle  with  the  populace  at 
Rome. 

Quidem  :  see  note  on  p.  74,  1.  11. 

9.  Qui  mihi  .  .  rettulerunt,  'who,  far 
from  showing  their  gratitude  by  material 
rewards,  have  not  even  thanked  me  in 
words.' 

Praemiorum  .  .  sermonum  are  in- 
stances of  the  genitivus  definitivus.  See 
Madv.  286,  Obs.  2.  Cicero's  meaning  seems 
to  be  that  he  should  not  fear  Caesar's 
army  if  he  were  sure  of  the  support  of 
the  nobles.  Or  perhaps  that  he  did  not 
care  to  exert  himself  for  so  ungrateful  a 
faction. 

10.  Si  in  eam..  incitarem, 'if  I  aroused 
myself  to  oppose  that  party,'  i.e.  the  party 
of  the  triumvirs.  On  this  use  of  'in,'  see 
Ep.  9,  6,  note  on  p.  69. 

12.  Dicaearcho.  Dicaearchus  of  Messana 
was  a  philosopher  of  the  Peripatetic  school, 
and  is  often  mentioned  by  Cicero.  He  was 
one  of  Aristotle's  younger  pupils,  and  lived 
about  350-285  B.C. 

13.  Theophrasto.       Theophrastus    of 


76 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


TipaKTiKov  jStor  longe  omnibus  anteponat,  hie  autem  tov  Oeoipr^TiKov, 
utrique  a  me  mos  gestus  esse  videatur  ;  puto  enim  me  Dicaearcho 

''vadfatim  satis  fecisse,  respicio  nunc  ad  banc  familiam,  quae  mibi 
non  modo,  ut  requiescam,  permittit,  sed  reprebendit,  quia  non 

S  semper  quierim.     Qua  re   incumbamus,  o   noster  Tite,  ad    ilia 
praeclara  studia  et  eo,  unde  discedere  non  oportuit,  aliquando 
revertamur.  Quod  de  Quinti  fratris  epistola  scribis,  ad  me  quoque  4 
fuit  TTpoade  XUv,  oTnOev   b€  — .      Quid  dicam  nescio :    nam  ita 
deplorat  primis  versibus  mansionem  suam,  ut  quemvis  movere 

lo  possit ;  ita  rursus  remittit,  ut  me  roget,  ut  annales  suos  emendem 
et  edam.  Illud  tamen,  quod  scribit,  animadvertas  velim,  de  por- 
torio  circumvectionis  ;  ait  se  de  consilii  sententia  rem  ad  senatum 
reiecisse  :  nondum  videlicet  meas  litteras  legerat,  quibus  ad  eum 
re  consulta  et  explorata  rescripseram  non  deberi.    Velim,  si  qui 

15  Graeci  iam  Romam  ex  Asia  de  ea  causa  venerunt,  videas  et, 
si  tibi  videbitur,  iis  demonstres,  quid  ego  de  ea  re  sentiam.  Si 
possum  discedere,  ne  causa  optima  in  senatu  pereat,  ego  satis 


4 


^a 


* 


Eresus  succeeded  Aristotle  as  the  head 
of  the  Peripatetic  school.  Cicero  derives 
the  terms  irpaKTiKos  and  deuprjTiKos 
fiios  from  Aristotle.  Cp.  Arist.  Eth.  i.  5  ; 
10,  7:  Polit.  7,  3. 

3.  Familiam,  'school  of  philosophy.' 
For  cell. 

5.  Ilia  praeclara  studia,  'our  old  and 
noble  pursuits.'  The  study  of  philosophy  is 
referred  to. 

6.  Eo,  'to  a  life  of  study  and  retire- 
ment.' 

Oportuit.  On  the  mood,  see  Ep.  9,  7, 
note. 

8.  irpoaOf  X^wv  6iri$€V  S^  ^paKcov 
fiiffffr]  5^  xitpmpa.  II.  6.  181.  Cicero  com- 
plains of  the  inconsistency  of  his  brother's 
letter,  and  Atticus  seems  to  have  received 
one,  to  which  he  made  the  same  objection : 
hence  quoque,  '  as  to  you.' 

9.  Mansionem.  His  prolonged  resi- 
dence in  Asia  as  governor. 

10.  Remittit, 'grows less  earnest;'  *tones 
down.*     Prof.  Tyrrell. 

Annales.  Perhaps  Quintus  was  referriiig 
to  his  official  joumals  ;  perhaps  to  some  his- 
torical work. 

11.  De  portorio  circumvectionis. 
These  words  are  variously  explained.  Bil- 
lerb.  supposes  them  to  mean  a  tax  on  goods 
conveyed  from  one  town  of  the  province  to 
another :  Boot  that  the  portorium  was  a 
duty  levied  on  goods  re-exported  in  default 
of  a  purchaser. 


12.  De  consilii  sententia,  '  with  the 
approval  of  his  legal  advisers.'  See  Ep.  8,  5, 
note,  and  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voc. 
•  conventus.' 

14.  Re  consulta,  'having  considered  the 
matter.'     Forcell.     Cp.  Livy  2.  28. 

Non  deberi,  'that  there  is  no  obligation 
to  pay.* 

Si  qui  .  .  venerunt,  'I  beg  you  to  see 
such  Greeks  as  have  already  come.'  Cicero 
often  uses  '  viderc '  in  this  sense  in  his 
letters. 

17.  Discedere,  sc.  *  de  sententia'  're- 
nounce my  opinion  on  the  case.'  Schiitz. 
If  this  be  the  meaning  of  'discedere,'  'si 
possum  '  must  mean  '  if  I  can  consistently 
with  my  duty,'  cp.  supr.  §  2,  'potuerit 
intercedi  necne.'  But  perhaps  'discedere' 
has  the  same  sense  as  in  Ep.  15,  16,  and 
the  general  sense  may  be  '  if  I  can  get  out 
of  the  affair  on  any  terms  which  will  save 
the  best  of  causes  from  ruin.*  Prof.  Net- 
tleship  suggests  that  '  de  re '  may  have  drop- 
ped out  after  *  discedere,'  if  I  can  get  out  of 
the  matter.* 

Causa  optima.  The  cause  of  the  con- 
stitution, which  depended  on  a  good  under- 
standing being  maintained  between  the 
senate  and  the  equites.  The  denial  of  the 
obligation  of  the  provincials  to  pay  the  tax 
referred  to  would  annoy  the  equites,  for  their 
gains  as  farmers  of  the  revenue  would  de- 
pend in  part  on  its  payment. 

Pereat,  *  should  be  lost.' 


I 


i-r 


EP.  II.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM IL  i8.  77 

faciam  publicanis,  e?  l\  f^i— vere  tecum  loquar— in  hac  re  male 
universae  Asiae  et  negotiatoribus  ;  nam  eorum  quoque  vehementer 
interest.  Hoc  ego  sentio  valde  nobis  opus  esse.  Sed  tu  id  videbis. 
Quaestores  autem,  quaeso,  num  etiam  de  cistophoro  dubitant? 
nam  si  aliud  nihil  erit,  cum  erimus  omnia  experti,  ego  ne  lUud  5 
quidem  contemnam,  quod  extremum  est.  Te  in  Arpinati  vide- 
bimus  et  hospitio  agresti  accipiemus,  quoniam  maritumum  hoc 
contempsisti. 

11.    TO    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    II.    i8). 
Rome,  May  or  June,  59  b.c.  (695  a.u.c.) 

I.  Your  letters  show  great  anxiety  to  hear  the  news.  I  can  only  say  that  we  live 
under  great  restraint.  Curio's  opposition  to  our  masters  is  very  popular,  and  their 
tool  Fufius,  is  insulted  wherever  he  appears.  2.  Tyranny  cannot  put  down  all  ex- 
pression of  opinion,  which,  indeed  is  rather  freer  than  it  was  just  lately.  The  law  about 
the  Campanian  domains,  prescribes  an  oath  to  be  taken  by  all  candidates  for  office  : 
Laterensis  has  won  great  credit  by  refusing  to  take  it.  3.  I  reproach  myself  with  want 
of  independence,  yet  cannot  prevail  upon  myself  to  accept  Caesar's  offers  of  protection. 
4.  Various  circumstances  trouble  me ;  come  at  once  if  I  send  for  you. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1     Accepi  aliquot  epistolas  tuas,  ex  quibus  intellexi,  quam  sus- 
penso  animo  et  sollicito  scire  averes,  quid  esset  novi :  tenemur  lo 


1.  Malo,  sc.'satisfacere.'  On  the  ellipse, 

see  Madv.  478,  Obs.  3.  .        ,  .  u 

2.  Asiae.  The  province  of  Asia,  which 
comprehended  the  districts  on  the  coast  of 
the  Aegean,  with  part  of  Phrygia.  Cp.  Smith, 
Diet,  of  Geogr.  i.  238,  239. 

Negotiatoribus.  This  word  generally 
means  bankers,  or  money-lenders ;  but  it  is 
difficult  to  see  how  they  should  have  a  dif- 
ferent interest  from  the  equites,  unless  the 
exaction  of  the  '  portorium '  was  likely  to 
make  their  provincial  debtors  insolvent.  See 
Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.  794. 

3.  Hoc  ego  ..  opus  esse  ..videbis, 'I 
see  that  this  is  a  matter  of  great  importance 
to  us,  but  I  leave  it  to  your  judgment.' 

Nobis,  either  'to  my  brother  and  me/ 
or  'to  our  party.'  Boot  suggests  'bonis,' 
which  would  give  the  same  sense  as  the 
last  version.  'Opus  esse'  is  less  strong  than 
•necesse  esse,'  it  means  only  'very  desirable,* 
not  •  indispensable.'     Cp.  Ep.  29,  25. 

4.  Etiam  .  .  dubitant?  'are  they  still 
hesitating  ? '  as  to  the  mode  of  payment. 

Cistophoro.     The   cistophorus   was    a 


Greek  coin,  stamped  with  the  cistus,  vannus, 
and  other  emblems.  According  to  Hultsch, 
Metrologie,  270  (Berlin  1862),  the  cisto- 
phorus was  worth  three  denarii.  CL  Cicero 
wished  to  have  his  official  stipend  in  denarii, 
but  the  quaestors  preferred  to  give  him  orders 
on  Asiatic  money-changers  for  cistophori,  of 
which  Pompey  had  a  great  many  struck  be- 
fore leaving  Asia.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  6,  2. 

5.  Nam  si  .  .  extremum  est,  'if  we 
can  get  nothing  better,  I  shall  not  com- 
plain of  the  last  resource,'  i.e.  payment  in 
the  cistophorus.  Quintus  apparently  would 
lose  on  the  exchange  into  Roman  currency, 
the  nominal  value  of  the  cistophorus  being 
higher  than  the  real. 

7.  Hospitio  agresti, 'entertainment  in 
a  country  house.' 

Maritumum.  Cicero  was  now  at  hi» 
villa  near  Formiae. 

10.  Scire  averes.  Atticus  was  probably 
in  Epirus. 

Tenemur  undique,  'we  are  hemmed 
in  on  all  sides.'     See  Mommsen  4.  I,  205. 


78 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


I 


undique,  neque  iam  quo  minus  serviamus  recusamus,  sed  mortem 
et  eiectionem  quasi  maiora  timemus,  quae  multo  sunt  minora ; 
atque  hie  est  status,  qui  una  voce  omnium  gemitur  neque  verbo 
cuiusquam  sublevatur :  (tkquo^  est,  ut  suspicor,  illis,  qui  tenent, 

5  nullam  cuiquam  largitionem  relinquere.  Unus  loquitur  et  palam 
adversatur  adulescens  Curio :  huic  plausus  maximi,  consalutatio 
forensis  perhonorifica,  signa  praeterea  benevolentiae  permulta  a 
bonis  impertiuntur ;  Fufium  clamoribus  et  convitiis  et  sibilis 
consectantur.     His  ex  rebus  non  spes,  sed  dolor  est  maior,  cum 

lo  videas  civitatis  voluntatem  solutam,  virtutem  alligatam.     Ac  ne  2 
forte  quaeras  Kara  \^i:tov  de  singulis  rebus,  universa  res  eo  est 
deducta,  spes  ut  nulla  sit  aliquando  non  modo  privatos,  verum 
etiam  magistratus  liberos  fore.    Hac  tamen  in  oppressione  sermo 
in   circulis   dumtaxat    et   in   conviviis   est   liberior,   quam    fuit ; 

15  vincere  incipit  timorem  dolor,  sed  ita,  ut  omnia  sint  plenis- 
sima  desperationis.     Habet  etiam  Campana  lex  exsecrationem 


I.  Neque  .  .  recusamus  .  .  minora, 
*  we  no  longer  object  to  be  slaves,  and  fear 
death  and  exile  as  greater  evils  than  slavery, 
whereas  they  are  really  not  nearly  so  great/ 

a.  Eiectio  seems  not  to  be  used  else- 
where as  simply  equivalent  to  banishment. 

3.  Hie  est  status  .  .  sublevatur,  'our 
position  is  one  which  all  only  lament,  and 
no  one  says  a  word  to  relieve.*  A  word 
meaning  '  only '  is  often  omitted  in  such 
passages.     See  Nagelsb.  84,  231. 

4.  atconus,  *  the  aim. 

Qui  tenent,  sc.  *rem  publicam;'  or  per- 
haps 'nos,'  'our  masters.'  Cp.  'tenemur,' 
above.  For  the  more  absolute  use,  cp.  '  iis 
me  dem  qui  tenent'  Ad  Att.  7.  12,  3. 

5.  Nullam  .  .  relinquere,  'tojeave 
no  one  else  any  opportunity  of  giving.'  Cp. 
Suet.  lul.  20,  quoted  by  Prof.  Tyrrell. 
Florus  3.  17,  where  M.  Livius  Drusus  says, 
'  nihil  se  ad  largitionem  uUi  reliquisse  nisi  si 
quis  aut  caenum  dividere  vellet  aut  caelum.' 

6.  Adulescens  Curio:  cp.  Ep.  7,  5,  note. 
Consalutatio,     '  multorum     salutatio/ 

Forcell.    A  rare  word  apparently. 

7.  Forensis,  'when  he  appears  in  the 
forum.'     Forcell. 

8.  Fufium.  Q^  Fufius  Calenus  was  tri- 
bune 62-61  B.C.,  and  employed  his  influence 
on  behalf  of  Clodius.  He  seems  to  have 
been  praetor  in  this  year  (59  B.C.),  and 
served  under  Caesar  in  the  Gaulish  and  civil 
wars.  During  the  war  of  Mutina,  Antony's 
wife  and  children  found  a  refuge  in  his  house, 
and  he  often  pleaded  for  conciliation  in  the 


senate,  to  Cicero's  annoyance.     See  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §  13;  Philipp.  12,  I,  I,  alib. 

10.  Voluntatem  .  .  alligatam,  '  that 
the  people's  wishes  are  free,  but  their  power 
for  action  is  under  restraint.* 

Acne.,  quaeras,  supp  *  I  will  tell  you.* 
Cp.  *ut  ne  quid  praetermittam,  Caesonius 
ad  me  litteras  misit'  Ad  Att.  12,  11. 

11.  Kara  \ctttov,  'bit  by  bit.'  Theex- 
pression  does  not  seem  to  be  used  by  classical 
Greek  authors. 

Universa  .  .  deducta,  'in  general 
things  have  come  to  this  ' 

14.  Circulis,  *  clubs,' '  coteries.* 
Dumtaxat    qualifies  the  previous  state- 
ment :  '  speech  is  freer  in  social  gatherings 
at  least.' 

15.  Ita,  ut  .  .  desperationis,  '  without 
preventing  a  general  despondency '  from  pre- 
vailing. For  this  use  of  *  ita,  ut,'  see  Ep.  i, 
I,  note. 

16.  Habet  .  .  luliis.  'The  law  about 
the  Campanian  domains,  prescribes  an  oath 
to  be  taken  publicly  by  all  candidates  for 
any  magistracy,  "  that  they  will  not  suggest 
any  other  mode  of  occupation  than  that 
which  the  Julian  laws  direct.'"  Billerb.  On 
the  Julian  laws  see  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  I7• 
E  t  i  a  m ,  = '  moreover.* 
Exsecrationem.      An  oath,  in  which 

the  juror  imprecates  curses  on  himself  if  he 
breaks  it.  Forcell.  Boot  thinks  the  words 
'in  contione'  suspicious.  See  upon  them, 
A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigraph.  I.  284, 
foil,  and  Intr.  as  above.     I  have  translated 


« 


4 

i 


f .. 


4 


< 


\ 
I 


EP.  II.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM IL  i8.  79 

in  contione  candidatorum,  si  mentionem  fecerint,  qua  aliter 
ager  possideatur  atque  ut  ex  legibus  luliis :  non  dubitant  iurare 
ceteri;  Laterensis  existimatur  laute  fecisse,  quod  tribunatum 
3  pi.  petere  destitit,  ne  iuraret.  Sed  de  re  publica  non  libet  plura 
scribere:  displiceo  mihi  nee  sine  summo  scribo  dolore.  Me  5 
tueor,  ut  oppressis  omnibus,  non  demisse,  ut  tantis  rebus  gestis, 
parum  fortiter.  A  Caesare  valde  liberaliter  invitor  [in  lega- 
tionem  illam],  sibi  ut  sim  legatus,  atque  etiam  libera  legatio 
voti  causa  datur.  Sed  haec  et  praesidii  apud  pudorem  Pulchelli 
non  habet  satis  et  a  fratris  adventu  me  ablegat ;  ilia  et  munitior  10 
est  et  non  impedit  quo  minus  adsim,  cum  velim :  banc  ego 
teneo,  sed  usurum  me  non  puto ;  neque  tamen  scit  quisquam. 


them  '  publicly.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  thinks  they 
refer  to  the  orations  '  in  toga  Candida'  made 
by  the  candidates. 

3.  Laterensis.  M.  luventius.  He  ac- 
cused Cn.  Plancius  in  54  B.C.,  and  was 
praetor  next  year.  In  44-43  B-C-  he  was 
legate  to  M.  Lepidus  in  Gallia  Narbonensis, 
and  served  the  CommonweaUh  faithfully  in 
that  capacity  till,  in  despair  at  the  dissimu- 
lation and  treason  of  his  general,  he  slew 
himself.     See  Ep.  146,  4. 

Laute,  apparently  'admirably,'  a  rare 
meaning  of  the  word.  Prof.  Nettleship 
suggests  •  to  have  kept  his  hands  clean.'  He 
remarks  that  'lautius  is  contrasted  with 
•sordes,'  Philipp.  i.  8,  20.  But  I  think 
that  the  contrast  in  that  passage  is  hardly 
direct  enough,  and  doubt  if  it  was  thought 
of  by  Cicero. 

5.  Displiceo  .  .  dolore.  According 
to  some,  a  quotation  from  Lucilius.  Boot 
thinks  the  verse  escaped  Cicero  by  accident. 
•  Displiceo  mihi,* '  I  am  out  of  humour.'    Cp. 

Philipp.  I.  5' 12-  .      .  ..      , 

Me    tueor,    'I   mamtam  my   position, 

«behave  myself.' 

6.  Ut  oppressis  omnibus,  'consider- 
ing the  general  oppression. 

Non  demisse,  'without  humiliation.* 
8.  Sibi  ut  sim  legatus.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
14.  ^,  I.  Caesar  was  annoyed  by  Cicero's 
refusal  of  his  offer.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  2  a,  i. 
Libera  .  .  datur,  'a  titular  legation, 
for  the  sake  of  discharging  a  vow,  is  offered 
me.'  ' Libera'  means  *  free  from  the  usual 
limitation  to  a  particular  province?  This 
privilege  was  granted  either  to  enable  a 
Roman  who  had  business  in  the  provinces 
to  travel  with  more  cheapness  and  comfort, 
or,  as  here,  to  afford  an  honourable  retire- 


ment from  public  life.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  il, 
4.  The  burden  of  providing  for  such  legati 
was  severely  felt  by  the  provinces,  and 
Cicero,  in  his  consulship,  limited  the  dura- 
tion of  the  privilege  to  one  year  (cp.  De 
Legg.  3.  8,  18),  a  limitation  afterwards 
sanctioned   by  Caesar   apparently   (cp.   Ad 

Att.  15,  1.  c). 

9.  Haec,  'the  legatio  libera. 

Apud  pudorem  Pulchelli,  'in presence 
of,  or  against,  the  moderation  (ironical)  of 
Clodius.'  Cicero  would  still  be  legally  a 
private  person  if  he  accepted  this  ofhce,  and 
so  liable  to  prosecution.  Prof.  Tyrrell  ren- 
ders '  resting  as  it  does  on  the  honour  of 
Clodius.'  Professor  Nettleship  suggests  that 
'pudorem'  may  be  corrupted  from  '  furo- 
rem '  which,  as  Baiter  remarks,  '  alii '  read  : 
but  Boot  thinks  that  if  Cicero  had  written 
'  furorem '  he  would  have  written  '  adversus,* 
or  'contra'  'furorem.' 

10    A  fratris  ..  ablegat,  «removes  me 

from  Rome  just  about  the  time  of  my 
brother's  return.'  Q.  Cicero  left  Asia  in 
58  B.C.     Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  I.  3,  4. 

Munitior,  'safer,'  for  it  would  secure 
him  Caesar's  protection. 

11.  Non  impedit  .  .  cum  velim. 
Cicero  might  spend  a  short  time  in  Gaul  as 
Caesar's  legate,  and  then  return  to  Rome. 

Matth. 

Hanc  .  .  teneo,  'I  cling  to  this  post,  of 
legate  to  Caesar.  Cicero  after  all  refused  it. 
He  seems  to  have  wavered  much  as  to  his 
conduct  at  this  crisis.  Prof.  Tyrrell  renders 
•  I  have  already  got  the  legatio  libera  (banc).* 

12.  Scit  quisquam.  If  these  words  are 
genuine,  '  quid  facturus  sim,'  or  words  to 
that  effect,  must  be  supplied.  Orell.  sug- 
gests '  scio  quid  sequar.' 


1 
A 


^fmr 


i 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


80 

Non  lubet  fugere,  aveo  pugnare.    Magna  sunt  hominum  studia. 
Sed  nihil  adfirmo,  tu  hoc  silebis.     De  Static  manu  misso  et  non  4 
nulHs  aHis  rebus  angor  equidem,  sed  iam  prorsus  occallui.     Tu 
vellem  ego  vel  cuperem  adesses  :  nec  mihi  consilium  nec  con- 
5  solatio  deesset.     Sed  ita  te  para,  ut,  si  inclamaro,  advoles. 

12.    To   ATTICUS    (AD   ATT.   II.    19). 
Rome,  July,  59  b.c.  (695  a.u.c.) 

I    Nothing,  even  in  these  troubled  times,  disquiets  me  more  than  the  manumission 
of  Statins.     I  care  less  for  the  threats  of  Clodius,  but  should  be  glad  of  your  presence 
and  advice.     2.  The  present  state  of  things  is  generally  odious;  no  one  can  be  more 
unpopular  than  the  so-called  popular  leaders.     Bibulus  is  the  idol  of  the  populace  ; 
Pompey  has  lost  all  hold  on  its  affections.    I  try  to  avoid  offending  our  rulers,  without 
discrediting  my  previous  life.      3-  At  all   public  entertainments  people  shew  their 
feelings  ;  this  was  the  case  especially  when  the  actor  Diphilus  attacked  Pompey  at  the 
games  of  Apollo.     The  younger  Curio  had  an  enthusiastic  reception  on  the  same  occa- 
sion, and  it  is  said  that  our  masters  meditate  measures  of  retaliation,  both  against  the 
equi'tes  and  against  the  populace.     4.  Clodius  threatens  me,  but  Pompey  promises 
his  protection.     I  am  not  inclined,  however,  to  accept  a  place  on  the  Commission  of 
Twenty,     5.  nor  even  the  post  of  legate  to  Caesar.     I  prefer  to  meet  force  by  force, 
but  have  not  made  my  final  decision.    In  future  I  shall  only  write  distinctly  if  I  can 
quite  depend  on  my  messenger  ;  otherwise  I  shall  substitute  other  names  for  yours  and 
mine.     I  shew  proper  attention  to  your  uncle. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Multa  me  sollicitant  et  ex  rei  publicae  tanto  motu  et  ex  iis  1 
periculis,  quae  mihi  ipsi  intenduntur,  et  sescenta  sunt ;  sed  mihi 
nihil  est  molestius  quam  Statium  manu  missum : 


III 


1.  Aveo   pugnare,  i.e.    'to  resist  the 
attack  which  Clodius  threatened,  instead  of 

evading  it. 

Magna  .  .  studia,  'people  are  zealous 
in  my  cause.'  Boot,  who  quotes  Ad  Att.  2. 
22,  3  '  renovatur  memoria  consulatus,  studia 
significantur.* 

2.  Nihil   adfirmo,  'I  say  nothing  for 

certain.* 

Silebis  =  •  sile.*     See  Madv.  384,  Obs. 

Statio.  Statius  was  a  slave,  for  whom 
Q^  Cicero  was  thought  to  have  too  much 
regard,  and  whose  manumission  caused  un- 
friendly remarks.     Cp.  Epp.  12,  i  ;  15,  i.  ^ 

3.  Occallui.  «have  grown  thick-skinned-* 
Apparently  this  is  the  only  passage  in  ^^hich 


the  word  is  used  by  an  author  of  the  best 
period  metaphorically ;  but  Forcell.  quotes 
passages  from  Pliny  the  younger  and  Colu- 
mella, where  it  has  a  similar  meaning. 

4.  Vellem  ego  vel  cuperem,  'I 
should  wish,  or  rather  earnestly  desire.* 
Orell.  suggests  *  vellem  ego  accurreres.'  The 
MS.   has    '  vellem   ego    ve   cuperem.'     On 

*  vellem,'  and  on  the  conj.  mood  after  it,  see 
Ep.  8,  14,  note,  on  p.  62. 

7.  Intenduntur,  'are  threatened.* 
Sescenta,  '  very  numerous.* 

8.  Quam  Statium  manu  missum.  sc. 

*  es5e,*  *than  the  manumission   of  Statius.* 
For  more  about  him,  cp.  Ep.  15,  i. 


i 


A 


•A 


I 


EP.  12.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM II,  19.  81 

Nec  meum  imperium  :  ac  mitto  imperium  :  non  simultatem  meam 
Revereri  saltern  ! 

Nec   quid  faciam   scio,  neque   tantum    est   in    re,    quantus   est 
sermo.     Ego  autem  ne  irasci   possum   quidem   iis   quos  valde 
5  amo  :  tantum  doleo,  ac  mirifice  quidem.  t  Cetera  in  magnis  re- 
bus ;    minae    Clodii   contentionesque,   quae    mihi   proponuntur, 
modice  me  tangunt :   etenim  vel  subire  eas  videor  mihi  summa 
cum  dignitate   vel  declinare  nulla   cum  molestia  posse.    Dices 
fortasse :  '  dignitatis  ^At?,  tamquam  hpv6s  :    saluti,  si  me  amas, 
loconsule.'     Me  miserum !  cur  non  ades?  nihil  profecto  te  prae- 
teriret ;  ego  fortasse  tv(J)\(^tto)  et  nimium  rw  Kak^  -npoaTii-novOa. 
Scito  nihU  umquam  fuisse  tam  infame,  tam  turpe,  tam  perae-  2 
que    omnibus   generibus,    ordinibus,   aetatibus   offensum,  quam 
hunc  statum,  qui  nunc  est,  magis  mehercule,  quam  vellem,  non 
15  modo  quam  putaram.  Populares  isti  iam  etiam  modestos  hommes 
sibilare  docuerunt.     Bibulus  in  caelo  est,  nec  qua  re  scio,  sed  ita 
laudatur,  quasi 

Unus  homo  nobis  cunctando  restituit  rem. 


I.  Nec  meum  imperium  .  .  saltern, 
*  does  he  not  regard  my  orders  ?  or  at  least 
fear  a  quarrel  with  me  ? '  a  quotation  from 
Terence,  Phorm,  II.  I,  2. 

Mitto,  *  I  say  nothing  of.'  On  the  infin. 
revereri,   expressing  surprise,  see    Madv. 

399* 

3.  Neque  .  .  sermo,  'however,  there 

is    not    as   much   in   the    affair    as   people 

sav.'  , 

'5.  Cetera  in  magnis  rebus,  *  my  other 
causes  of  annoyance  have  to  do  with  im- 
portant matters.'  In  appos.  with  minae. 
Kayser  suggests  '  ceterum  in  magnis  rebus 

minae.' 

6.  Quae    mihi    proponuntur,   *witn 

which  I  am  threatened.' 

8.  Declinare,  *  to  avoid.*     Cp.  Ad  Att. 

8.  iiD,  7. 

9.  bpvos.  Quoted,  apparently,  trom  a 
proverb  about  men  leaving  off  acorns  when 
they  could  get  corn.  '  You  have  had  enough 
of  dignity,  think  of  safety.'  Cp.  Orell. 
Onomast.  sub  voc.  Mr.  Jeans  renders  by 
a  French  proverb  *  le  siecle  du  gland  est 
pasee,'  which  he  quotes  from  Vohaire.  See 
a  letter  of  Voltaire  to  M.  de  la  Chalotais 
written  on  November  3,  1762,  in  the  'Cor- 
respondence geuerale  de  Voltaire.'  "Le 
siecle  du  gland  est  passe,  vous  donnerez 
du  pain  aux  hommes."  ' 


11.  TV(p\uTT(o,  'I  am  blind,'  i.e.  to  my 
true  interest.     Cp.  Polyb.  2.  61. 

Nimium  .  .  irpoaitiTTovea,    *  am  too 
passionately    devoted    to.'     Cp.  Plot.  Sert. 

26.  ,         r>         J 

12.  Peraeque, 'quite  equally.  Cp.  In 
Verr.  Act.  2.  3.  52,  121. 

13.  Generibus,  perhaps  *  parties,  cp. 
Pro  Scst.  45,  96 ;  perhaps  '  professions,'  cp. 
A.  W.  Zumpt's  Excursus  on  the  Lex  Curiata 
de  Imperio,  in  his  edition  of  Cicero's  ora- 
tions on  the  agrarian  law  of  Rullus,  p.  170. 

Offensum.  'odious,'  'offensive.'  Prof. 
Tyrrell  suggests  '  distasteful.' 

14.  Qii'am  vellem, '  than  I  should  wish.' 
Cp.  Ep,  8.  10.  note. 

15.  Putaram,  i.e.  before  his  return  to 
Rome.      Not,     I     think,     the     epistolary 

tense. 

Populares,  'the  chiefs  of  the  popular 

party,  the  triumvirs.* 

16.  In  caelo  est,' is  exalted  to  the  skies.* 
Cicero  seems  to  have  appreciated  properly 
the  foolish  obstinacy  of  Bibulus,  who  only 
opposed  a  passive  resistance  to  the  triumvirs. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  18.  But  he  afterwards 
calFed  him  '  praestantissimum  civem'  Philipp. 

2.  10,  23. 

18.  Unus  homo  .  .  rem.  A  quotation 
fiom  Ennius,onQ^FabiusCunctator;  hence 
the  indicative  *  restituit'  is  retained. 


% 


u^ 


82 


M.  TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  I. 


EP.  liJ.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM II,  19. 


83 


Pompeius,  nostri  amores,  quod  mihi  summo  dolori  est,  ipse  se 
adflixit:  neminem  tenet  voluntate ;  ne  metu  necesse  sit  11s 
uti,  vereor.  Ego  autem  neque  pugno  cum  ilia  causa  propter 
illam  amicitiam,  neque  approbo,  ne  omnia  improbem,  quae 
5  antea  gessi :  utor  via.  Populi  sensus  maxime  theatro  et  spec-  3 
taculis  perspectus  est:  nam  gladiatoribus  qua  dominus  qua 
advocati  sibilis  conscissi ;  ludis  Apollinaribus  Diphilus  tragoedus 
in  nostrum  Pompeium  petulanter  invectus  est : 

Nostra  miseria  tu  es  magnus— 

10  millies  coactus  est  dicere  ; 

Eandem  virtutem  istam  veniet  tempus  cum  graviter  gemes 
totius    theatri  clamore  dixit   itemque  cetera.     Nam   eius  modi 
sunt  ii  versus,  uti  in  tempus  ab  inimico  Pompeii   scripti   esse 
videantur. 


1.  Nostri     amores,    *  my    favourite  :* - 
common  enough  in  Cicero  in  this  sense. 

Se  adflixit,  '  has  ruined  himself.' 

2.  Neminem  tenet  voluntate,  'he 
can  reckon  on  no  one's  voluntary  support,' 
lit.  «controls  none  by  their  own  choice,' 
*  holds  no  one  by  any  bonds  of  good  will.' 
Tyrrell.  '  Voluntate  *  =  '  voluntarie.'  For- 
cell.  Cp.  «sentiunt  se  nullius  partis  volun- 
tatem  tenere.*     Ad  Att.  2.  21,  5. 

lis,  'for  the  populares.' 

3.  Cum  ilia  causa,  'with  the  cause 
referred  to/  that  of  the  men  in  power. 

4.  Illam  amicitiam,  'my  friendship 
for  Pompey.'     Cp.  '  nostri  amores '  above. 

5.  Utor  via,  '  I  go  straight  on'  (Matth.), 
i.  e  I  presume,  without  turning  to  support 
either  side. 

Theatro  et  spectaculis,  '  at  the 
theatre  and  at  public  shows.'  The  con- 
junction seems  rather  harsh,  for  'theatro,' 
if  it  stood  by  itself,  would  rather  be  ex- 
plained as  the  local  ablative.  On  the  abla- 
tives '  spectaculis,  gladiatoribus,'  see  Ep.  8, 
II,  note.  The  gladiatorial  show  referred  to 
was  perhaps  that  exhibited  by  A.  Gabinius. 
Cp.  Ep.  13,  3. 

6.  Qua  .  .  qua,  'both  .  .  and.  Cp. 
Ep.  65,  I,  and  Forcell.  who  gives  'cum 
.  .  tum  '  as  equivalents. 

Dominus,  '  the  man  who  gave  the  enter- 
tainment.' Cp. '  dominus  epuli '  In  Vat.  13, 
31.  Or  perhaps  more  probably  '  our  master ' 
Caesar.  Prof.  Tyrrell  thinks  that  Pompey 
is  meant. 

7.  Advocati,  'partisans.'    See  Ep.  8,  4. 
Conscissi,  'abused,' lit.  'torn,'  'pelted.' 

Cp  'cousciudi'  Ep.  59,  I. 


Ludis  Apollinaribus.  These  games 
dated  from  212  b c,  and  were  celebrated 
on  July  5  by  the  praetor  urbanus.    Cp.  Livy 

25.  12  ;  27.  23.  ,.      ,       , 

Diphilus  seems  not  to  be  elsewhere  men- 
tioned. According  to  Valerius  Maximus 
(6.  2,  9),  he  pointed  to  Pompey  when  de- 
livering these  passages.  Valerius  Maximus 
quotes  the  passage  '  Miseria  nostra  magnus 
es,'  which  Prof.  Tyrrell  says  is  more 
rhythmical,  and  suggests  as  an  alternative 
•  nostra  miseria  tu  magnus  es.'  He  would 
also  omit  '  neque '  before  '  leges '  in  another 
quotation  below,  supposing  both  passages 
to  form  part  of  trochaic  tetrameters. 

9.  Nostra  miseria,  'at  the  cost  of 
our  misery.'     On  the  ablative,  cp.  Madv. 

258. 

'11.  Virtutem  istam, 'that  valour  (Cae- 
sar's) which  you  praise.'  Boot.  Manutius 
says  'virtutem.'  Opes,  facultates,  vires  in 
civitate.  Prof.  Tyrrell  says  '  the  spectator 
would  refer  "  virtutem  "  to  the  victories  of 
Pompeius,  and  "  gemes "  to  himself.' 

12.  Itemque  cetera.  '  and  the  rest  of 
the  passage  likewise.'  The  lines  here 
quoted  are  placed  by  Ribbeck  among  the 
fragments  '  ex  incertis  incertorum  fabulis.' 

Nam  eius  modi  .  .  videantur,  'are 
such  as  to  seem  written  to  suit  the  present 
time  by  some  enemy  of  Pompey.'  The  ex- 
pression is  elliptical.  '  This  was  not  strange, 
for'  cp.  Madv.  ad  Cic.  de  Fin.  Excursus, 
p.  791,  who,  however,  thinks  that  '  et  eius 
modi'  would  be  more  in  accordance  with 
Cicero's  usage;  in  which  case  1  presume 
that  there  should  be  only  a  comma  after 
•  videantur.'    Prof.  Tyrrell  has  a  colon. 


/' 


Si  neque  leges  neque  mores  cogunt — 

Et  cetera  magno  cum  fremitu  et  clamore  sunt  dicta.  Caesar 
cum  venisset  mortuo  plausu,  Curio  filius  est  insecutus :  huic 
ita  plausum  est,  ut  salva  re  publica  Pompeio  plaudi  solebat. 
Tulit  Caesar  graviter :  litterae  Capuam  ad  Pompeium  volare  5 
dicebantur.  Inimici  erant  equitibus,  qui  Curioni  stantes  plause- 
rant,  hostes  omnibus;  Rosciae  legi,  etiam  frumentariae,  mini- 
tabantur:  sane  res  erat  perturbata.  Equidem  malueram,  quod 
erat  susceptum  ab  illis,  silentio  transiri,  sed  vereor  ne  non 
liceat :  non  ferunt  homines,  quod  videtur  esse  tamen  ferendum.  lo 
Sed  est  iam  una  vox  omnium,  magis  odio  firmata  quam  prae- 
4sidio.  Noster  autem  Publius  mihi  minitatur,  inimicus  est; 
impendet  negotium,  ad  quod  tu  scilicet  advolabis.  Videor 
mihi  nostrum  ilium  consularem  exercitum  bonorum  omnium, 
etiam  satis  bonorum,  habere  firmissimum.  Pompeius  significat  15 
studium  erga  me  non  mediocre ;  idem  adfirmat  verbum  de  me 
ilium  non  esse  facturum ;   in  quo   non  me   ille  fallit,  sed   ipse 


1.  Cogunt,  'have  any  constraining 
force,'  i.  e.  over  tyrants. 

2.  Caesar  .  .  plausu,  'Caesar  having 
arrived  when  the  applause  (called  forth  by 
the  passage  given  above)  had  ceased.'  It 
is  implied  that  no  applause  greeted  him. 

3.  Curio  :  see  on  §  l  of  the  preceding 
letter. 

5.  Capuam.  Pompey  was  probably  at 
Capua,  employed  as  one  of  the  commission 
of  twenty  charged  with  the  execution  of 
Caesar's  agrarian  laws. 

6.  Dicebantur  is  not,  probably,  the 
epistolary  imperfect.  Prof.  Tyrrell  takes  a 
different  view,  however. 

Erant,  sc.  'populares  isti.*  Cp.  §  2. 
The  demeanour  of  the  equites  seems 
curious,  considering  what  the  triumvirs  did 
to  conciliate  them.  Cp  Ep.  lo,  2,  note; 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  17.  Mr.  Long  (Decl.  of 
Rom.  Rep.  3.  429,  430)  thinks  that  Cae- 
sar's law  for  releasing  the  'publicani*  from 
their  bargain  had  not  yet  been  introduced  ; 
but  this  seems  hardly  probable.  May  not 
the  equites  present  in  the  theatre  have  been 
carried  away  by  a  momentary  impulse? 
Mr.  H.  F.  Pelham  suggests  that  the 
•  equites '  here  referred  to  may  be  the  '  equi- 
tum  centuriae,'  mainly  consisting  of  young 
patricians. 

7.  Hostes  omnibus,  'open  enemies  to 
all  their  countrymen.' 

Rosciae  .  .  minitabantur,  '  they  were 
threatening  to  abrogate  the  Roscian  law,  and 

G  % 


even  that  providing  corn  for  the  people.* 
On  the  Roscian  law,  see  Ep.  9,  3,  note.  Its 
repeal  would  of  course  offend  the  equites,  as 
that  of  the  other  law  would  offend  the 
populace.  The  Lex  Frumentaria  here 
referred  to  was  probably  the  Lex  Cassia 
Terentia,  enacted  73  B.C.  (cp.  Orell.  Ono- 
mast,),  which  provided  for  the  sale  of  corn 
at  low  fixed  rates. 

8.  Malueram.  On  the  indie,  see 
Madv.  348  c. 

9.  Ab  illis, 'by  Pompey  and  Caesar.' 

11.  Magis  .  .  praesidio,  'emboldened 
by  hatred  rather  than  by  the  possession  of 
any  real  force.* 

12.  Noster  .  .  Publius, 'our  friend  Pub- 
lius,* i.  e.  Clodius,  who  is  often  spoken  of 
simply  by  his  praenomen. 

13.  Impendet,  'threatens us.'  The  threat 
would  be  fulfilled  when  Clodius  should  be 
tribune. 

Scilicet,    *of    course.'      Forcell.   gives 

*  nimirum '  as  one    of  the   equivalents  for 

*  scilicet,'  and  says  '  habet  vim  affirmandi.' 

14.  Nostrum  ilium  .  .  firmissimum, 

*  to  be  able  to  place  full  reliance  in  that  force 
of  well-disposed,  or  even  fairly  well-disposed, 
citizens  which  my  consulate  embodied.* 

17.  Ilium,  '  Clodium.' 

Non  me  ille  .  .  fallitur.  Cicero 
thought  that  Pompey  was  kept  in  the  dark 
as  to  the  attack  planned  against  himself  by 
Clodius.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  21,6^ 


u 


84 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part 


I. 


fallitur.     Cosconio    mortuo   sum   in    eius   locum   invitatus:^  id 
erat  vocari   in   locum  mortui ;   nihil  me  turpius   apud  hommes 
fuisset  neque  vero  ad  istam  ipsam  ha^^Uiav  quicquam  alienius ; 
sunt  enim  illi  apud  bonos  invidiosi,  e^o  apud  improbos  meam 
5  retinuissem   invidiam,  alienam   adsumpsissem.     Caesar   me  sibi 
volt    esse   legatum.     Honestior    declinatio   haec   periculi  •    sed 
ego  hoc  non  repudio.     Quid  ergo  est?    Pugnare   malo.     Nihi 
tamen  certi.     Iterum  dico,  utinam  adesses !    sed  tamen,  si  ent 
necesse,  arcessemus.  Quidaliud?  quid?  Hocopinor:  certi  sumus 
loperisse  omnia;  quid  enim  aKKiC6ix.6a  tam  diu?   sed  haec  scnpsi 
properans  et  mehercule  timide.    Posthac  ad  te  aut,  si  perfidelem 
habebo,  cui  dem,  scribam  plane  omnia,  aut,  si  obscure  scribam, 
tu  tamen   intelleges.    In   iis   epistolis   me  Laelium,  te  Funum 
faciam ;   cetera   erunt   h   almyixoh.     Hie  Caecilium   colimus   et 
i5  0bservamus    diligenter.    Edicta  Bibuli   audio  ad   te  missa:    us 
ardet  dolore  et  ira  noster  Pompeius. 


I.  Cosconio.  We  may  perhaps  infer 
from  this  passage  compared  with  Ad  Att.  9. 
2  a,  I,  and  Veil.  2,  45,  that  Cicero  was  in- 
vited to  succeed  Cosconius  as  a  member  of 
the  Commission  of  Twenty  appointed  to 
divide  the  public  lands  in  Campania.  C. 
Cosconius  was  praetor  in  63  B.C.,  and  after- 
wards governor  of  Farther  Spain.  Cp.  Pro 
Sulla,  14.42;  In  Vat.  5,  12. 

Id  erat  .  .  mortui, 'that  was  an  mvi- 
tation  to  take  a  dead  man's  place,'  '  to  pass 
from  political  existence.'  A  play  on  the 
words  'in  locum  mortui,*  which  might 
merely  mean  'to  succeed  a  dead  man.' 

2.  Apud  homines.  So  Boot  and  Orell. 
Baiter  has  '  apud  hominem,'  which,  I  pre- 
sume, must  mean  '  in  the  eyes  of  Pompey.' 

3.  Ad  istam  ipsam  d<r<^aX€tai/, 
'  with  a  view  to  that  very  security  you  advise 
me  to  think  of.'  For  this  sense  of  •  iste,' 
cp.  Ep.  7,  2,  note. 

4.  Illi,  'the  commissioners'  probably. 

6.  Honestior  .  .  periculi,  'this  is  a 
more  honourable  way  of  avoiding  the  dan- 
ger* than  the  acceptance  of  a  place  among 
the  Xx  viri  would  be.  For  Caesar's  offer, 
cp.  §  3  of  the  previous  letter. 

7.  Hoc  non  repudio,  '  I  do  not  shrink 
from  danger.'  Boot.  Wesenb.  denies  that 
*  repudio '  can  have  this  meaning,  and  sug- 
gests '  refugio.'  ^ 

Quid  ergo  est?  '  what  then  do  I  mean. 
9.  Quid  aliud  .  .  omnia,  'what  more 
have  I  to  say?    This,  I  think;  that  we  are 


sure  that  all  is  lost.'    Cicero*s  agitation  shews 
itself  in  the  abruptness  of  the  style.    Billerb. 

10.  d««t^6/*€^a,' dissemble.'    See  Plat. 

Gorg.  497  A. 

11.  Perfidelem.     This  word  seems  not 

to  occur  elsewhere.  ^  ^ 

12.  Obscure,  'under  a  disguise.'  Cp.  €V 
alviyfiois  a  few  lines  below.     It  is  opposed 

to  '  plane.'  ^  t    u  n 

13.  Me  Laelium  .  .  faciam,  *  I  shall 
call  myself  Laelius,  and  you  Furius.  '  Facio' 
is  often  used  by  Cicero  in  this  sense.  The 
name  Furius  was  perhaps  suggested  by  the 
younger  Laelius  having  had  a  friend  of  that 
name,  L.  Furius  Philus,  who  was  consul 
1 36  B.C.  Cicero  has  compared  himself  to 
Laelius  once  before ;  see  Ep.  3,  3. 

14.  alviyfioTi.  aiviyfia  is  the  more 
common  form,  but  alviyfios  is  found,  Eur. 
Rhes.  754;  Aristoph.  Ranae  61. 

Caecilium.  Atticushad  an  uncle  named 
Q^  Caecilius,  who  afterwards  adopted  him. 

Cp.  Ep.  I,  3,  note.  .,,,.,    , 

15.  Edicta,  '  proclamations.  Bibulus, 
during  the  last  six  months  of  his  consulship, 
shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  and  merely 
issued  proclamations  declaring  Caesar's  acts 
void.  Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  12;  Dion 
Cassius  38,  6. 

lis,  '  at,*  or  •  about  them.*  On  the  abU, 
see  Madv.  255. 

16.  Pompeius.  There  is  more  about 
the  behaviour  of  Pompey  at  this  time,  in  Ad 
Att.  2.  21,  3. 


\ 


EP.  13.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUMII.tAr.  H 

13.    To  ATTIC  US   (AD   ATT.    II.  24). 
ROME,  August,  59  b-c  {«95  a.u.c.)  [Baiter]. 

,.  I  sent  yon  a  most  pressing  summons  by  Numestius,  but  -^^  -^'^-"f  ^;.^ 
affair  for  which  I  wanted  you  will  not,  I  hope,  turn  out  so  .11  as  I  feared.     2.  Vettms 
fv  old  agent,  has  contrived  a  plot  for  the  ruin  of  the  younger  Cuno  -d  others.     He 
Xd  Curi;  with  conspiring  for  the  murder  of  Pompey,  but  ha    m  rea^y -g^^^^^^^^^ 
that  crime  to  Curio,  who  warned  Pompey  through  his  own  father.     S-J-ettms  was 
Jul  t  Tmany  cont;adictions.  and  was  imprisoned,  but  afterwards  brought  before  the 
teol  by  Caesar     He  made  several  changes  in  the  list  of  alleged  conspirators,  a^d 
S  nted  tha?  I  was  one  of  them,  without  naming  me.    4.  He  now  awaits  his  nal  for 
.  li  •  and  if  convicted,  will  probably  ask  to  be  allowed  to  mform  against  otheis.    In 
thT;  Tse  there  must  ^e  more  trials,  but  I  do  not  fear  their  result.    1 -eive  many 
prongs  of   upport,  but  am  sick  of  life,  so  wretched  are  the  times     The  bold  lan- 
Tag        Consils  has  dispelled  our  fears  of  a  massacre,  but  I  have  sUll  -son  enough 
?o  envy  Catulus.     I  show  no  weakness,  however.     5.  Pompey  bids  me  not  to  fear 
CloII.  andt  generally  most  friendly  in  his  language.     I  am  most  anxious  for  your 
advice  and  sympathy. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Quas  Numestio  litteras  dedi,  sic  te  iis  evocabam  ut  nihil 
acrius  neque  incitatius  fieri  posset :  ad  illam  celentatem  adde 
etiam,  si  quid  potes.  Ac  ne  sis  perturbatus ;  novi  en.m  te  et 
non  ignore,  quam  sit  amor  omnis  sollicitus  atque  anxius  sed 

.::  esl  ut  'sp'ero,  non  tan.  exitu  molesta  quam  aud^u  Vet,- 
ille,  ille  noster  index,  Caesari,  ut  perspicmius,  polhc.tus  est 
ses^  curaturum,  ut  in  aliquam  suspitionem  factnons  Cuno  films 
adduceretur;    itaque   insinuatus  in  familiaritatem   adulescent.s 


I  Numestio.  Numerius  Numestius  is 
mentioned  Ad  Att.  2.  20,  i;  2.  22,  7- 
Cicero  received  him  as  a  friend  on  the 
recommendation  of  Atticus. 

Litteras  perhaps  refers  to  Ad  Att.  2. 
23.     On  quas  .  .  litteras,  see  Ep.  3,  2, 

note,  on  p.  33*  «. 

2.  Acrius  .  .  incitatius,  'more  earnest 

and  pressing.'     Forcell. 

Ad  illam  celeritatem,  'to  the  speed  I 
then  requested.'     See  Madv.  485- 

3.  Ac  ne  sis  perturbatus, 'but  do  not 
be  alarmed  at  my  vehemence.'         „    ,      .. 

Enim,  supp.  *  as  you  will  naturally  be.  it 
I  do  not  reassure  you.' 

5.  Res, '  the  atfair  in  which  I  want  your 

aid.*' 

Exitu,  •  in  its  actual  result. 

Vettius.  One  L.  Vettius  had  been  em- 
ployed by  Cicero  as  an  informer  d""ng  ^^j 
consulship  (cp.  Dion  Cassius  37, 41),  and  had 


tried  to  establish  the  complicity  of  Caesar 

in   Catiline's  plot  (Suet.  lul.  17;   Abeken, 

p  61)      The  plot  described  in  this  letter  is 

aiso  mentioned  at  less  length  in  the  orations 

Pro  Sest.  63, 132,  and  In  Vatin.  10.   Momm- 

sen  (4.  I.  206)  accepts  Cicero's  account  ot 

this  affair  ;  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III  (Cesar 

I    399  foil.)  suggests,  not,  improbably,  that 

the  plot  was  devised  by  some  adherents  of 

the  triumvirs,  without   the   knowledge   of 

their  chiefs;  Merivale  (l.  196)  thinks  that 

there  was  a  real  plot  among  some  of  the 

violent   young   nc^bles    against    the   trmm- 

6.  Ille  noster  index.  Atticus  had  been 
in  Rome  during  Cicero's  consulship,  and  his 
familiarity  with  the  events  of  that  year 
would  make  any  further  description  of  Vet^ 

tins  needless.  ..,,.. 

8.  Insinuatus.     The  verb  is  both  act. 

and  neut.     Cp.  Forcell. 


M,  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


86 

et  cum  eo,  ut  res  indicat,  saepe  congressus  rem  in  cum  locum 
deduxit,  ut  diceret  sibi  certum  esse  cum  suis  servis  m  Pompeium 
impetum  facere  eumque  occidere.  Hoc  Curio  ad  patrem  detulit, 
ille   ad  Pompeium;    res   delata   ad   senatum   est.     Introductus 

5  Vettius  primo  negabat  se  umquam  cum  Curione  constitisse^ 
neque  id  sane  diu  :  nam  statim  fidem  publicam  postulavit ;  reclar 
matum  est.  Tum  exposuit  manum  fuisse  iuventutis  duce  Curione, 
in  qua  Paulus  initio  fuisset  et  Q.  Caepio  hie  Brutus  et  Lentulus, 
flaminis  filius,    conscio   patre ;   postea   C.    Septimium,  scribam 

10  Bibuli,  pugionem  sibi  a  Bibulo  attulisse :  quod  totum  irrisum 
est  Vettio  pugionem  defuisse,  nisi  ei  consul  dedisset,  eoque 
magis  id  eiectum  est,  quod  a.  d.  III.  Idus  Mai.  Bibulus  Pompeium 
fecerat  certiorem,  ut  caveret  insidias ;  in  quo  ei  Pompeius  gratias 
egerat.  Introductus  Curio  filius  dixit  ad  ea,  quae  Vettius  dixerat,  3 

15  maximeque  in  eo  tum  quidem  Vettius  est  reprehensus,  quod 
dixerat  adulescentium  consilium,  ut  in  foro  [cum]  gladiatoribus 


•>• 


1.  Rem  in  eum  locum  deduxit, 'went 
so  far  as  to  say.'  Boot.  Cp.  '  quem  in  locum 
res  deducta  sit,  vides'  Ad  Fam.  4.  2,  3. 

2.  Sibi  certum  esse,  'that  he  was 
resolved,' 

5.  Negabat.  By  appearing  to  fear  a 
disclosure  of  what  had  passed  between  him 
and  Curio,  Vettius  hoped  to  bring  suspicion 
upon  Curio.     Manut. 

Cum  Curione  constitisse,  'that  he 
had   had    interviews  with  Curio.'     Cp.  In 

Verr.  Act.  i.  7,  19- 

6.  Fidem  publicam,  'indemnity  for 
his  disclosures.'     Cp.  In  Cat.  3.  4,  8. 

Reclamatum  est,  'there  were  outcries 
against  it.'  Cp.  Ep.  22,  2.  We  must  sup- 
pose that  Vettius  persevered  in  his  statement, 
though  conscious  that  he  did  so  at  his  own 

peril. 

8.  Paulus.  L.  Aemillus  Paulus  was  son 
of  M.  Lepidus,  consul  in  78  B.C.  Paulus 
was  quaestor  in  Macedonia  in  59  B.C., 
praetor  in  53  B.C.,  consul  in  50  B.C.  He 
at  first  was  one  of  the  optimates,  and  is  often 
praised  by  Cicero;  but  Caesar  bought  his 
services  in  the  year  50  B.C.  for  a  sum  of 
1500  talents  (Plut.  Caes.  29).  Though 
brother  of  the  triumvir  Lepidus,  he  was 
among  the  proscribed  in  43  B.C.,  but 
escaped  to  the  camp  of  M.  Brulus,  and  was 
afterwards  pardoned.  His  basilica  was  cele- 
brated among  the  great  public  buildings  of 

the  time. 

Fuisset,  orat.  obi. :  see  Ep.  3,  3,  note. 
Qi  Caepio  .  .  Brutus.      More   com- 


monly known  as  M.  Brutus,  Caesar's  mur- 
derer. He  had  been  adopted  by  his  mater- 
nal uncle,  Q^Servilius  Caepio.  For  more 
notices  of  him,  cp.  Ep.  36,  10,  and  Intr.  to 
Part  IV,  §  13;  to  Part  V,  §§  2;  4;  7;  "J 
13.  The  words  '  hie  Brutus'  are  probably 
inserted  to  disringuish  him  from  other  men 
named  CL  Caepio.     Manut. 

Lentulus.  L.  Lentulus  Niger  is  men- 
tioned (Philipp.  3.  10,  25)  as  a  friend  of 
Antony,  who  disapproved  of  his  policy.  He 
survived  the  battle  of  Actium.  His  father, 
who  bore  the  same  name,  was  flamen  of 
Mars;  accused  Clodius  61  B.C.;  stood  for 
the  consulship  against  Piso  and  Gabinius  in 
59  B.C.  ;  and  was  one  of  the  court  before 
which  Cicero  pleaded  '  De  Domo  Sua.'  He 
died  56  B.C. 

12.  Id  eiectum  est.  A  theatrical  ex- 
pression ='  explosum,'  '  discredited.' 

13.  In  quo,  '  in  which  matter.'  Forcell. 
explains  '  in  *  in  this  sense  as  equivalent  to 
'  quod  attinet  ad.'  Cp.  Ep.  9, 5,  note,  on  p. 67. 

14.  Ad  ea  .  .  dixerat,  '  in  answer  to  the 
charges  of  Vettius.' 

15.  In  eo  .  .  quod,  'because.* 

Tum  quidem,  'on  that  occasion.'  Vet- 
tius may  have  been  guilty  of  other  mis- 
statements equally  serious  at  other  times. 

16.  Consilium,  supp.  'fuisse'  from  the 
next  clause.  Cp.  Madv.  478.  On  'ut'  with 
the  conj.  after  'consilium  fuisse,'  cp.  lb.  372  a. 

Gladiatoribus:  seeEp.  12,  3.  Billerb. 
retains  'cum/  but  explains  it  as  meaning  'at 
the  time  of.* 


*» 


\ 


EP.  1 3.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  A  TTICUM II.  24.  87 

Gabinii  Pompeium  adorirentur,  in  eo  principem  Paulum  fuisse, 
quem  constabat  eo  tempore  in  Macedonia  fuisse.     Fit  senatus 
consultum,  ut  Vettius,  quod  confessus  esset  se  cum  telo  fu.sse 
in   vincula   coniiceretur ;   qui   eum   emisisset,   eum   contra   rem 
publicam  esse  facturum.    Res  erat  in  ea  opinione,  ut  putarent  5 
id  esse  actum,   ut  Vettius  in   foro  cum  pugione  et   item    sery. 
eius  comprehenderentur  cum  telis,  deinde  ille  se  diceret   mdi- 
caturum,  idque  ita    factum   esset,  nisi   Curiones    rem   ante   ad 
Pompeium   detulissent.     Tum   senatus    consultum   m   contione 
recitatum  est.    Postero  autem  die  Caesar,  is,  qui  olim,  praetor  ,0 
cum  esset,  Q.  Catulum  ex  inferiore  loco  iusserat  dicere,  Vettiurn 
in  rostra  produxit  eumque  in  eo  loco  constituit,  quo  Bibulo  consult 
aspirare  non  liceret.    Hie  ille  omnia,  quae  voluit,  de  re  publica 
dixit  ut  qui  illuc  factus  institutusque  venisset.    Pnmum  Cae- 
pionem  de  oratione  sua  sustulit,  quem  in  senatu  acerrime  nomi-  .5 
narat.  ut  appareret  noctem  £t  nocturnam   deprecationem  mter- 
cessisse  •  deinde,  quos  in  senatu  ne  tenuissima  quidem  suspitione 
attigerat,  eos  nominavit :  Lucullum,  a  quo  solitum  esse  ad   se 
mitti  C.  Fannium,  ilium,  qui   in  P.  Clodium   subscripserat,  L. 


1.  Gabinii.  A.  Gabinius  was  consul  58 
BC,  and  may  have  exhibited  gladiatorial 
shows  the  year  before,  in  order  to  win  favour 
with  the  populace.  For  further  notices  of 
him,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §§  7;  ^^;  19;  to 
Part  n,  §§  6;   7;   10;  to  Part  IV,  §  4- 

3.  Cum  telo.  It  was  illegal,  apparently, 
to  bear  arms  in  Rome.  Cp.  In  Cat.  I.  o, 
15  ;  Ascon.  in  Milonian.  p.  145«    ^ 

4.  Emisisset,  sc.  *evinculis,  'should 
have  procured  his  release.'  This  decree  was 
passed  to  prevent,  if  possible,  an  appeal  to 
the  tribunes  on  behalf  of  Vettius.  Cp. 
Caesar's  proposal,  quoted  In  Cat.  4.  4,  8, 

and  4.  5,  10. 

5.  Res  erat  .  .  putarent, 'the  general 
impression  about  the  occurrence  was  that 
people  thought.'  On  the  pleonasm,  cp. 
Madv.  481  b;  Zumpt  750. 

6.  Id  esse  actum,  that  it  had  been 
intended,  or  arranged. 

Item:  cp.  Ep.  12,  3,  note. 

10.  Olim.  Caesar  was  praetor  m  62  B.C., 
when  Catulus  came  forward  to  speak  about 
the  rebuilding  of  the  Capitol.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  12;  Suet.  lul.  15.  ^ 

11.  Ex  inferiore  loco,  opposed  to    e 

rostris.' 

12.  Produxit.  But  this  was  actually  done 

by  Vatiuius.     On  the  practice,  cp.  Ep.  7,  I, 
note,  and  Livy  8.  33. 


13.  Aspirare, 'to  approach.'     Cp.    Ep. 

Q,  8,  note.  ^ 

Voluit.      *Non    Vetrius,    sed    Caesar. 
Manut.     Orell.  ap.  Billerb.  and   Boot  pro- 
pose 'hie   omnia,  ille   quae  voluit.'     Prof. 
Tyrrell   approves,   but   takes    *hic'    as    an 
adverb  = '  in  the  rostra.' 

14.  Factus,  '  schooled,"  prepared.'  Cp. 
De  Orat.  3.  48,  184;  Hor.  Sat.  I.  10,  58. 

Caepionem  .  .  sustulit,  'removed  the 
name  of  Caepio  from  his  statement.' 

15.  Acerrime,  'with  the  greatest  ear- 
nestness, or  decision.' 

Nominarat.  Perhaps  'nominare  was 
a  technical  term  for  a  denunciation  or  in- 
formation. Cp.  Suet.  lul.  17;  Livy  39.  17 
•  qui  nominatus  profugisset.' 

16.  Deprecationem.  Intercession  from 
Brutus'  mother,  Servilia,  reported  to  be  on 
intimate  terms  with  Caesar. 

18.  Lucullum.     Probably  L.  LucuUus  is 

meant.  ^ 

Solitum  esse,  supp.  'dixit  from  nomi- 
navit.'    See  Madv.  402  a ;  403  a. 

19.  C.  Fannium.  Either  a  tribune  of 
the  year  59  b.c.  (cp.  Pro  Sest.  53,  113). 
who  was  afterwards  killed  about  the  time  of 
the  battle  of  Pharsalus,  fighting  on  the  side 
of  Pompey  (cp.  Ep.  80,  6),  or,  if  his  not 
being  called  tribune  here  makes  a  difficulty, 
perhaps  a  C.  Fannius  who  went  as  envoy 


88 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  I. 


Domitium,  cuius  domum  constitutam  fuisse,  unde  eruptio  fiereb; 
me    non    nominavit,   sed    dixit    consularem   disertum,  vicinum- 
consulis,  sibi   dixisse  Ahalam   Servilium    aliquem   aut  Brutum- 
opus  esse  reperiri ;  addidit  ad  extremum,  cum  iam  dimissa  con-^ 

5  tione  revocatus   a  Vatinio   fuisset,  se  audisse  a  Curione  his  de- 
rebus  conscium  esse  Pisonem,  generum  meum,  et  M.  Laterensem.-^ 
Nunc  reus  erat  apud  Crassum  Divitem  Vettius  de  vi   et,  cum-4 
esset  damnatus,  erat  indicium  postulaturus ;  quod  si  impetrasset 
iudicia   fore   videbantur :    ea  nos,  utpote   qui  nihil   contemnere- 

10  soleamus,  noJt  contemnebarmis,  sed  non  pertimescebamus.    Homi- 
num  quidem  summa  erga  nos  studia  significabantur,  sed  prorsus^ 
vitae  taedet:    ita  sunt  omnia  omnium   miseriarum   plenissim.a. 
Modo  caedem  timueramus,  quam  oratio  fortissimi  senis,  Q.  Con- 


from  Lepidus  to  Sextvis  Pompeius  in  43  B.C. 
(cp.  Philipp.  13.  6,  I3>;  afterwards  joined 
Sextus,  but  finally  deserted  him. 

Subscripserat.  Indie,  as  a  remark  of 
Cicero's  own.  'Subscribere  in'  means  to 
act  as  subordinate  accuser,  'junior  counsel 
for  the  prosecution.'  Mr.  Tyrrell  thinks 
that  the  word  is  used  of  the  chief  accuser 
as  well,  but  I  think  it  is  more  commonly 
used  as  above. 

L.  Domitium.     For  an  account  of  him, 

seeEp.  I,  3,  note. 
^  Eruptio,  'the  attack  on  Pompey. 

2.  Vicinum.  Cicero's  house  stood  on 
the  Palatine  (see  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  12),  and 
so  would  be  near  the  official  residence  of 
Caesar,  who,  as  pontifex  maximus,  lived  in 
the  Via  Sacra.     Cp.  Suet.  lul.  46. 

3.  Ahalam  Servilium  .  .  Brutum, 
'some  one  like  Servilius  Ahala  or  Brutus.' 
C,  ServiUus  Ahala,  as  master  of  the  horse  to 
L.  Quinctius  Cincinnatus,  killed  Sp.  Maelius. 
Cp.  Livy  4.  14.  The  Brutus  referred  to  is 
of  course  the  L.  Brutus  who  expelled  the 
second  Tarquin. 

4.  Opus  esse  reperiri,  *  it  was  desirable 
should  be  discovered.'  On  the  constr.,  see 
Madv.  266,  and  Obs.  For  the  meaning  of 
'opus  esse,'  cp,  Ep.  10,  4,  note;    Ep.  29, 

25,  note. 

5.  Revocatus,  'recalled  for  further  ex- 
amination.'    Cp.  In  Vat.  II,  26. 

Vatinio.  For  an  account  of  P.  Va- 
tinius,  see  Intr.  to  Parts  I,  §§  17;  18;  II, 
§§  2;  8;  10;  IV,  §  4. 

6.  Pisonem.  C.  Calpumius  Piso  Frugi 
married  Cicero's  daughter  TuUia  in  64  b.c, 
after  a  betrothal  of  four  years :  see  the 
close  of  Ad  Att.  1.3,  3.  He  is  often  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  Cicero's  banish- 


ment. Cp.  Intr.  p.  22  ;  Epp.  17,  2;  18,  4. 
He  was  quaestor  in  58  B.C..  and  apparently 
died  next  year,  before  Cicero's  return  from 
exile. 

M.  Laterensem  :  see  Ep.  11,  2,  note. 
7.  Reus  erat.      Here  'erat'  is  the  epis- 
tolary tense,  and  the  following  tenses  must 
be  ahered  accordingly  in  translation. 

Apud  Crassum  Divitem.  This  man 
seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  praetors 
for  59  B.C.  But  according  to  Mommsen 
Staatsrecht  2.  I,  548,  the  'quaestio  de  vi' 
was  not  presided  over  by  a  praetor  but  by 
a  quaesitor  taken  from  among  the  judges 
who  might  be  changed  often  in  the  year. 
Matth.  says  the  praenonem  of  this  Crassus 
was  Publius.  Little  seems  to  be  known  of 
him,  except  that  some  suppose  him  to  have 
been  a  Crassus  reduced  from  great  wealth  to 
poverty.     See  Val.  Max.  6.  9,  12. 

De  vi.  Carrying  weapons  in  a  public 
place  seems  to  have  been  a  violation  of  the 
statutes  '  de  vi.'  See  Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq. 
p.  1209;  Rtin,  Criminalrecht  734. 

Cum  esset  damnatus,  '  after  condem- 
nation.' *  Cum '  seems  here  to  have  nearly 
the  force  of  *  si.' 

8.  Indicium,  'leave  to  act  as  informer.' 
Forcell. 

9.  Indicia,  'a  number  of  prosecutions.' 

10.  Soleamus,  in  the  present,  is  a 
general  remark.  'Pertimescebamus' imperf., 
as  referring  to  the  time  of  writing.  See 
Madv.  345.  The  MS.  has  *solemus,'  but 
Orell.  and  Baiter  both  substitute  the  conj., 
which  is  more  in  accordance  with  usage  after 
utpote  qui.  Prof.  Tyrrell  reads  'soleremus.' 

11.  Quidem.  On  the  position  of  this 
word,  see  Madv.  471. 

13.  Modo,  'lately.* 


EP.  14.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATT.  TT,  25.  89 

sidii,  discusserat ;  ea,  quam  quotidie  timere  potueramus,  subito 
exorta  est.  Quid  quaeris  ^  nihil  me  infortunatiiis,  nihil  fortu- 
natius  est  Catulo,  cum  splendore  vitae,  t  tum  hoc  tempore.  Nos 
tamen  in  his  miseriis  erecto  animo  et  minime  perturbato  sumus, 
honestissimeque  dignitatem  nostram  et-magna  cura  tuemur.  Pom-  5 
5  peius  de  Clodio  iubet  nos  esse  sine  cura  et  summam  in  nos 
benevolentiam  omni  oratione  significat.  Te  habere  consiliorum 
auctorem,  sollicitudinum  socium,  omni  in  cogitatione  coniunctum 
cupio ;  qua  re,  ut  Numestio  mandavi  tecum  ut  ageret,  item  atque 
eo  si  potest  acrius  te  rogo,  ut  plane  ad  nos  advoles :  respiraro,  si  10 
te  videro. 

14.    ToATTICUS    (AD   ATT.   II.   25). 
Rome,  August,  (?)  59  b.c.  (695  a.u.c.) 

I  I  shall  be  obliged  if,  in  future,  when  I  praise  any  of  your  friends  in  a  letter  to  you, 
you  will  let  him  know  what  I  have  said.  In  particular,  I  should  like  you  to  tell  Varro 
that  I  am  satisfied  with  him,  though  I  can  hardly  say  so  truly :  you  know  his  disposi- 
tion  Hortensius,  on  the  contrary,  was  most  eloquent  in  praise  of  me  when  he 
spoke  of  the  praetorship  of  Flaccus.  Please  let  him  know  what  I  think  of  his  speech. 
2  I  expect  you  soon,  and  am  anxious  for  your  support.  My  personal  prospects  are 
pretty  good  ;  the  commonwealth  is  in  a  desperate  position,  and  those  who  have  rumed 
it  are  thoroughly  detested. 

CICERO  ATTICO  sal. 

1  Cum  aliquem  apud  te  laudaro  tuorum  familiarium,  volam 
ilium  scire  ex  te  me  id  fecisse,  ut  nuper  me  scis  scripsisse  ad 
te  de  Varronis  erga  me  officio,  te  ad  me  rescripsisse  eam  rem 


Caedem,  'a  massacre,*  like  those  of 
Marius  and  Sulla.  To  explain  ea,  some 
word  suggested  by  'caedes'  must  be  sup- 
plied. The  context  seems  to  require  '  danger.' 
Such  a  case  of  zeugma  is  not  unnatural  in  a 

letter. 

Q.  Considii.  Q.  Considius  Callus 
reproached  Caesar  in  the  senate  with  his 
violent  proceedings,  and  Caesar  apparently 
behaved  with  more  moderation  afterwards. 
Cp.  Plut.  Caes.  14.  Verres  rejected  Consi- 
dius as  a  judge.     In  Verr.  Act.  2.  i.  7,  18.^ 

I.  Discusserat,  'dispelled  our  fears  of,' 
•  got  rid  of.'     Forcell.  ^ 

The  best  MS.  has  apparently  '  ea  inquam. 
Wesenb.   suspects  that  the  in-   of  inquam 
conceals  a  substantive,  which  may  refer  to 
a  plot  for  assassination,  contrasted  w'th  the 


•  massacre '  caedes,  before  referred  to  as 
possible. 

3.  Catulo.  Catulus  died  60  b.c.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  I.  20,  3. 

Tum  hoc  tempore,  sc.  *  mortis,'  *  in 
having  died  when  he  did.'  Orell.  suggests 
♦tum  quod  tempore,'  sc.  '  opportuno  mortem 
obiit.'  Boot,  after  Lambinus,  '  mortis  tem- 
pore.'    Cp.  DeOrat.  3.  3,  12. 

9.  Tecum  ut  ageret:  cp.  Ep.  5,  8, 
note,  on  p.  38. 

Item,  'again,'  *  in  like  manner.' 

10.  Eo.. acrius,  'with  more  vehemence 
still,  if  posbible.' 

13.  Me  .  .  scripsisse:  cp.  'Varro  mihi 
satis  facit'  Ad  Att.  2.  21,  6. 

14.  Varronis.     M.  Terentius  Varro,  the 


i 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


90 

summae  tibi  voluptati  esse ;  sed  ego  mallem  ad  ilium  scripsisses 
mihi  ilium  satis  facere,  non  quo  faceret,  sed  ut  faceret.     Mira-- 
biliter  enim   moratus  est,  sicut   nosti,  kXiKrb,   Ka\   ovhiv^,    Sed. 
nos  tenemus  praeceptum  illud,  ras  tQ>v  KparoijvTc^v,     At  hercule^ 
alter  tuus  familiaris,  Hortalus,  quam  plena  manu,  quam  ingenuerS 
quam  ornate   nostras   laudes    in   astra   sustulit,  cum   de  FlaccL 
praetura  et  de  iUo  tempore  Allobrogum  diceret !  sic  habeto,  neC 
amantius  nee  honorificentius  nee  copiosius  potuisse  dici :  ei  te^ 
2  hoc  scribere  a  me  tibi  esse  missum  sane  volo.     Sed  quid  tu> 
scribas  ?  quem  iam  ego  venire  atque  adesse  arbitror ;  ita  enim.  10 
egi  tecum  superioribus  litteris.   Valde  te  exspecto,  valde  desidero, 
neque  ego  magis,  quam  ipsa  res  et  tempus  poscit.    His  de  negotiis 
quid  scribam  ad  te,  nisi  idem,  quod  saepe?   re   publica  mhil 
desperatius,  iis,  quorum  opera,  nihil  maiore  odio :  nos,  ut  opmio. 
et  spes  et  coniectura  nostra  fert,  firmissima  benevolentia  ho-  15 
minum  muniti  sumus.     Qua  re  advola :  aut  expedies  nos  omni 
molestia  aut  eris  particeps.    Ideo  sum  brevior,  quod,  ut  spero, 


celebrated  antiquary,  author,  amongst  other 
works,  of  the  treatises  *De  Re  Rustica,'  and 

*  De  Lingua  Lalina.'     For  other  notices  of 
him,  see  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  8,  and  Ad  Fam. 

9.  1-8. 

2.  Non  quo  .  .  faceret,  'not  that  he 
really  did  so,  but  that  he  might.'  ' Quo'  = 
*quia.'  On  its  force  with  the  conj.,  see 
Madv.  357  b,  Obs.  It  introduces  a  reason 
not  the  real  one.  ^ 

3.  Moratus  est.  Either  from  •  moror, 
•he  has  interposed  strange  delays/ or  from 

♦  mos,'  •  he  is  strangely  constituted.'  Cp. 
De  Part.  Orat.  23,  82.  The  passage  which 
follows  means,  'whose  thoughts  are  all 
crooked,  and  not  honest  or  straightfor- 
ward.' It  is  from  Euripides,  who  (Androm. 
448  -449)  says  of  the  Spartans, 

l\t AfTtt   Kovdiv    if^ih   d\kcL   irav  iripi^ 

^pOVOVVT€S. 

4.  Nos  tenemus,  'I  remember.*  Forcell. 
rais  rSfv  KparovvTuv  duaOias  (ptpdv 

Xp€oov.  Eur.  Phoen.  393.  The  connection 
of  this  passage  with  what  goes  before,  may 
be  that  Cicero  was  unwilling  to  offend  Varro 
as  a  friend  of  Pompey.  The  '  masters '  are 
no  doubt  Pompey  and  Caesar. 

5.  Hortalus  CL  Hortensius  :    see  Ep.  6, 

a,  note.  , 

Quam   plena   man u, 'how  liberally  = 

•  copiose,'  '  large.'     Forcell.  ^ 

6.  Cum  .  .  diceret,  Mn  speaking  about. 
See  Madv.  358,  Obs.  4. 


Flacci.  L.  Valerius  Flaccus  was  praetor 
in  63  B.C.,  and  afterwards  governed  Asia. 
On  his  return  to  Rome  he  was  accused  of 
extortion  by  D.  Laelius,  and  defended  by 
Cicero  and  Hortensius,  in  59  b.c.  Much  of 
Cicero's  speech  is  extant.  The  praises  for 
which  Cicero  is  so  grateful  to  Hortensius 
very  likely  formed  part  of  the  latter's  speech 
on  the  trial  of  Flaccus.  On  the  services  of 
Flaccus,  as  praetor,  against  Catiline's  accom- 
plices, and  on  the  intrigues  of  the  latter  with 
envoys  of  the  Allobroges,  cp.  In  Cat.  3.  2,  3; 
Sail.  Cat.  45.  On  the  Allobroges,  cp.  Ep, 
139,  note. 

7.  Sic  habeto,  'be  assured  of  this:'  a 
not  uncommon  use  of  the  words  in  Cicero. 
Cp.  De  Rep.  6.  24,  26.  The  following 
clause  supplies  the  place  of  an  accusative. 

8.  Ei  te  hoc  .  .  volo,  'I  much  wish 
that  you  should  let  him  know  that  I  have 
sent  you  this  message.' 

9.  Missum  =  *nuntiatum.'  Cp.  *adme 
mittunt'  Ad  Att.  2.  2,  3. 

10.  Quem  .  .  arbitror,  'who,  I  sup- 
pose, are  already  on  your  way,  and  at  hand.' 

12.  Ipsa  res  et  tempus,  'the  state  of 
affairs  in  itself  at  the  present  crisis.' 

His  de  negotiis,  'about  the  state  of 
things  here,'  at  Rome. 

14.  lis.  Probably  Caesar  and  Pompey 
are  meant. 

Quorum  opera,  so.  'factum  est  ut  nihil 
esset  desperatius/ 


»   . 


1 


^. 


fc?^ 


N 


') 


I 


EP.  15.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT,  FRAT.  /.  2. 


91 


coram  brevi  tempore  conferre  quae  volumus  Jicebit.     Cura   ut 
valeas. 


15.    To  HIS  BROTHER  QUINTUS  (AD  Q.  F.  I.  2). 

Rome,  about  Nov.,  59  b.c.  (695  a.u.c.)  (?) 

I.  I.  I  was  at  once  pleased  and  annoyed  by  the  arrival  of  Statins ;  you  will  miss 
him,  but  gossip  about  your  intimacy  with  him  will  have  ceased  here  before  your  own 
return.     2.  I  never  suspected  him  myself,  and  only  wrote  you  word  what  others  were 
saying,  that  you  might  avoid  suspicion.     Statins  could  remark  for  himself  what  people 
said,  and  how  his  name  especially  occurred  in  their  complaints  of  you.      3.  People's 
requests  to  be  recommended  to  him,  and  his  own  unguarded  expressions,  shewed  me 
how  matters  stood  :  but  I  do  not  think  anything  would  have  been  said  about  him,  had 
not  the  rigour  of  your  administration  given  offence.     II.  4.  I  will  now  answer  your 
letters.     You  complain  that  I  recommended  Zeuxis  of  Blaudus  to  you.     This  is  part 
of  a  more  general  question.    I  have  been  anxious  to  conciliate  the  Greeks,  whose  com- 
plaints of  you  were  producing  considerable  effect,  and  in  many  cases  I  have  succeeded. 
5.  As  for  Zeuxis  himself,  I  received  him  kindly  to  silence  his  complaints  of  you,  and  I 
do  not  think  you  should  have  shewn  such  eagerness  to  punish  him.     6.  Nor  is  it  only 
your  Greek  enemies  that  I  try  to  pacify ;  I  have  appeased  L.  Caecilius,  and  in  fact 
everybody  except  Tuscenius.     I  do  not  complain  of  your  severity  to  the  father  of  T. 
Catienus';  but  why  need  you  write  in  such  threatening  language  to  the  son,  who  is  now 
at  Rome  ?  or  to  C.  Fabius  about  the  two  Licinii  ?    7.  I  have  never  complained  of  any- 
thing in  you,  except  violence  of  language  and  occasional  carelessness  in  your  letters. 
Do  you  suppose  I  am  not  sony  when  I  hear  of  the  popularity  of  Vergilius  and  Octa- 
vius,  who  are  more  conciliatory  than  you,  though  inferior  in  literary  cultivation?    III. 
8.  I  hope  you  will  be  as  careful  as  possible  in  your  correspondence,  and  suppress,  if 
you  can,  all  letters  likely  to  injure  you.   9.  You  know  I  have  often  warned  you  on  this 
point ;  do  what  you  can  during  the  remainder  of  your  term  of  office.      10.  L.  Flavius 
has  just  complained  of  your  arbitrary  interference  with  L.  Naso's  property,  which  I 
cannot  approve  of.  11.  I  do  not  want  to  serve  Flavius  at  the  expense  of  your  character; 
but  see  if  you  cannot  do  something  for  a  man  in  whom  Pompey  and  Caesar  are  in- 
terested.    IV.   12.  I  am  sorry  I  wrote  to  you  hastily  about  Hermia,  and  hope  you  will 
excuse  me.     I  am  glad  you  are  on  good  terms  with  Censorinus  and  others.     13.  You 
have  taken  my  warnings  rather  too  seriously.     If  we  had  not  so  many  enemies,  I 
should  not  have  thought  of  censuring  you  in  anything.     14.  Please  to  consult  the 
wishes  of  Attalus  of  Hypaepi,  and  try  to  procure  for  our  friend  Aesopus  the  restoration 
of  his  runaway  slave  Licinius,  who  is  said  to  be  detained  at  Ephesus.     V.  15.  The 
position  of  affairs  here  is  desperate ;  C.  Cato's  life  has  been  seriously  endangered  by  a 
riot,  owing  to  his  having  called  Pompey  a  'private  dictator.'      16.  My  own  prospects, 
however,  are  fair ;  all  good  citizens  are  enthusiastic  in  my  support,  and  Pompey  and 
Caesar  promise  all  that  I  can  wish.      I  do  not  trust  them  too  much,  however.      The 
consuls,  tribunes,  and  praetors  elected  for  next  year  seem,  on  the  whole,  very  well  dis- 
posed  to  me ;  so  do  not  despond. 

I.  Conferre  quae  volumus,  'to  discuss  together  what  we  choose.'     Forcell. 


92 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part 


I 


MARCUS  QUINTO  FRATRI. 

Statius  ad  me  venit  a.d.  VIII.  K.  Novembr.   Eius  adventus,  quoda 
ita  scripsisti,  direptum  iri  te  a  tuis,  dum  is  abesset,  molestus  mihi. 
fuit ;  quod  autem  exspectationem  sui  concursumque  eum,  qui  erat- 
futurus,  si  una  tecum  decederet  neque  antea  visus  esset,  sustuli^ 

5  id  mihi  non  incommode  visum  est  accidisse :  exhaustus  est  enim 
sermo  hominum  et  multae  emissae  iam  eius  modi  voces,  aKK  auj 
riva  c\>G^Ta  ixiyav^  quae  te  absente  confecta  esse  laetor.     QU042 
autem  idcirco  a  te  missus  est,  mihi  ut  se  purgaret,  id  necesse 
minime  fuit :  primum  enim  numquam  ille  mihi  fuit  suspectu^ 

10  neque  ego,  quae  ad  te  de  illo  scripsi,  scripsi  meo  iudicio,  sed  cun^ 
ratio  salusque  omnium  nostrum,  qui  ad  rem  publicam  accedimus, 
non  veritate  solum,  sed  etiam  fama  niteretur,  sermones  ad  t^ 
aliorum  semper,  non  mea  iudicia  perscripsi ;  qui  quidem  quan> 
frequentes  essent  et  quam  graves,  adventu  suo  Statius  ipse  cog- 

15  novit :  etenim  intervenit  non  nullorum  querelis,  quae  apud  mq 
de  illo  ipso  habebantur,  et  sentire  potuit  sermones  iniquorum  ii> 
suum  potissimum  nomen  erumpere.     Quod  autem  me  maxim^3 
movere  solebat,  cum  audiebam  ilium  plus  apud  te  posse,  quam- 
gravitas  istius  aetatis,  imperii  prudentia  postularet— quam  multos, 

20  enim  mecum  egisse  putas,  ut  se  Statio  commendarem  ?  quam. 
multa  autem  ipsum  ^(T<^a\5>^  mecum  in  sermone  ita  protuhsse 


1.  Statius  :  see  Ep.  12,  I,  note. 

2.  Direptum  iri, 'would  be  plundered,' 
by  the  wastefulness  and  peculation  of  his 
other  attendants. 

3.  Exspectationem  sui,  '  the  expecta- 
tion of  his  return,'  which  was  cut  short  by 
his  sudden  appearance.  The  MS.  has  *  tui,' 
which  might  mean  '  the  expectation  of  see- 
ing you  enter  Rome  with  him.' 

Erat  futurus.  For  this  use  of  the 
imperf.  ind.,  see  Madv.  348  a. 

4.  Decederet,  'left  the  province.*  Cp. 
Pro  Muren.  18,  37. 

5.  Exhaustus  .  .  sermo,  '  people's  gos- 
sip is  used  up  on  the  subject.* 

6.  d\\*  aUi  Tiva  (pa/ra  fityav  koI 
KaXbv  kdeyurjv.  Horn.  Od.  9.  513.  The 
words  are  used  by  Polyphemus  of  the 
appearance  of  Ulysses.  Here  they  refer  to 
the  insignificant  aspect  of  Quintus'  favourite. 

7.  Quae  te  absente  confecta  .  . 
laetor,  'and  I  am  giad  this  talk  has  been 
brought  to  an  end  before  your  return.' 
'  Confectus  '  = '  finiius.'     Forcell. 


Qiiod   autem  .  .  fuit:  see  Ep.  10,  14, 

note. 

11.  Ratio   salusque,  •  the  interest  and 

safety.'     For  this  sense  of '  ratio,'  see  Ep.  i, 

I,  note,  on  p.  26.  ,     t    r  1 

12.  Niteretur,  'depends  upon.      it  tol- 
lows  the  tense  of  '  perscripsi.'     See  Madv. 

383,  Obs.  T. 

15.  Intervenit  .  .  querelis,  'he  was 
himself  witness  of  the  complaints  of  some 
people.'     Forcell.  gives  '  adesse,'  '  inttresse 
as  equivalents  of  the  verb. 

Querelis,  dat.     See  Madv.  245  a. 

17.  Quod  autem  :  an  anacoluthon. '  Id 
would  be  more  natural.  Billerb.  The  break 
in  the  construction  begins  after  'postularet.' 
For  a  somewhat  similar  anacoluthon,  cp. 
In  Cat.  2.  6,  12.  Wesenb.  thinks  that  an 
apodosis  is  implied  in  '  materiam  .  .  dedisse,' 
as  though  Cicero  had  intended  to  write 
•  quod  autem  .  .  id  fuit  quod  materiam  Sta- 
tius dedit.* 

21.  d(r(t>a\a)S.   Perhaps 'unsuspectingly. 

Ita    protulisse.     Baiter's    suggestion: 


kr"^ 


\ 


EP.  15.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT.  FRAT.  I.  2.  93 

'id  mihi  non  placuit;  monui,  suasi,  deterrui?'  quibus  in  rebus 
etiamsi  fidelitas  summa  est,  quod  prorsus  credo,  quoniam  tu  ita 
iudicas,  tamen  species  ipsa  tarn  gratiosi  liberti  aut  servi  digni- 
tatem habere  nuUam  potest.     Atque  hoc  sic  habeto— nihil  enim 
nee  teniere  dicere  nee  astute  reticere  debeo— ,  materiam  omnem 
sermonum  eorum,  qui  de  te  detrahere  vellent,  Statium  dedisse  ; 
antea  tantum  intellegi  potuisse,  iratos  tuae  severitati  esse  non 
nullos,  hoc  manumisso  iratis  quod  loquerentur  non  defuisse. 
4      II.  Nunc  respondebo  ad  eas  epistolas,  quas  mihi  reddidit  L.  Cae- 
sius,  cui,  quoniam  ita  te  velle  intellego,  nullo  loco  deero  ;  quarum 
altera  est  de  Blaudeno  Zeuxide,  quern  scribis  certissimum  matri- 
cidam  tibi  a  me  intime  commendari.     Qua  de  re  et  de  hoc  genera 
toto,  ne  forte  me  in  Graecos  tam  ambitiosum  factum  esse  mirere, 
pauca  cognosce.     Ego  cum  Graecorum  querelas  nimium  valere 
sentirem  propter  hominum  ingenia  ad  fallendum  parata,  quos- 
cumque  de  te  queri  audivi  quacumque  potui  ratione  placavi. 
Primum    Dionysopolitas  qui  erant   inimicissimi  lenivi,  quorum 
principem  Hermippum  non  solum  sermone  meo,  sed  etiam  fami- 
liaritate  devinxi ;  ego  Apamensem  Hephaestum,  ego  levissimum 
homlnem,  Megaristum  Antandrium,  ego  Niciam  Smyrnaeum,  ego 


10 


15 


20 


'  to  have  used  expressions  like  these.'     The 
MS.  has  '  potuisse,'  sc.  '  dicere.' 

1.  Id  mihi  .  .  deterrui.  Expressions 
of  Statius  quoted.  ^ 

Quibus  in  rebus,  'in  which  behaviour 
or  '  expressions  even  if  used  with  the  utmost 

fidelity.' 

2.  Etiamsi  is  followed  by  the  indic,  if 
the  condition  be  not  expressly  negatived, 
see  Madv.  361,  Obs.  2. 

Quoniam  tu  ita  iudicas.  Quintus 
refers  to  the  fidelity  of  Statius  Ad  Fam.  16. 

16,  2. 

3.  Dignitatem  .  .  potest,  'is  incon- 
sistent with  proper  self-respect  on  your  part,' 
*  puts  you  in  quite  an  undignified  light '  Tyr. 
On  '  nullam'  =  •  non,'  see  Madv.  455  Obs.  5. 

4.  N  ihil . .  nee  :  cp.  p.  58,  note  on  1. 10. 

5.  Astute  :  cp.  Ep.  70.  6,  note. 
Materiam  .  .   dedisse,  '  has  furnished 

all  the  materials  for  the  remarks  of  those 
who  wish  to  censure  you.'  On  the  mood 
of  •  vellent '  see  Ep.  5,  8,  note. 

8.  Hoc    manumisso:   see   Ep.  12,  I, 

note. 

9.  L.  Caesius,  agent  of  Q^  Cicero,  and 

mentioned  Ad  Q^F.  i.  i,  14. 

10.  Nullo  loco,  *on  no  occasion.'     It 
seems  a  rare  use  of  the  word. 


11.  Blaudeno.  Probably  ' of  Blaudus,' 
a  town  near  Ancyra,  in  Phrygia.  Of  this 
Zeuxis  nothing  more  seems  to  be  known. 
The  termination  *  -enus  '  recurs  often  in  ad- 
jectives formed  from  the  names  of  towns  to 
the  east  of  the  Aegean.  Cp.  Abydenus, 
Lampsacenus,  Hypaepenus. 

12.  Intime, 'cordially,'  '  earnestly,'— a 
rare  meaning  of  the  word. 

De  hoc  genere  toto,  '  on  this  whole 
subject '  of  my  relations  with  the  Greeks. 
'  Genus '  = '  res.'     Forcell. 

13.  Ambitiosum, 'anxious forthe  good 

opinion  of,'     Forcell.,  Metzg. 

14.  Nimium  valere,  'have  too  much 
weight  at  Rome.' 

17.  Dionysopolitas.  Dionysopoliswasa 
town  of  Phrygia  in  the  conventus  of  Apamea ; 
for  a  notice  of  the  latter  place,  see  Ep.  32,  2, 
note.  The  Greeks  whose  names  are  found 
in  this  passage,  are  not,  apparently,  men- 
tioned elsewhere. 

18.  Familiaritate,  'by  admitting  him  to 
intimacy.' 

19.  Devinxi,  'placed  under  an  obliga- 
tion.' 

20.  Antandrium.  Antandros  was  a  coast 

town  of  Asia  Minor,  opposite  Lesbos. 


94 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


■V 


nugas  maximas  omni  mea  comitate  complexus  sum,  Nymphonten^ 
etiam  Colophonium  :  quae  feci  omnia,  non  quo  me  aut  hi  homines- 
aut  tota  natio  delectaret — pertaesum  est  levitatis,  adsentationis^ 
animorum  non  officiis,  sed  temporibus  servientium — ,  sed,  ut  ad -5 
5  Zeuxim  revertar,  cum  is  de  M.  Cascellii  sermone  secum  habitof 
quae  tu  scribis,  ea  ipsa  loqueretur,  obstiti  eius  sermoni  et  homi- 
nem  in  familiaritatem  recepi.     Tua  autem  quae  fuerit  cupiditas'' 
tanta,  nescio,  quod  scribis  cupisse  te,  quoniam   Smyrnae  duos^ 
Mysos  insuisses  in  culeum,  simile  in  superiore  parte  provinciae» 

10  edere  exemplum  severitatis  tuae  et  idcirco  Zeuxim  elicere  omni- 
ratione  voluisse,  quem  adductum  in  iudicium  fortasse  dimitti  non 
oportuerat,  conquiri  vero  et  elici  blanditiis,  ut  tu  scribis,  ad 
iudicium  necesse  non  fuit,  eum  praesertim  hominem,  quem  egcr 
et  ex  suis  civibus  et  ex  multis   aliis  quotidie  magis  cognosco 

15  nobiliorem  esse  prope  quam  civitatem  suam.     *  At  enim  Graecis-  e 
solis  indulgeo.'   Quid  ?  L.  Caecilium  nonne  omni  ratione  placavi? 
quem  hominem !    qua  ira !  quo  spiritu !    quem  denique  praeter- 
Tuscenium,  cuius  causa  sanari  non  potest,  non  mitigavi?    Ecce- 
supra  caput  homo  levis  ac  sordidus,  sed  tamen  equestri  censu, 


1.  Nugas  maximas,  'the  most  worth- 
less creatures/  Cp.  *  amicos  habet  meras 
nugas'  Ad  Att.  6.  3,  5.  See  too  Nagelsb. 
15.  48. 

Omni     comitate     complexus     sum, 

*  treated  with  the  utmost  courtesy.'  This 
use  of  the  verb  seems  common. 

2.  Non  quo  .  .  delectaret :  cp.  p.  90, 
note  on  1.  2.  There  are  no  corresponding 
words  here  to  '  non  quo.' 

3.  Levitatis.     Cp.  Ep.  8,  i,  note. 

4.  Non     officiis    .    .    servientium, 

*  who  regard  in  their  attentions  people's  cir- 
cumstances, rather  than  the  claims  of  good 
services '  done  by  them. 

Sed,  resumptive:  cp.  Ep.  23,  2. 

5.  M.  Cascellius  seems  to  have  been  a 
merchant  of  Asia.  The  conversation  re- 
ported by  Zeuxis  had  probably  been  un- 
favourable to  CL  Cicero,  and  Marcus  thought 
it  advisable  to  check  the  talkativeness  (*  ser- 
moni') of  Zeuxis  by  admitting  him  among 
his  friends. 

6.  Quae    tu    scribis  .  .  loqueretur, 

*  began  to  talk  at  Rome  just  as  one  might 
expect  from  your  letter.*  Reported  the 
very  threat  mentioned  in  your  letter  to  me. 
In  substance,  Tyrr. 

7.  Quae  fuerit  cupiditas  .  .  nescio, 

*  I  know  not  how  to  account  for  such  pas- 
sion as  is  shewn  in  your  writing.' 


9.  Insuisses  in  culeum.  Referring  to 
the  well-known  punishment  of  parricides. 
Cp.  Pro  Rose.  Am.  25,  26  ;  luv.  8,  214. 

Superiore  parte,  *  in  the  upper,  or  in- 
land, part  of  your  province.* 

10.  Elicere,  'to  inveigle,'  from  a  place 
where  he  was  in  safety. 

11.  Quem   adductum  .  .  oportuerat, 

*  who,  if  brought  to  trial,  ought  not  perhaps 
to   have   been   discharged.'     On  the  indie. 

*  oportuerat,'  see  Ep.  4,  i,  note. 

15.  Nobiliorem  quam  civitatem 
suam,  'more  famous  than  his  native  town,' 
perhaps  ironical.  Prof.  Tyrrell  suggests 
'  mobiliorem.' 

At  enim,  'but  you  will  say.'  This 
phrase,  introducing  an  objection,  is  frequent 
in  orations. 

16.  L.  Caecilium.  P.  Sulla  had  a  half- 
brother  named  L.  Caecilius  Rufus  ;  but  the 
man  here  mentioned  was  more  probably  a 
Roman  trader,  of  whom  nothing  else  is 
known. 

17.  Praeter  Tuscenium.  Tuscenius 
had  apparently  been  already  pum'shed  in 
some  way  by  Q^  Cicero.  Cp.  Ad  Q_  F.  i. 
I,  IQ- 

18.  Cuius   causa  sanari  non   potest, 

*  whose  case  is  past  rerpiedy.* 

19.  Supra  caput, 'troubles, or  threatens, 
us : '  lit.  •  hangs  over  our  heads.'     Cp.  Sail. 


I\ 


-^ 


EP.  15.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT,  FRAT.  I.  2.  95 

Catienus  :  etiam  is  lenietur  ;  cuius  tu  in  patrem  quod  fuisti  aspe- 
rior,  non  reprehendo ;  certo  enim  scio  te  fecisse  cum  causa ;  sed 
quid  opus  fuit  eius  modi  litteris,  quas  ad  ipsum  misisti  ?  '  Ilium 
crucem  sibi  ipsum  constituere,  ex  qua  tu  eum  ante  detraxisses ; 
te  curaturum,  fumo  ut  combureretur,  plaudente  tota  provincial  5 
Quid  vero  ad  C.  Fabium  nescio  quem  ?— nam  eam  quoque  epi- 
stolam  T.  Catienus  circumgestat— '  renuntiari  tibi  Licinium 
plagiarium  cum  suo  pullo  miluino  tributa  exigere/  Deinde  rogas 
Fabium,  ut  et  patrem  et  filium  vivos  comburat,  si  possit ;  si 
minus,  ad  te  mittat,  uti  iudicio  comburantur.  Eae  litterae  abs  10 
te  per  iocum,  missae  ad  C.  Fabium,  si  modo  sunt  tuae,  cum 
7  leguntur,  invidiosam  atrocitatem  verborum  habent ;  ac,  si  omnium 
mearum  praecepta  litterarum  repetes,  intelleges  esse  nihil  a  me 
nisi  orationis  acerbitatem  et  iracundiam  et,  si  forte,  raro  litte- 
rarum missarum  indiligentiam  reprehensam ;  quibus  quidem  in  15 
rebus  si  apud  te  plus  auctoritas  mea  quam  tua  sive  natura  paulo 
acrior  sive  quaedam  dulcedo  iracundiae  sive  dicendi  sal  face- 
tiaeque  valuissent,  nihil  sane  esset,  quod  nos  poeniteret.  ^  Et 
mediocri  me  dolore  putas  adfici,  cum  audiam,  qua  sit  existi- 


Cat.  52  •  dux  hostium  cum  exercitu  supra 
caput  est.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  remarks  that  the 
phrase  is  used  by  Livy  and  Sallust,  but  not 
elsewhere  by  Cicero. 

I.  Catienus  seems  only  to  be  mentioned 
in  this  letter. 

3.  Ad  ipsum.    To  the  younger  Catienus 

probably. 

4.  Ex  qua  .  .  detraxisses.  Perhaps 
Q^  Cicero  had  passed  over  some  offence  of 
the  younger  Catienus,  and  described  his  ser- 
vice in  these  exaggerated  terms.  The  son 
of  a  man  of  equestrian  fortune  can  hardly 
have  really  been  in  danger  of  crucifixion, 
except  from  a  governor  like  Verres. 

5.  Fumo  ut  combureretur,  'should 
be  stifled  with  smoke.'  Cp.  Lamprid.  in 
Alex.  Sev.  36  for  a  description  of  the  pun- 
ishment ;  but  Wesenb.  quotes  Plant.  Cure. 
I.  I,  54,  'fumo  comburi  nihil  potest,'  and 
suggests  '  in  fumo,*  quoting  Ursinius  for 
*  fumo.' 

6.  Quid  vero.  Sc. 'opus  fuit  scribere,' 
or  *  quod  scripsisti.'  '  what  need  was  there 
for  you  to  write?'  or  'what  do  you  say 
about  having  written?'  Wesenb.  places 
the  ?  after  '  vero '  and  would  supply  '  scri- 
bis,* '  nay  further,  you  write.' 

Ad  C.  Fabium.  This  man  seems  not 
to  be  mentioned  elsewhere. 


7.  Licinium  plagiarium.  Thisman's 
name  seems  to  be  only  mentioned  here. 
'  Plagiarius '  means  a  kidnapper,  and  is  used 
by  the  writers  on  law,  though  apparently  not 
by  Cicero,  except  in  this  passage. 

8.  Cum  suo  pullo  miluino,  'with 
his  little  kite,'  i.e.  his  son  apparently,  or,  as 
Manutius  thinks,  a  slave. 

Tributa  exigere.  These  words  prob- 
ably mean,  '  is  collecting  taxes/  i.e.  *  levying 
contributions,'  without  any  official  authority. 

10.  Iudicio,  •  after  a  legal  trial,'  '  accord- 
ing to  law.'  On  the  abl.,  see  Ep.  4,  2, 
note. 

12.  Invidiosam  atrocitatem  verbo- 
rum, 'an  odious  harshness,  or  ferocity,  of 
expression.* 

14.  Si  forte,  raro  .  .  indiligentiam, 
»  and,  it  may  be,  occasionally  hastiness  in 
your  correspondence.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  renders 
•carelessness  shewn  in  neglecting  to  write 
often  enough.'  '  Indiligentia  *  seems  not  to 
occur  elsewhere  in  Cicero.     Forcell. 

17.  Sal  facetiaeque.  From  Cic.  Orat. 
26  it  appears  that  '  sal '  was  the  more  gene- 
ral term,  and  comprehended  both  '  facetiae,* 
elegant  and  amusing  stories,  and  'dicta,'  bon 
mots.     Cp.  p.  43,  note  on  1.  4. 

19.  Cum  audiam,  'on  hearing.'  Cp. 
•quis  non  cum  haec  videat  irriserit?'   De 


f 


96 


AI,  TULLll  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


'1 


matione  Vergilius,  qua  tuus  vicinus  C.  Octavius?  nam  si  te 
interioribus  vicinis  tuis,  Ciliciensi  et  Syriaco,  antepoms,  yalde 
magnum  facis!  atque  is  dolor  est,  quod  cum  ii,  quos  nommavi, 
te  innocentia  non  vincant,  vincunt  tamen  artificio  benevolentiae 
,  colligendae,  qui  neque  Cyrum  Xenophontis  neque  Agesilaum  no- 
^  verint ;  quorum  regum  summo  imperio  nemo  umquam  verbum 

ullum  asperius  audivit. 

Ill  Sed  haec  a  principio  tibi  praecipiens  quantum  profecerim,  8 
non  ignoro :  nunc  tamen  decedens,  id  quod  mihi  iam  facere  videris, 
10  relinquequaesoquam  iucundissimam  memoriam  tui.  Successorem 
habes  perblandum ;  cetera  valde  illius  adventu  tua  requirentur. 
In  litteris  mittendis,  ///  saepe  ad  te  scripsi,  nimium  te  exorabilem 
praebuisti :  tolle  omnes,  si  potes,  iniquas,  tolle  inusitatas,  tolle 
contrarias.     Statius  mihi  narravit  scriptas  ad  te  solere  adferri,  ab 


Leg?.  2.  I,  2.  If  it  meant  *  whenever  I 
hearV  the  indie,  would  probably  be  used. 
See  Madv.  359. 

I.  Vergilius.       C  Vergilius   was   pro- 
praetor of  Sicily  in  59-58  b.c.      He  was  a 
friend    of  Cicero,  but    dared    not    offer  an 
asylum  to  him  as  an  exile  (see  Pro  Plane. 
40).     Vergilius    served    afterwards    against 
Caesar  in  Africa  (Bell.  Afric.  28). 
C.  Octavius  :  see  Ep.  9,  12,  note. 
2.   Interioribus, 'further  up  the  coun- 
try, further  East.'     The  governor  of  Syria 
at  this  time  was  either  L.  Marcius  Philippus 
or  Cn.  Lentulus  Marcellinus.    Cp.  App.  Syr. 
51.     The  governor  of  Cilicia  was  perhaps 
T,    Ampius    Balbus    (cp.    Ad    Fam.    I.    3» 
2),    perhaps    M.   Pupius    Piso,    consul    for 
61  B.C.    Cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Studia  Romana 

63. 

Valde  magnum  facis!  'that  is  a  great 

deal  to  boast  ofl'  ironical. 

3.  Is  dolor  .  .  vincunt,^*!  am  indig- 
nant at  their  surpassing  you.'  Cp.  Madv. 
for  the  difference  of '  quod '  with  the  indie, 
from  the  accus.  and  inf.  398  a.  b. 

4.  Artificio  .  .  colligendae, 'skill  in 
winning  good-will.'  *  Colligere'  =  ' compa- 
rare.'     Forcell. 

5.  Qui,  'though  they.*  See  Ep.  6,  3, 
note.  Quintus,  it  is  implied,  was  familiar 
with  the  works  of  Xenophon. 

6.  Quorum  .  .  imperio,  'from  whom, 
though   both   kings  with  absolute  power. 
On  the  abl.  see  Ep.  6,  2,  note,  on  p.  43. 
The  reference  is  to  the  works  of  Xenophon 
bearing  the  titles  Cyropaedia  and  Agesilaus.^ 

8.  Quantum,  perhaps  'how  little!^ 
Cp.   *in   scobe   quantus   Consistit   sumtus 


Hor.  Satt.  2.  4.  81,  and,  as  some  maintain, 
'quanti  sua  funera  vendant 
Quid  refcrt.'— luv.  Sat.  8    192,  3. 
Cp.  also  Mr.  King's   note   on  the  u?e   of 
♦  quantuscumque,'    Philipp.    7.    3.    8.      But 
Prof.  Tyrrell  thinks  that  Cicero  here  refers 
to  the  real  merits  of  his  brother's  adminis- 
tration  and  understands  'quantum'  in   the 

usual  sense. 

10.  Successorem.  It  is  not  known  who 
succeeded  Q^  Cicero  in  his  province. 

11.  Perblandum.     A  rare  word.     See 

Livy  23.  10. 

Cetera  .  .  requirentur,  'your  other 
qualities  will  be  much  missed  on  his  ar- 
rival.'   On  the  abl,  'adventu,*  see  Ep.  8,  li, 

note. 

12.  In  litteris  ..  praebuisti, '  in  issmng 
rescripts,'  or  perhaps,  as  Prof.  Tyrrell  says, 
'  requisitionary  letters '  of  which  that  to  the 
agents  of  L.  Flavins  mentioned  below  §  10, 
may  be  a  sample,  '  you  have  shown  yourself 
too  accessible  to  entreaties.'  ^ 

13.  Tolle,  '  destroy,'  or  perhaps  '  rescind. 
Iniquas    .  .    contrarias,    'illegal,    un- 
usual in  form,  or  contrary  to  other  letters.' 

14.  Scriptas  .  .  solerent, 'that  your  re- 
scripts are  brought  to  you  ready  written  and 
read  by  him,  after  which  he  tells  you  if  they 
contain  anything  illegal  [or  'unfair;'  Tyrr.], 
but  that  before  he  joined  you  there  was  no 
sifting  of  them :  that  this  carelessness  had 
given  birth  to  the  collections  of  select  cor- 
respondence which  were  so  much  criticised.' 
•  Scriptas,'  '  ab  iis  qui  eas  a  Quinto  petivis- 
sent,'  'by  the  petitioners  themselves.*  Manut. 
I  presume  that  those  who  were  aggrieved 
by  Qj^  Cicero's  conduct  collected  and  circu- 


Li^ 


.V. 


^f 


I 


♦- 


V 

i 


-f 


i 


EP.  15.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT.  FRAT.    I.  2.  97 

se  legi,  et,  si  iniquae  sint,  fieri  te  certiorem ;  antequam  vero  ipse 
ad  te  venisset,  nullum  delectum  litterarum  fuisse ;  ex  eo  esse 

9  volumina  selectarum  epistolarum,  quae  reprehendi  solerent.  Hoc 
de  genere  nihil  te  nunc  quidem  moneo  ;  sero  est  enim,  ac  scire 
potes  multa  me  varie  diligenterque  monuisse :  illud  tamen,  quod  5 
Theopompo  mandavi,  cum  essem  admonitus  ab  ipso,  vide  per- 
homines  amantes  tui,  quod  est  facile,  ut  haec  genera  tollantur 
epistolarum,  primum  iniquarum,  deinde  contrariarum,  tum  absurde 
et  inusitate  scriptarum,  postremo  in  aliquem  contumeliosarum^. 
Atque  ego  haec  tam  esse,  quam  audio,  non  puto,  et,  si  sunt  occu-  10 
pationibus  tuis  minus  animadversa,  nunc  perspice  et  purga.  Legi 
epistolam.  quam  ipse  scripsisse  Sulla  nomenclator  dictus  est,  non 

10  probandam  ;  legi  non  nuUas  iracundas.     Sed  tempore  ipso  de 
epistolis :  nam  cum  hanc  paginam  tenerem,  L.  Flavins,  praetor 
designatus,  ad  me  venit,  homo  mihi  valde  familiaris.     Is  mihi,  te.15 
ad  procuratores  suos  litteras  misisse,  quae  mihi  visae  sunt  iniquis- 
simae,  ne  quid  de  bonis,  quae  L.  Octavii  Nasonis  fuissent,  cui 


lated  such  of  his  rescripts  as  were  most 
likely  to  make  him  unpopular. 

I.  Sint.  Wesenb.  suggests  '  essent'  as  re- 
quired by  the  following  tenses. 

3.  Hoc  de  genere  :  see  note  on  §  4  of 
this  letter. 

f.  Varie  = 'multis  de  rebus.'    Manut. 

Illud  tamen  refers  to  what  follows. 
See  Ep.  5,  9,  note. 

6.  Theopompus  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  the  retinue  of  Q;^  Cicero. 

Vide  per  homines  .  .  ut  tollantur, 
•take  care  that  any  friends  of  yours,  who 
may  meet  with  such  letters,  destroy  them,' 
*  that  any  men,  on  whose  friendship  you  can 
count,  destroy  them.'  Manutius  thinks  that 
'  tollantur'  means  *  be  discontinued.' 

8.  Absurde,  perh.  'in  bad  taste.' 

10.  Haec  tam  esse  quam  audio, 'that 
there  are  so  many  faults  of  this  kind  as  I 
hear.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  has  '  that  these  faults 
exist  to  such  a  degree.'  Orell.  does  not 
think  the  insertion  of  any  word  necessary. 

Occupationibus  tuis,  'by  reason  of 
your  occupations.*  We  might  expect  the 
insertion  of 'prae,'  but  cp.  'Gallicanis  legion- 
ibus'  In  Cat.  2.  3,  5,  according  to  some 
editions.     See  also  Madv.  255. 

11.  Perspice  et  purga, 'look  through 
and  sift.* 

12.  Ipse,  supp.  'without  your  reading  it,' 
or,  perhaps,  as   Schfttz   suggests,  'without 


your  dictating  it.*  Quintus  must  have  sealed 
the  letter  as  it  was  brought  to  him. 

Sulla.  Not  mentioned  elsewhere.  Per- 
haps a  freedman  of  the  Sulla  family,  though 
it  was  not  usual  for  freedmen  to  assume  the 
cognomen  of  their  patronus. 

Nomenclator.  An  attendant,  whose 
business  it  was  to  tell  his  master  the  names 
of  men  who  were  approaching,  as  they 
walked  in  the  streets  together.  The  ser- 
vices of  such  an  attendant  were  especially 
useful  to  candidates  for  public  offices  on  their 
canvass.     Cp.  Pro  Muren.  36,  77. 

13.  Tempore  ipso  de  epistolis,  'I 
was  writing  about  your  letters  at  a  very 
opportune  time.*  On  the  ellipse,  see  Ep.  9, 
8,  note  on  p.  70. 

14.  Cum  .  .  tenerem,  *  while  I  held 
this  very  page,'  *  was  writing  these  very 
lines.' 

L.  Flavius.  Perhaps  the  tribune  for 
61-60  B.C.,  who  brought  forward  an 
agrarian  law  in  Pompey's  interest,  and  had 
the  consul  Metellus  Celer  arrested  for  op- 
posing him.  Cp.  Ep.  9,  6  and  8,  notes. 
He  fought  on  Caesar's  side  in  the  civil  war. 
Cp.  Ep.  68,  2. 

16.  Procuratores,  '  agents.* 

17.  L.  Octavius  Naso  is  not  mentioned 
elsewhere.  He  seems  to  have  died  in  Asia, 
leaving  Flavius  his  heir ;  who  would  natu- 
rally wish  to  convert  the  inheritance  mto 


H 


f' 


96 


M,  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


EP.  15.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT,  FRAT.    I,  2. 


97 


matione  Vergilius,  qua  tuus  vicinus  C.  Octavius?  nam  si  te 
interioribus  vicinis  tuis,  Ciliciensi  et  Syriaco,  anteponis,  yalde 
magnum  facis !  atque  is  dolor  est,  quod  cum  ii,  quos  nominavi, 
te  innocentia  non  vincant,  vincunt  tamen  artificio  bei»evolentiae 

5  colligendae,  qui  neque  Cyrum  Xenophontis  neque  Agesilaum  no- 
verint ;  quorum  regum  summo  imperio  nemo  umquam  verbum 
ullum  asperius  audivit. 

III.  Sed  haec  a  principio  tibi  praecipiens  quantum  profecerim,  8 
non  ignoro :  nunc  tamen  decedens,  id  quod  mihi  iam  facere  videris, 

10  relinquequaesoquam  iucundissimam  memoriam  tui.  Successorem 
habes  perblandum ;  cetera  valde  illius  adventu  tua  requirentur. 
In  litteris  mittendis,  ///  saepe  ad  te  scripsi,  nimium  te  exorabilem 
praebuisti :  tolle  omnes,  si  potes,  iniquas,  tolle  inusitatas,  tolle 
contrarias.     Statius  mihi  narravit  scriptas  ad  te  solere  adferri,  ab 


• 

Legg.  2.  I,  2.  If  it  meant  *  whenever  I 
hear/  the  indie,  would  probably  be  used. 
See  Madv,  3.;9. 

1.  Vergilius.  C.  Vergilius  was  pro- 
praetor of  Sicily  in  59-58  b.c.  He  was  a 
friend  of  Cicero,  but  dared  not  offer  an 
asylum  to  him  as  an  exile  (see  Pro  Plane. 
40).  Vergilius  served  afterwards  against 
Caesar  in  Africa  (Bell.  Afric.  28). 

C.  Octavius  :  see  Ep.  9,  12,  note. 

2.  Interioribus, 'further  up  the  coun- 
try, further  East.'  The  governor  of  Syria 
at  this  time  was  either  L.  Marcius  Philippus 
or  Cn.  Lentulus  Marcellinus.  Cp.  App.  Syr. 
51,  The  governor  of  Cilicia  was  perhaps 
Tx  Ampius  Balbus  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  i.  3, 
2),  perhaps  M.  Pupius  Piso,  consul  for 
61  B.C.    Cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Studia  Romana 

63. 

Valde  magnum  facis!  'that  is  a  great 

deal  to  boast  of! '  ironical. 

3.  Is  dolor  .  .  vincunt,  *I  am  indig- 
nant at  their  surpassing  you.'  Cp.  Madv. 
for  the  difference  of  '  quod '  with  the  indie, 
from  the  accus.  and  inf.  398  a.  b. 

4.  Artificio  .  .  colligendae,  *  skill  in 
winning  good-will.'  *  Colligere '  =  *  compa- 
rare.'     Forcell. 

5.  Qui,  'though  they.*  See  Ep.  6,  3, 
note.  Quintus,  it  is  implied,  was  familiar 
with  the  works  of  Xenophon. 

6.  Quorum  .  .  imperio,  *from  whom, 
though  both  kings  with  absolute  power.' 
On  the  abl.  see  Ep.  6,  2,  note,  on  p.  43. 
The  reference  is  to  the  works  of  Xenophon 
bearing  the  titles  Cyropaedia  and  Agesilaus. 

8.  Quantum,  perhaps  'how  little!* 
Cp.   'in   scobe    quantus   Consistit   sumtus* 


Hor.  Satt.  2.  4.  81,  and,  as  some  maintain, 
'quanti  sua  funera  vendant 
Quid  refcrt.' — luv.  Sat.  8  192,  3. 
Cp.  also  Mr.  King's  note  on  the  use  of 
'  quantuscumque,'  Philipp.  7.  3,  8.  But 
Prof.  Tyrrell  thinks  that  Cicero  here  refers 
to  the  real  merits  of  his  brother's  adminis- 
tration and  understands  'quantum*  in  the 
usual  sense. 

10.  Successorem.  It  is  not  known  who 
succeeded  Q^  Cicero  in  his  province. 

11.  Perblandum.  A  rare  word.  See 
Livy  23.  10. 

Cetera  .  .  requirentur,  'your  other 
qualities  will  be  much  missed  on  his  ar- 
rival.' On  the  abl,  'adventu,*  see  Ep.  8,  11, 
note. 

12.  In  litteris  .  .  praebuisti, '  in  issuing 
rescripts,*  or  perhaps,  as  Prof.  Tyrrell  says, 
'  requisitionary  letters  '  of  which  that  to  the 
agents  of  L.  Flavins  mentioned  below  §  10, 
may  be  a  sample,  '  you  have  shown  yourself 
too  accessible  to  entreaties.' 

13.  Tolle,  '  destroy,'  or  perhaps  '  rescind.' 
Iniquas    .   .    contrarias,    'illegal,   un- 
usual in  form,  or  contrary  to  other  letters.' 

14.  Scriptas  .  .  solerent,  *  that  your  re- 
scripts are  brought  to  you  ready  written  and 
read  by  him,  after  which  he  tells  you  if  they 
contain  anything  illegal  [or  'unfair; '  Tyrr.], 
but  that  before  he  joined  you  there  was  no 
sifting  of  them ;  that  this  carelessness  had 
given  birth  to  the  collections  of  select  cor- 
respondence which  were  so  much  criticised.' 
*  Scriptas,'  '  ab  iis  qui  eas  a  Quinto  petivis- 
sent/  'by  the  petitioners  themselves.*  Manut. 
I  presume  that  those  who  were  aggrieved 
by  Qi  Cicero's  conduct  collected  and  circu- 


u 


>7 


^ 


I 


i 


se  legi,  et,  si  iniquae  sint,  fieri  te  certiorem ;  antequam  vero  ipse 
ad  te  venisset,  nullum  delectum  litterarum  fuisse ;  ex  eo  esse 
9  volumina  selectarum  epistolarum,  quae  reprehendi  solerent.  Hoc 
de  genere  nihil  te  nunc  quidem  moneo ;  sero  est  enim,  ac  scire 
potes  multa  me  varie  diligenterque  monuisse :  illud  tamen,  quod  5 
Theopompo  mandavi,  cum  essem  admonitus  ab  ipso,  vide  per- 
homines  amantes  tui,  quod  est  facile,  ut  haec  genera  tollantur 
epistolarum,  primum  iniquarum,  deinde  contrariarum,  tum  absurde 
et  inusitate  scriptarum,  postremo  in  aliquem  contumeliosarum^. 
Atque  ego  haec  tam  esse,  quam  audio,  non  puto,  et,  si  sunt  occu-  lo 
pationibus  tuis  minus  animadversa,  nunc  perspice  et  purga.  Legi 
epistolam.  quam  ipse  scripsisse  Sulla  nomenclator  dictus  est,  non 
10  probandam  ;  legi  non  nullas  iracundas.  Sed  tempore  ipso  de 
epistolis :  nam  cum  hanc  paginam  tenerem,  L.  Flavius,  praetor 
designatus,  ad  me  venit,  homo  mihi  valde  familiaris.  Is  mihi,  te.15 
ad  procuratores  suos  litteras  misisse,  quae  mihi  visae  sunt  iniquis- 
simae,  ne  quid  de  bonis,  quae  L.  Octavii  Nasonis  fuissent,  cui 


lated    such   of  his   rescripts   as  were   most 
likely  to  make  him  unpopular. 

I.  Sint.  Wesenb.  suggests  'essent*  as  re- 
quired by  the  following  tenses. 

3.  Hoc  de  genere  :  see  note  on  §  4  of 
this  letter. 

5.  Varie  =  ' multis  de  rebus.'    Manut. 
Illud    tamen    refers   to   what   follows. 

See  Ep.  5,  9,  note. 

6.  Theopompus  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  the  retinue  of  Q^  Cicero. 

Vide  per  homines  .  .  ut  tollantur, 
•take  care  that  any  friends  of  yours,  who 
may  meet  with  such  letters,  destroy  them,' 

*  that  any  men,  on  whose  friendship  you  can 
count,  destroy  them.'     Manutius  thinks  that 

*  tollantur'  means  'be  discontinued.' 

8.  Absurde,  perh.  'in  bad  taste.* 
10.  Haec  tam  esse  quam  audio, 'that 
there  are  so  many  faults  of  this  kind  as  I 
hear.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  has  '  that  these  faults 
exist  to  such  a  degree.'  Orell.  does  not 
think  the  insertion  of  any  word  necessary. 

Occupationibus  tuis,  'by  reason  of 
your  occupations.'  We  might  expect  the 
insertion  of 'prae,'  but  cp.  'Gallicanis  legion- 
ibus '  In  Cat.  2.  3,  5,  according  to  some 
editions.     See  also  Madv.  255. 

II.  Perspice  et  purga,  *  look  through 
and  sift.* 

12.  Ipse,  supp.  'without  your  reading  it,' 
or,  perhaps,  as   Schtttz   suggests,  'without 


your  dictating  it.'  Quintus  must  have  sealed 
the  letter  as  it  was  brought  to  him. 

Sulla.  Not  mentioned  elsewhere.  Per- 
haps a  freedman  of  the  Sulla  family,  though 
it  was  not  usual  for  freedmen  to  assume  the 
cognomen  of  their  patronus. 

Nomenclator.  An  attendant,  whose 
business  it  was  to  tell  his  master  the  names 
of  men  who  were  approaching,  as  they 
walked  in  the  streets  together.  The  ser- 
vices of  such  an  attendant  were  especially 
useful  to  candidates  for  public  offices  on  their 
canvass.     Cp.  Pro  Muren.  36,  77. 

13.  Tempore  ipso  de  epistolis,  'I 
was  writing  about  your  letters  at  a  very 
opportune  time.'  On  the  ellipse,  see  Ep.  9, 
8,  note  on  p.  70. 

14.  Cum  .  .  tenerem,  'while  I  held 
this  very  page,'  'was  writing  these  very 
lines.' 

L.  Flavius.  Perhaps  the  tribune  for 
61-60  B.C.,  who  brought  forward  an 
agrarian  law  in  Pompey's  interest,  and  had 
the  consul  Metellus  Celer  arrested  for  op- 
posing him.  Cp.  Ep.  9,  6  and  8,  notes. 
He  fought  on  Caesar's  side  in  the  civil  war. 
Cp.  Ep.  68,  2. 

16.  Procuratores,  '  agents.' 

17.  L.  Octavius  Naso  is  not  mentioned 
elsewhere.  He  seems  to  have  died  in  Asia, 
leaving  Flavius  his  heir ;  who  would  natu- 
rally wish  to  convert  the  iuheritance  into 


H 


i 


98 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part 


1. 


L.FIavius  heres  est,  deminuerent  ante,  quam  C.  Fundanio  pecu- 
niam  solvissent ;  itemque  misisse  ad  Apollonidenses,  ne  de  boms., 
quae  Octavii  fuissent,  deminui  paterentur  prius,  quam  Fundamo. 
debitum  solutum  esset.     Haec  mihi  veri  similia  non  videntur; 

5  sunt  eaim  a  prudentia  tua  remotissima.     'Ne  deminuat  heres?- 
Quid  si  infitiatur  ?  quid  si  omnino  non  debet  ?  quid  ?  praetor  solet- 
iudicare  deberi?    Quid?  ego  Fundanio  non  cupio?  non  amicus, 
sum  ?  non  misericordia  moveor  ?   Nemo  magis ;  sed  vis  luris  ems. 
modi  est  quibusdam  in  rebus,  ut  nihil  sit  loci  gratiae.    Atque  ita 

10  mihi  dicebat  Flavius  scriptum  in  ea  epistola,  quam  tuam  esse 
dicebat,  te  aut  quasi  amicis  tuis  gratias  acturum  aut  quasi  im- 
micis  incommoda  «^laturum.    Quid  multa?    Ferebat  graviter,  et  u 
vehementer  mecum  querebatur  orabatque,  ut  ad  te  quam  dihgen- 
tissime  scriberem :  quod  facio  et  te  prorsus  vehementer  etiam. 

15  atque  etiam  rogo,  ut  et  procuratoribus  Flavii  remittas  de  demi- 
nuendo  et  Apollonidensibus   ne   quid   perscribas,  quod  contra, 
Flavium  sit,  amplius.     Et  Flavii  causa  et  scilicet  Pompeii  facies- 
omnia.     Nolo  medius  fidius  ex  tua  iniuria  in  ilium  tibi  liberalem 


money   as    socm   as   possible,  through  his 

agents.  ^ 

1.  Deminuerent.  'Deminuere  =*ahe- 
nare.*     Forcell.     Cp.  Pro  Sulla  1,  2. 

C.  Fundanius  may  perhaps  be  identified 
with  a  Roman  knight  who  deserted  to 
Caesar  in  the  second  Spanish  war.  Cp.  Bell. 
Hisp.  II.  He  seems  to  have  had  claims 
against  the  estate  of  Octavius,  and  to  have 
prevailed  on  Q^  Cicero  to  interfere  with  the 
ordinary  course  of  law  on  h^s  behalf. 

2.  Apollonidenses.  ApoUonis  was  a 
town  of  Mysia,  about  40  miles  from 
Pf  rgamum,  and  as  far  from  Sardis.  Cp.  Pro 
Fiacc.  29,  71. 

6.  Quid  si  infitiatur, 'what  if  Flavms 

denies  the  debt.'  ^ 

Praetor.  More  correctly  'propraetor. 
But  Verres  is  called  'praetor'  In  Verr.  Act. 
2.  I.  12,  34,  and  2.  12,  31;  cp.  also  Ep. 
t^6,  II.  The  proper  course  was  for  the 
magistrate  or  governor  (praetor  or  proprae- 
tor) to  lay  down  the  law,  and  to  name  a 
judge  or  judges  to  try  the  question  of  fact ; 
not  for  the  magistrate  ('iudicare')  to  try 
the  question  of  fact  as  (1.  Cicero  had  done. 
See  the  second  passage  quoted  above. 

7.  Ego  .  .  non  cupio,    'do  I  not  wish 
Fundanius  well  ? '     See  Madv.  244  a. 

8.  Vis.     The  best  MS.  has  'via,'  which 
might  mean  '  course,'  *  method.'     Cp.  '  non 


tam  iustitiae  quam  Htigandi  tradunt  vias ' 
De  Legg.  I.  6,  18. 

o.   Ita  .  .  scriptum,  sc.  «esse. 

11.  Te  aut  .  .  aut  foil.,  'that  according 
to  their  [the  procuratores']  behaviour  in 
this  matter  you  would  treat  them  as  friends 

or  enemies.'  t    •*  -n  » 

12.  Ferebat  graviter,  *  he  took  it  ill. 

♦  Ferre  graviter '  is  more  commonly  followed 
by  an  accusative,  or  by  a  sentence,  but  the 
ellipse  is  not  unnatural  in  a  letter. 

13.  Diligcntissime,   'as    earnestly   as 
possible.'     Forcell.  , 

15.  Remittas,  'make  a  concession  to, 

•  withdraw  your  prohibition.'  The  verb  is 
used  in  a  similar  sense  with '  aliquid,'  Philipp. 

I.  5,  12.  Cp.  Tac.  Ann.  i.  8  '  Remisit 
Caesar  adroganti  moderatione. 

16.  Perscribas.  The  MS.  M.  has  'pre- 
scribas  '  for  '  praescribas,'  '  dictate,'  which 
Prof.  Tyrrell  reads. 

17.  Scilicet, 'assuredly.'    Cp.Ep.  12,4. 
Facies   omnia,  'make  all  these  conces- 
sions.'    For  this  use  of  the  fut.  ind.,  cp.  Ep. 

II,  3,  note.  Flavius  was  a  political  friend 
of  Pompey.  See  below;  also  Ad  Att.  I. 
18,  6;   I.  ig,  4;  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  15. 

18.  Nolo  .  .  me  videri,'I  by  no  means 
wish  you  should  think  I  am  doing  a  favour 
(to  Pompey  and  Flavius)  at  the  expense  of 
a  wrong  done  by  you  to  Fundanius.* 


I\ 


i 


i 


EP.  15.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT,  FRAT.    /.  2. 


99 


me  videri,  sed  te  oro,  ut  tu  ipse  auctorltatem  et  monumentum 
aliquod  decreti  aut  litterarum  tuarum  relinquas,  quod  sit  ad  Flavii 
rem  et  ad  causam  accommodatum :  fert  enim  graviter  homo  et 
mei  observantissimus  et  sui  iuris  dignitatisque  retinens  se  apud 
te  neque  amicitia  nee  iure  valuisse  ;  et,  ut  opinor,  Flavii  aliquando  5 
rem  et  Pompeius  et  Caesar  tibi  commendarunt,  et  ipse  ad  te  scrip- 
serat  Flavius  et  ego  certe.  Qua  re  si  ulla  res  est,  quam  tibi  me 
petente  faciendam  putes,  haec  ea  sit.  Si  me  amas,  cura,  elabora, 
perfice,  ut  Flavius  et  tibi  et  mihi  quam  maximas  gratias  agat :  hoc 
te  ita  rogo,  ut  maiore  studio  rogare  non  possim.  10 

12  IV.  Quod  ad  me  de  Hermia  scribis,  mihi  mehercule  valde 
molestum  fuit.     Litteras  ad  te  parum  fraterne  scripseram  ;  quas"^ 
oratione  Diodoti,  Luculli  liberti,  commotus,  de  pactione  statim 
quod  audieram,  iracundius  scripseram  et  revocare  cupiebam  :  huic- 

13  tu  epistolae  non  fraterne  scriptae  fraterne  debes  ignoscere.     De  15 
Censorino,  Antonio,  Cassiis  Scaevola,  te  ab  iis  diligi,  ut  scribis, 
vehementer  gaudeo.     Cetera  fuerunt  in  eadem  epistola  graviora, 
quam  vellem  :  opOav  tolv  vavv  et  ctTraf  Oavuv.     Maiora  ista  erunt : 


Medius  fidius,  =  *ita  me  deus  fidius  ad- 
iuvet.'  The  words  '  deus  fidius  '  are  variously 
explained  as  equivalent  to  (Zcvy  marios)  the 
god  of  good  faith  ;  •  dius  filius,'  Hercules  or 
Sancus  (see  Zumpt,  L.  G.  361,  note)  ;  and 
*per  divi  fidem.'  Paul.  Diac.  ap.  Festum, 
p.  147,  Miiller.  On  the  ace.  and  infin.  after 
•  volo,'  '  cupio,'  etc.,  see  Madv.  389,  Obs.  4. 

1.  Auctoritatem,  'an  official  declara- 
tion.'    Cp.  In  Verr.  Act.  2,  3.  62,  146. 

Monumentum,  'record.*  On  the  gen. 
•decreti,'  see  Ep.  10,  2.  note,  on  p.  75. 

2.  Relinquas.  Tempus  enim  disces- 
sionis  appropinquabat.    Manut. 

Quod  sit  .  .  accommodatum,  'framed 
to  promote  the  cause  and  interest  of  Flavius.* 
On  the  conj.  'sit,'  see  Ep.  5,  8,  note. 

4.  Retinens,  'tenacious  of.'  Nagelsb. 
72,  196.  On  the  gen.,  see  Madv.  289  a, 
and  cp.  '  avitae  nobilitatis  inter  angustias 
fortunae  retinens '  Tac.  Ann.  2.  38. 

Se  .  .  valuisse,  'that  neither  regard 
for  friendship  nor  regard  for  justice  pre- 
vailed with  you  on  his  behalf.' 

5.  lure.  'Cum  iudicare  praetor  non 
debueris'  Manut. 

8.  Elabora.  With  *  perfice*  this  word 
may  mean,  'bring  it  to  pass  by  your  exer- 
tions. 

II.  Hermia:  apparently  a  slave  of  M, 
Cicero.     Cp.  Ep.  53,  1. 


13.  Diodoti.  Diodotus  seems  aot  to  be 
mentioned  elsewhere. 

Pactione.  What  Cicero  here  refers  to 
is  not  known.  Manut.  says  '  inter  Graecos 
et  publicanos  facta,'  and  cites  Ad  Q^  F.  i. 
I,  12. 

Statim  quod,  *  immediately  after.*  Cp. 
'  inde  quod'  Ter.  Heaut.  i.  1,2;  and  '  tertius 
dies  est  quod '  Plin.  Epp.  4.  27. 

15.  De  Censorino.  The  man  here  men- 
tioned may  have  been  L.  Marcius  Censo- 
rinus,  praetor  43  B.C.,  and  an  adherent  of 
M.  Antonius.  He  is  often  noticed  in  the 
Philippics.  Cp.  Philipp.  il.  5,  11  ;  II.  14, 
36;  12.  8,  20.  It  is  uncertain  who  were 
the  Cassii  and  Antonius  here  mentioned. 

16.  Scaevola.  Q.  Mucins  (^  F.  Q^  N. 
Scaevola,  tribune  in  55-54  B.C.,  opposed  the 
claim  of  C.  Pomptinus  to  a  triumph  (cp. 
Ad  Att.  4.  16,  1 2).  He  was  legate  to  Appius 
Claudius  in  Cilicia  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  3.  5,  5), 
and  Caesar  seems  to  have  counted  on  his 
support  (Ep.  62,  3)  in  the  senate  in  49  B.C. 

17.  Graviora,  'more  serious.'  Prof. 
Tyrrell  says  '  more  strongly  expressed  than 
I  could  have  wished.* 

18.  bpOav  TOLvvavv.  InStobaeus,  OTt  Scf 
'^ivvaiojs  (pfpdv  rci  irpoamirroPTay  p.  108 
(106)  83  ad  fin.  we  find,  KaXoJs  t6  tow 
Kv^ipirqrov  €Kfivov  *AAX*  ovv  yf  u  Tluad^ov, 
dp$qv,  translated  by  Seneca,  Epp.  Mor.  85 


II  2, 


li 


il' 


lOO 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I, 


meae  obiurgationes  fuerunt  amoris  plenissimae ;  quae  sunt  non 
nulla,  sed  tamen  mediocria  et  parva  potius.  Ego  te  numquam 
ulla  in  re  dignum  minima  reprehensione  putassem,  cum  te  sanctis- 
sime  gereres,  nisi  inimicos  multos  haberemus.    Quae  ad  te  aliqua 

5  cum  monitione  aut  obiurgatione  scripsi,  scripsi  propter  diligentiam 
cautionis  meae,  in  qua  et  maneo  et  manebo  et,  idem  ut  facias, 
non  desistam  rogare.    Attalus  Hypaepenus  mecum  egit,  ut  se  ne  14 
impedires,  quo  minus,  quod  ad  Q  Publicii  statuam  decretum  est, 
erogaretur :  quod  ego  te  et  rogo  et  admoneo,  ne  talis  viri  tamque 

lo  nostri  necessarii  honorem  minui  per  te  aut  impediri  velis.  Prae- 
terea  Aesopi  [tragoedi],  nostri  familiaris,  Licinius  servus,  tibi 
notus,  aufugit :  is  Athenis  apud  Patronem  Epicureum  pro  libero 
fuit ;  inde  in  Asiam  venit.  Postea  Plato  quidam  Sardianus,  Epi- 
cure'us,  qui  Athenis  solet  esse  multum  et  qui  tum  Athenis  fuerat, 

15  cum  Licinius  eo  venisset,  cum  eum  fugitivum  esse  postea  ex 
Aesopi  litteris  cognosset,  hominem  comprehendit  et  in  custodiam 
Ephesi  tradidit,  sed  in  publicam  an  in  pistrinum  non  satis  ex 


(12.3,  33)  *  Neptune  numquam  banc  navem 
nisi  rectam/  It  means  here,  *be  assured 
that  I  will  govern  my  province  rightly.'  I 
owe  this  correction  of  my  former  note  to 
Prof.  Tyrrell. 

d-nai  eavfiv.  From  Aesch.  Prom.  Vinct. 
769  (Paley),  where  lo  says 

KpufffTov  yap  eiadna^  Bavnv 

^  ras  avaaas  ijfiipas  vaax^^v  KUKUfs. 
Qiiintus  means  that  he  had  rather  die  than 
be  constantly  abused. 

Maiora  ista  erunt,  *such  expressions 
will  do  for  greater  troubles,'  Orell.  ap.  Billerb. 
*  You  speak  in  too  tragic  tones.'  Wesenb. 
proposes  to  omit  *  erunt'  as  repeated  from 
the  following  *  fuerunt,'  and  to  read  'questus 
sum'  for  *  quae  sunt.' 

I.  Quae  sunt  non  nulla  .  .  potius. 
If  these  words  are  genuine,  they  may  per- 
haps be  translated, '  which  have  some  severity 
(deserve  the  name  obiurgationes  to  some 
extent),  but  only  a  moderate  or  rather  a 
small  amount  of  it.'  On  the  gender  of 
*nonnulla,'  cp.  Madv.  211  b,  Obs.  i.  Prof. 
Tyrrell  reads  *  quaerunt '  = '  requirunt,*  '  my 
reproaches  require  some  changes  in  your 
conduct.* 

3.  Cum  .  .  gereres,  *  considering  that 
you  behave  very  well.'  On  the  tense,  cp. 
note  on  §  2  of  this  letter. 

5.  Cum  monitione.  As  *monitio'  is 
said  to  occur  in  only  one  other  passage  of 
Cicero's  writings  (Lael.  24,  89),  Wesenb. 
suggests  'cum  aJmonitione.* 


Diligentiam  cautionis  meae,  *  my 
careful  foresight.'     See  on  the  gen.,  Ep.  10, 

2,  note. 

7.  Attalus  is  only  mentioned  here. 
Hypaepenus.     Hypaepi  was  a  city  of 

Lydia,   on   the   southern    slope   of   Mount 
Tmolus,  and  about  42  miles  from  Ephesus. 

8.  CLPublicii.  Baiter  adopts  this  from 
Schutz  for  the  MS.  reading '  Publiceni.'  Pub- 
licius  was  praetor  in  65  B.C.  (cp.  Pro  Cluent. 
45,  1 26),  and  may  have  afterwards  governed 

Asia. 

9.  Erogaretur,  'should  be  paid  from 
the  provincial  treasury.'  Attalus  was  not 
improbably  the  contractor  for  this  statue. 

Quod  ego  te  et  rogo,  'as  to  which  I 
both  entreat  you.'     Cp.  De  Nat.  Deor.  2.  9, 

24. 

11.  Aesopi:  cp.  'gravis  Aesopus'Hor. 
Epp.  2.  I,  82.  He  was  an  eminent  tragic 
actor,  on  friendly  terms  with  Cicero,  who 
commends  his  political  principles  as  well  as 
his  professional  talent.  Cp.  Pro  Sest.  56, 
120;  also  Rhet.  ad  Herenn.  3.  21. 

Licinius.  Evidently  distinct  from  the 
man  mentioned  before  in  this  letter.  Neither 
his  name  nor  that  of  Plato  of  Sardis 
seems  to  be  found  elsewhere  in  Cicero's 
writings. 

12.  Patron,  who  succeeded  Phaedrus  as 
an  Epicurean  teacher  at  Athens,  seems  to 
have  been  intimate  with  Cicero.  Cp.  Ep. 
31,  6;  Ad  Fam.  13,  I. 

17.  In  publicam,  so.  'custodiam,'  *to 


4 


f- 


If 


4 


i 


EP.  15.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT.  FRAT.    /.  2. 


lOl 


litteris  eius  intellegere  potuimus :  tu,  quoquo  modo  est,  quoniam 
Ephesi  est,  hominem  investiges  velim  summaque  diligentia  vel 
tecum  deducas.  NoH  spectare,  quanti  homo  sit;  parvi  enim 
pretii  est,  qui  iam  nihili  est ;  sed  tanto  dolore  Aesopus  est  ad- 
fectus  propter  servi  scelus  et  audaciam,  ut  nihil  ei  gratius  facere  5 
possis,  quam  si  ilium  per  te  recuperarit. 

15  V.  Nunc  ea  cognosce,  quae  maxime  exoptas :  rem  publicam 
funditus  amisimus,  adeo  ut  Cato,  adulescens  nullius  consilii,  sed 
tamen  civis  Romanus  et  Cato,  vix  vivus  effugeret,  quod,  cum 
Gabinium  de  ambitu  vellet  postulare,  neque  praetores  diebus  lo 
aliquot  adiri  possent  vel  potestatem  sui  facerent,  in  contionem 
escendit  et  Pompeium  privatum  dictatorem  appellavit ;  propius 
nihil  est  factum,  quam  ut  occideretur.     Ex  hoc,  qui  sit  status 

letotius  rei  publicae,  videre  potes.     Nostrae  tamen  causae  non 
videntur  homines  defuturi :   mirandum  in  modum   profitentur,  15 
offerunt  se,  pollicentur.     Equidem  cum  spe  sum  maxima,  tum 
maiore  etiam  animo,  spe,  superiores  fore  nos,  animo,  ut  in  hac  re 


the  public  prison,'  distinguished  from  pistri- 
num, a  private  place  of  punishment  for 
slives,'  *  a  mill '  where  they  had  to  grind ; 
frequently  referred  to  in  the  Roman  come- 
dians. 

1.  Est.     Prof.  Tyrrell  reads  *  potest.' 

2.  Vel  tecum,  'even  in  your  own  com- 
pany,' i.  e.  '  on  your  return  to  Rome.' 
Quintus  had  not  much  longer  to  stay  in  his 
province.  Wesenb.  suggests  that  '  vel  Ro- 
mam  mittas,'  or  other  words  to  that  effect, 
should  be  inserted  after  '  diligentia.' 

4.  Nihili.  So  Baiter.  The  MS.  has 
'  nihil,'  which  Forcell.  explains  as  =  '  nullius 

pretii.' 

8.  Adeo  ut  .  .  effugeret.  On  the 
mood,  see  Madv,  355,  and  for  the  tense, 
ib.  382. 

Cato.  C.  Porcius  Cato  is  probably 
meant,  a  man  of  shifting  principles  and 
strong  prejudices.  He  had  a  quarrel  with 
Ptolemy,  also  with  P.  Lentulus  Spinther, 
Pompey.  Milo,  and  Cicero ;  but  was  recon- 
ciled to  the  three  last.  Cp.  Ep.  23, 3  and  4. 
He  was  tribune  57-6  B.C. ;  was  accused  of 
illegal  conduct  two  years  afterwards,  but 
acquitted.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  15,  4;  4-  i^,  5 ; 

4-  17'  2. 

Nullius  consilii,  gen.  quahtatis.     See 

Madv.  287. 

9.  Et  Cato,  *and  a  Cato.* 

10.  Gabinium.  Aulus  Gabiniiis  was  now 
consul  elect.  For  more  particulars  about 
him,  see  Ep.  1 3,  3,  and  references  there. 


Postulare,  '  to  demand  leave  to  accuse,' 
the  first  step  in  a  prosecution. 

Diebus  aliquot,  ablat.  of  a  space  of 
time.     See  Madv.  276. 

11.  Adiri  .  .  facerent,  'allowed  no  ac- 
cess   to,    or    communication   with,   them.* 

Forcell. 

In  contionem,  *to  the  rostra,*  where, 
as  a  private  citizen,  he  had  no  right  to 
appear,  except  at  the  bidding  of  a  magis- 
trate.    See  £p.  7,  1,  note. 

12.  Privatum  dictatorem,  'a  dictator 
in  a  private  station,'  '  an  unrecognised  dic- 
tator.' 

Propius  .  .  occideretur.  On  the 
general  form  of  this  sentence,  see  Madv. 

373-  ,  .      . 

Propius    factum,    'nearer   happemng. 

Cp.  'propius  fidem'  Liv.  4.  17;   'propius 

virtutem*  Sail.  Cat.  11. 

14.  Nostrae  .  .  causae.  Cicero  was 
threatened  with  an  attack  by  Clodius. 

15.  Profitentur,  '  declare  themselves  for 

me.' 

16.  Pollicentur,  *make  promises.'  For- 
cell. It  has  an  accusative  a  few  lines 
below. 

17.  Spe,  superiores  .  .  animo.  The 
MS.  has  'sperent  superiores  fore  nos,  con- 
fidant animo  ut.'  The  reading  in  the  text 
is  that  of  Madvig  and  Baiter. 

Animo  .  .  ut  .  .  pertimescam,  for  the 
conj.,  explaining  'animo,'  cp.  Ep.  13,  3, 
note. 


loa 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


publica  ne  casum  quidem  ullum  pertimescam.  Sed  tamen  se  res 
sic  habet :  si  diem  nobis  dixerit,  tota  Italia  concurret,  ut  niulti- 
plicata  gloria  discedamus ;  sin  autem  vi  agere  conabitur,  spero 
fore  studiis  non  solum  amicorum,  sed  etiam  alienorum,  ut  vi 

5  resistamus.  Omnes  et  se  et  suos  amicos,  clientes,  libertos,  servos, 
pecunias  denique  suas  pollicentur  ;  nostra  antiqua  manus  bonorum 
ardet  studio  nostri  atque  amore ;  si  qui  antea  aut  alieniores 
fuerant  aut  languidiores,  nunc  horum  regum  odio  se  cum  bonis 
coniungunt.     Pompeius  omnia  pollicetur  et  Caesar,  quibus  ego  ita 

10  credo,  ut  nihil  de  mea  comparatione  deminuam.  Tribuni  pi. 
designati  sunt  nobis  amici ;  consules  se  optime  ostendunt ;  prae- 
tores  habemus  amicissimos  et  acerrimos  cives,  Domitium,  Nigi- 
dium,  Memmium,  Lentulum ;  bonos  etiam  alios,  hos  singulares : 


In  hac  re  publica.  '  Quicunque  nunc 
est  et  quocunque  evasurus  rei  publicae 
siatus  '     Orell.  ap.  Billerb. 

1.  Sed  tamen,  resumptive;  'however, 
as  I  was  going  to  say.'     See  Madv.  4S0. 

Se  res  sic  habet,  'the  case  stands  as 
follows.'     Forceli. 

2.  Si  diem  .  .  dixerit,  sc.  Clodius,  Mf 
he  indicts  me,'  '  proceeds  legally.' 

Ut  .  .  discedamus,  *  that  we  shall  get 
out  of  the  affair,'  or  '  ex  iudicio,'  as  Manut. 
followed  by  Tyrrell.  '  Discedere  dicitur 
qui  re  confecta  quidpiam  aut  obtinuit  aut 
perdidit'  Forceli.  On  the  mood,  see  §  15 
above;  and  on  the  tense,  Ep.  6,  i,  note 
on  p.  42. 

3.  Spero  fore  .  .  ut  vi  resistamus. 
On  the  first  ablat.  see  Ep.  12,  3,  note;  on 
the  second,  Ep.  4,  2,  note.  *  I  hope  the  zeal 
of  my  friends  will  enable  me  to  resist  force 
with  force.'  On  the  position  of  '  ut,'  see 
Madv.  465  b. 

6.  Nostra  antiqua  manus,  'my  old 
supporters.*  Cp.  '  consularis  exercitus  '  Ep. 
12,  4. 

8.  Horum  regum,  i.e.  the  triumvirs. 

9.  Quibus  ego  ita  credo  .  .  ut  demi- 
nuam, '  but  I  do  not  allow  my  confidence 
in  them  to  suspend  my  own  preparations.' 
On  •  ita  .  .  ut,'  see  Ep.  9,  6,  note.  '  Com- 
paratio'  seems  not  to  be  common  in  this 
sense  without  an  objective  genitive  follow- 
ing. 

10.  Tribuni  plebis  designati.  Among 
them  were  L.  Ninnius  Quadratus,  P.  (?) 
Ae'ius  Ligus,  perhaps  Q.  Terentius  Culleo, 
P.  Clodius.  Cicero  can  hardly  have  meant 
to  include  the  last  among  his  friends,  and 
P.  Aelius  also  proved  hostile.  Cp.  Pro 
iiesiio,  31,  68.     The  complete  list  given  in 


previous  editions  was  taken  from  Biller- 
beck's  note,  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  find 
authority  for  most  of  the  names. 

II.  Consules,  sc.  '  designati.'  L.  Piso 
and  A.  Gabinius.  Cicero's  hopes  were  not 
well  founded. 

Se  optime  ostendunt,  'shew  them- 
selves very  well  disposed.'  Cp.  the  use  of 
the  adverb  in  such  expressions  '  as  dicta  im- 
pune  erant'  Tac.  Ann.  i.  72.  and  Ep.  4,  I, 
note.  Wesenb.,  however,  suggests  '  optimos.* 

Praetores,  sc.  '  designatos,'  Manut. 
*  among  the  praetors,*  elect,  '  for  praetors.' 
See  Madv.  227  a. 

12.  Domitium.  L.  Ahenobarbum.  See 
Ep.  I,  3,  note. 

Nigidium.  P.  Nigidius  Figulus  was  a 
senator  of  philosophical  tastes.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
4-  13.  3-  He  was  one  of  the  senators  chosen 
to  report  on  the  informations  laid  against 
Lentulus  and  others  in  63  B.C.  Cp.  Pro 
Sulla  14,  42.  He  was  subsequently  banished 
by  Caesar,  and  seems  to  have  died  in  exile. 

13.  Memmium.  C.  Memmius Gemellus 
was  a  man  of  talent,  but  of  bad  character. 
He  was  quaestor  to  Pompey  in  Spain  (cp. 
Pro  Baibo  2,  5),  and  afterwards  curule  aedile 
in  60  B.C.  (cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  18,  3),  when  he 
summoned  Vatinius  before  him  for  trial 
(cp.  In  Vat.  14).  Memmius  attacked 
Caesar,  was  reconciled  to  him  for  a  short 
time,  and  quarrelled  with  him  again  (cp. 
Ad  Att.  4.  15,  7  ;  4.  16,  6),  was  accused  of 
bribery,  and  banished  in  54  or  53  B.C.  Cp. 
Ad  CL  F.  3.  2,  3;  Ad  Att.  6.  i,  23;  Ad 
Fam.  13.  I.  Lucretius  dedicated  to  him 
his  poem  '  de  rerum  natura.'  Cp.  Lucr.  de 
Rer.  Nat.  1.27,  43. 

Lentulum.    L.  Lentulus  Crus  interceded 
for  Cicero  with  the  consul  Piso  in  58  B.C. 


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EPP.  15,  16.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IIL  15.       103 

qua  re  magnum  fac  animum  habeas  et  spem  bonam.    De  singulis 
tamen  rebus,  quae  quotidie  gerantur,  faciam  te  crebro  certiorem. 


16.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  III.  15). 
Thessalonica,  August  17,  58  b.c.  (696  a.u.c.) 

T.  I  have  received  four  letters  from  you,  which  I  will  answer  in  order.  2.  In  the 
first,  you  exhort  me  to  be  firm ;  I  am  really  ashamed  of  my  own  composure,  consider- 
ing what  I  have  lost  and  what  I  suffer.  I  v.dllingly  accept  your  defence  of  Gate  and 
others.  3.  I  do  not  think  the  freedman  of  Crassus,  whom  you  mention  in  your  second, 
was  honest  in  what  he  said.  The  proceedings  in  the  senate,  of  which  you  speak  in 
your  third,  were  satisfactory— but  other  accounts  differ  from  yours.  Varro's  language, 
quoted  in  your  fourth,  gives  hopes  of  Caesar.  4.  If  you  will  serve  me  now,  I  will 
make  amends  for  past  neglect.  Had  you  been  thoroughly  devoted  to  my  cause,  you 
would  have  advised  me  to  resist  Clodius ;  I  allow,  however,  that  I  did  not  shew  more 
penetration  or  resolution  than  yourself.  5-  What  occurred  to  you  and  Culleo  is  worth 
consideration,  but  1  think  a  repeal  of  the  act  of  banishment  would  be  preferable  to  a 
mere  declaration  of  its  illegality,  and  not  subject  to  more  difficulties.  The  first  law  of 
Clodius  would  have  done  no  harm,  if  I  had  been  wise.  6.  I  fear  you  are  concealing 
some  facts  from  me.  How  do  my  friends  propose  to  evade  the  provisions  made  by 
Clodius  against  the  repeal  of  his  law?  I  shall  wait  at  Thessalonica  for  the  gazette  of 
Aug.  I.  7.  I  again  appeal  to  you,  either  to  do  me  real  and  effective  service,  or  to  let 
me  know  the  w^orst.  I  only  charge  you  with  want  of  zeal,  not  with  perfidy.  8.  Let 
me  then  have  accurate  news,  and  write  in  my  name  to  those  who  you  think  wish  to 
hear  about  me. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Accepi  Idibus  Sextilibus  quattuor  epistolas  a  te  missas  :  unam, 
qua  me  obiurgas,  ut  sim  firmior ;  alteram,  qua  Crassi  libertum  ais 
tibi  de  mea  soUicitudine   macieque  narrasse ;   tertiam,  qua  de-  5 
monstras  acta  in  senatu  ;  quartam  de  eo,  quod  a  Varrone  scribis 

2  tibi  esse  confirmatum  de  voluntate  Pompeii.    Ad  primam  tibi  hoc 


(In  Pis.  3 1),  and  afterwards  supported  his  claim 
to  a  triumph  (Ad  Fam.  i6.  il,  3).  He  was 
consul  in  49  b.c,  and  fought  on  the  side  of 
Pompey  in  the  civil  war.  Cp.  Epp.  80,  6 ; 
87,  2.  He  fled  to  Egypt  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalus,  and  was  put  to  death  by  order  of 
Ptolemy  XIII,  Dionysius,  or  of  his  advisers. 
Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  104. 

Alios,  'others  among  the  number.*  The 
four  other  praetors  were  L.  Flavius,  T.  Am- 
pins Balbus,  M.  Terentius  Varro,  M.  Nonius 
Sufenas.     The  election  of  praetors  had  thus 


resulted,  on  the  whole,  unfavourably  for  the 
triumvirs ;  it  is  not  probable  that  any  of 
their  decided  adherents  were  among  the 
number  of  successful  candidates,  except  per- 
haps Flavius  and  Nonius. 

1.  Fac  .  .  habeas:   see   Madv.  372  b, 
Obs.  4. 

2.  Gerantur.     On  the  mood,  see  Ep.  5, 
8,  note  ;  Madv.  369. 

4.  Obiurgas  ut    sim   firmior.     Con- 
densed for  '  obiurgas  et  rogas  ut '  B  >ot. 


104 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


scribo,  me  ita  dolere,  ut  non  modo  a  mente  non  deserar,  sed  id 
ipsum  doleam,  me  tam  firma  mente  ubi  utar  et  quibuscum  non 
habere.  Nam  si  tu  me  uno  non  sine  maerore  cares,  quid  me 
censes,  qui  et  te  et  omnibus  ?  et,  si  tu  incolumis  me  requiris,  quo 

5  modo  a  me  ipsam  incolumitatem  desiderari  putas?  nolo  comme- 
morare,  quibus  rebus  sim  spoliatus,  non  solum  quia  non  ignoras, 
sed  etiam  ne  ;rscindam  ipse  dolorem  meum  :  hoc  confirmo,  neque 
tantis  bonis  esse  privatum  quemquam  neque  in  tantas  miserias 
incidisse.     Dies  autem  non  modo  non  levat  luctum  hunc,  sed 

10  etiam  auget ;  nam  ceteri  dolores  mitigantur  vetustate,  hie  non. 
potest  non  et  sensu  praesentis  miseriae  et  recordatione  praeteritae- 
vitae  quotidie  augeri :  desidero  enim  non  mea  solum  neque  meos, 
sed  me  ipsum.  Quid  enim  sum  ?  Sed  non  faciam  ut  aut  tuum, 
animum  angam  querelis  aut  meis  volneribus  saepius  manus  ad-. 

15  feram.     Nam  quod  purgas  eos,  quos  ego  mihi  scripsi  invidisse,  et 
in  eis  Catonem,   ego  vero  tantum  ilium  puto  ab  isto  scelere. 
afuisse,  ut  maxime  doleam  plus  apud  me  simulationem  aliorum 
quam  istius  fidem  valuisse.     Ceteros  quod  purgas,  debent  mihi- 
purgati  esse,  tibi  si  sunt.    Sed  haec  sero  agimus.    Crassi  libertum  3 

20  nihil  puto  sincere  locutum.     In  senatu  rem  probe  scribis  actam. 


1.  Ita  dolere,  ut  .  .  non  deserar :  see 
Ep.  9,  6,  note.  And  on  '  ut  non '  as  distin- 
guished from  •  ne,'  see  Madv.  456. 

2.  Ubi  utar  et  quibuscum,  *a  sphere 
and  society  in  which  to  show  my  firmness.' 

3.  Quid  me  censes,  sc.  *  facere.'  See 
Ep.  8,  0,  note. 

4.  Omnibus,  sc,  *careo.*  For  the  omis- 
sion, see  Madv.  478  and  Obs.  5. 

Incolumis,  'whose  position  is  unim- 
paired ;'  used  in  a  political  sense  often  by 
Cicero,  as  is  '  calamitas.' 

7.  Rescindam,  'tear  open,  as  if  a  half- 
healed  wound.     Cp.  Ovid.  Trist.  3.  II,  63, 

'Ergo  quicumque  es  rescindere  crimina 
noli 
De     que     gravi    duras    vulnere    toUe 
manus.* 
9.  Dies,    'lapse   of  time.'       Cp.   'ipsa 
die  quae  debilitat  cogitationes.'     Ad  Fam. 
I.  6,  I. 

13.  Sed  me  ipsum.  Cp.  for  the  thought 
•non  enim  vidisses  fratrem  tuum,  non  eum 
quern  reliqueras  '  Ad  Q^  F.  i.  3,  i,  and  Fam. 

14-  I.  3- 

Non  faciam  ut,  pleonastic.    See  Madv. 

481  b. 

14.  Manus   adferam,  'feel/  'handle.' 


Cp.  the  quotation  from  Ovid  on  1.  7, 
above. 

15.  Quod  purgas  :  see  Ep.  8,  14,  note. 
Quos    ego    mihi    scripsi    invidisse. 

He  refers  especially  to  Hortensius.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  3.  9,  2,  where  he  says  of  Hortensius 
*  nondum  perspicis  .  .  quorum  scelere  perie- 
rimus?'  also  Ad  Q^F.  i.  3,  8. 

16.  Ego  vero,  '  I  certainly.'  See  Madv. 
454,  and  cp.  •  ego  vero  libenter  desino '  Pro 
Muren.  4,  9. 

Tantum  .  .  afuisse,  'so  far  do  I  think 
he  was  from  sharing  that  crime.' 

17.  Simulationem  aliorum,  *the  pre- 
tended friendship^  others.*  Perhaps  of  the 
consuls  and  of  Pompey.     Cp.  Epp.  12,  4; 

15»  16. 

18.  Debent  mihi  .  .  si  sunt,  '  I  ought 
to  acquit  their  conduct  of  blame  if  you  do.* 
Prof.  Tyrrell  finds  a  difficulty  here.  Do  not 
the  words  simply  illustrate  Cicero's  confi- 
dence in  his  friend's  judgment? 

19.  Crassi  .  .  locutum,  *  I  do  not  think 
the  freedman  of  Crassus  spoke  honestly.* 
Cicero  comments  in  order  on  the  four  letters 
he  had  received  from  Atticus.  Cp.  §  I. 
The  allusion  to  the  freedman  of  Crassus  is 
obscure. 

20.  Rem  .  .  actam.     These  words  refer 


EP.  16.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  III,  15.  105 

Sed  quid  Curio?  an  illam  orationem  non  legit?  quae  unde  sit 
prolata  nescio.    Sed  Axius,  eiusdem  diei  scribens  ad  me  acta,  non 
ita  laudat  Curionem.     At  potest  ille  aliquid  praetermittere ;  tu, 
nisi   quod   erat  profecto   non   scripsisti.     Varronis   sermo  facit 
exspectationem  Caesaris,  atque  utinam  ipse  Varro  incumbat  in  5 
causam !  quod  profecto  cum  sua  sponte,  tum  te  instante  faciet. 
4  Ego,  si  me  aliquando  vestri  et  patriae  compotem  fortuna  fecerit, 
certe  efficiam  ut  maxime  laetere  unus  ex  omnibus  amicis,  meaque 
officia   et   studia,  quae   parum  antea   luxerunt  —  fatendum  est 
enim — ,  sic  exsequar,  ut  me  aeque  tibi  ac  fratri  et  liberis  nostris  10 
restitutum  putes.      Si   quid  in  te  peccavi,  ac  potius  quoniam# 
peccavi.  ignosce  ;  in  me  enim  ipsum  peccavi  vehementius.    Nequ^*" 
haec  eo  scribo,  quo  te  non  meo  casu  maximo  dolore  esse  adfectum  * 
sciam,  sed  profecto,  si,  quantum  me  amas  et  amasti,  tantum 
amare  deberes  ac  debuisses,  numquam  esses  passus  me,  quo  tu  15 
abundabas,  egere  consilio,  nee  esses  passus  mihi  persuaderi  utile 
nobis  esse  legem  de  collegiis  perferri.     Sed  tu  tantum  lacrimas 


to  a  debate  in  the  senate  on  June  I,  when 
P.  (?)  Aelius  Ligus  interposed  to  prevent  a 
decree  being  passed  in  Cicero's  favour. 
Probe  = '  bene,'  (Forcell.),  'satisfactorily.' 

1.  Curio.  The  elder,  probably.  The 
younger  is  generally  distinguished  by  the 
epithet  '  mens,'  *  adulescens,'  or  '  filius.' 

An  illam  .  .  non  legit?  Cicero  com- 
posed a  speech  against  Curio,  which  got 
publij'hed  by  some  mistake  (cp.  Ad  Att.  3. 
12,  2),  and  so  Cicero  was  surprised  to  hear 
that  Curio  had  spoken  in  his  behalf.  The 
speech  to  which  Cicero  refers  was  perhaps  a 
revised  edition  of  that  *  In  Clodium  et  Cu- 
rionem '  of  which  considerable  fragments  are 
extant. 

2.  Axius :  see  Ep,  28,  5,  note. 
Acta,  'the  occurrences.' 

Non  ita,  'not  so  very  much,*  See 
Madv.  462  a.  Prof.  Tyrrell  suggests  *  does 
not  quote  Curio  to  that  effect.' 

3.  Ille,  sc.  Axius. 

4.  Nisi  quod  erat,  'except  what  really 
happened.* 

Varronis  sermo  .  .  Caesaris,  'what 
Varro  told  you  gives  me  hopes  of  Caesar.' 
«Caesaris:'  gen.  obj.     See  Madv.  283. 

5.  Incumbat  in  causam,  'exert  him- 
self in  support  of  my  cause.'  Cp.  Ep.  19, 
5,  note. 

9.  Parum  .  .  luxerunt,  'were  not  so 
remarkable  as  they  should  have  been/ 

10.  Exsequar,  '  will  discharge  or  fulfil.* 


ir.  Ac  potius,  'or  rather.' 

12.  In  me  enim  .  .  vehementius,  *I 
was  guilty  of  a  worse  offence  against  my- 
self,* in  not  trying  by  all  means  to  attach 
you.  Cicero  means  that  the  friendship  of 
Atticus  was  more  valuable  to  him  than  his 
to  Atticus. 

Neque  haec  .  .  quo  te  non  .  .  sciam, 
*  my  reason  for  writing  is  not  that  I  am  not 
aware  of  your  grief.'  On  '  quo  non  '  with 
the  conjunct.,  see  Ep.  14,  i,  note. 

14.  Si,  quantum  ..  debuisses.  If  the 
text  is  genuine  the  meaning  must  be,  '  if 
your  affection  for  me  had  rested  on  an 
obligation  to  me.'  So  in  substance  Hofm,, 
Tyrrell,  Jeans.  Boot  accepts  the  reading  of 
Pius  given  as  that  of  *  prisci  codices,'  *  si 
tantum  amorem  re  exhibuisses.' 

15.  Quo  tu  .  .  consilio,  '  to  lack  the 
advice  you  were  so  abundantly  qualified  to 
give.' 

17.  De  collegiis,  'about  the  clubs.* 
Probably  the  'collegia  compitalicia,'  clubs 
for  celebrating  the  '  ludi  compitalicii,'  are 
especially  referred  to.  Such  bodies  might 
easily  be  employed  for  political  purposes, 
and  many  of  them  had  been  abolished  by  a 
law,  or  by  a  decree  of  the  senate,  passed 
apparently  in  64  B.C.  Clodius,  however, 
had  restored  these  clubs,  and  had  founded 
others  consisting,  according  to  Cicero,  of 
the  lowest  of  the  people.  The  organization 
of  the   populace  was   improved,   and    the 


io6 


31.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  1. 


praebuisti  dolori  meo,  quod  erat  amoris,  tamquam  ipse  ego  ;  quod 
mentis  meis  perfectum  oportuit,  ut  dies  et  noctes,   quid   mihi  - 
faciendum  esset,  cogitares,  id  abs  te  meo,  non  tuo  scelere  praeter-* 
missum  est.    Quod  si  non  modo  tu,  sed  quisquam  fuisset,  qui  me- 

5  Pompeii  minus  liberali  responso  perterritum  a  turpissimo  consilio - 
revocaret,  quod  unus  tu  facere  maxime  potuisti,  aut  occubuissem  - 
honeste  aut  victores  hodie  viveremus.  Hie  mihi  ignosces :  me- 
enim  ipsum  multo  magis  accuso,  deinde  te  quasi  me  alterum  ;• 
et  simul  meae  culpae  socium  quaero,  ac  si  restituor,  etiam  minus  ' 

lo  videbimur  deliquisse,  abs  teque  certe,  quoniam  nullo  nostro,  tuo  • 
ipsius  beneficio  diligemur.    Quod  te  cum  Culleone  scribis  de  pri-  5 


popularity  of  Clodius  increased  by  this 
measure.  Cp.  In  Pis.  4,  and  Asconius'  com- 
ment; Pro  Sest.  25,  55;  Mommsen  4.  2, 
296  (cp.  503),  and  De  Collegiis,  etc.,  pp. 
73-78;  Long,  Decl.  ot  Rom.  Rep.  3.  214; 
215. 

Tantum  lacrimas,  'only  tears  and  not 
advice,'  but  you  did  as  much  for  me  as  I  did 
for  myself. 

1.  Tamquam  ipse  ego,  sc. 'praebui.* 
Quod  .  .  perfectum   oportuit,  'what 
I  ougiit  to  have  earned  by  a  proper  display 
of  affection  to  you.'     See  a  few  lines  above, 

*  si  .  .  deberes.'  On  the  mood  of  '  oportuit,' 
see  Ep.  4,  I,  note.     On   the   omission    of 

*  esse '  after  '  perfectum,'  see  Madv.  407, 
Obs.  I. 

3.  Scelere,  'neglect'  (Tyrr.). 

4.  Q.uod  si  .  .  fuisset,  'but  if  there 
had  been  found — I  do  not  say  you,  but  any 
one.' 

5.  Pompeii  ..  perterritum.  Cicero  in 
one  place  represents  Pompey  as  replying  to 
representations  made  to  him  on  behalf  of 
Cicero,  '  that  he  could  not  oppose  a  tribune 
without  the  authority  of  the  consuls  and  of 
the  senate*  (In  Pis.  31,  77);  in  another 
place,  *  that  he  could  do  nothing  displeasing 
to  Caesar'  (Ad  Att.  10.  4,  3).  The  last 
reply  probably  expressed  the  real  state  of  the 
case. 

Turpissimo  consilio,  i.e.  'that  of  re- 
tiring from  Rome  to  avoid  a  conflict.' 

7.  Hic,  =  'in  hac  re'  (Forcell.),  'for  my 
remonstrances  on  this  subject.' 

Ignosces:  see  Ep.  11,3,  note. 

8.  Te  quasi  me  alterum  :  cp.  Ep. 
20,  7. 

9.  Etiam  minus  .  .  deliquisse,  'shall 
seem  to  have  deserved  even  less  than  the 
moderate  amount  of  blame  with  which  I 
have  visited  our  joint  offence.'  Cicero  only 
charged  himself  with  want  of  penetration, 


and  Atticus  with  that  and  want  of  zeal. 
Compare  with  this  passage  §  7  ^^  ^'^^  letter. 
If  Cicero  were  restored,  their  shortcomings 
would  be  thought  less  serious  than  if  he  re- 
mained in  exile. 

10.  Quoniam  nullo  nostro  .  .  dili- 
gemur, 'shall  be  dear  to  you  for  services 
done,  if  not  received,  by  you.'  On  the  abl. 
•  beneficio,'  cp.  Madv.  255. 

With  the  sentiment,  cp.  Thucyd.  2.  40 ; 
Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  4.  3,  (7,)  25.  ♦Nullus,'  = 
*non.'     See  Ep.  15,  3.  note. 

11.  Qjiod  te  .  .  locutum,  'your  con- 
versation with  CuUeo  as  to  the  law  against 
me  being  a  "  privilegium"  may  do  some 
good.'  '  Your  or  his  suggestion  may  be  of 
some  value.'  Prof.  Tyrrell  suggests  *  tecum 
Culleonem,*  remarking  th.it  there  could  be 
no  reason  for  the  mention  of  Culleo  if  the 
suggestion  did  not  originate  with  him.  On 
•quod  .  .  scribis,'  see  Ep.  8,  14,  note. 

Cum  Culleone.  Q;^  Terentius  Culleo 
was  one  of  the  tribunes  for  59-58  B.C.,  and 
also  one  of  the  pontifices  minores.  Cp.  De 
Harusp.  Resp.  6.  12.  After  the  battle  of 
Mutina  he  left  Antony  and  joined  Lepidus, 
but  probably  acted  as  a  go-between.  Cp. 
Ep.  141,  notes. 

De  privilegio.  Thelawsof  the  Twelve 
Tables  forbade  all  legislation  against  indi- 
viduals, and  all  capital  trials  except  before 
the  people  assembled  in  the  coniitia  centu- 
riata.  Cp.  Cic.  de  Legg.  3.  19,  44.  Now 
Cicero  had  been  banished  by  a  law,  naming 
him  individually,  and  passed  in  the  comitia 
tributa ;  thus  doubly  illegal.  Atticus,  or 
Culleo,  seems  to  have  argued  that  it  might 
be  declared  void  by  a  simple  decree  of  the 
senate ;  but  Cicero  remarks  that  such  a 
decree  would  be  as  open  as  a  law  to  the 
veto  of  a  tribune  (sin  erit  .  .  intercedet). 
According  to  the  oration  De  Domo,  18,  the 
law    for   Cicero's    banishment    ran   '  velitis 


I 


^  ^    EP.  16.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  III,  15.  107 

vilegio  locutum,  est  aliquid,  sed  multo  est  melius  abrogari :  si 
enim  nemo  impediet,  quid  est  firmius.^^  sin  erit,  qui  ferri  non 
sinat,  idem  senatus   consulto  intercedet.      Nee  quicquam  aliud 
opus  est  abrogari :  nam  prior  lex  nos  nihil  laedebat ;  quam  si,  ut 
est   promulgata,  laudare  voluissemus  aut,  ut  erat  neglegenda,  5 
neglegere,  nocere  omnino  nobis  non  potuisset.    Hie  mihi  primum 
meum  consilium  defuit,  sed  etiam  obfuit.     Caeci,  caeci,  inquam, 
fuimus  in  vestitu  mutando,  in  populo  rogando,  quod,  nisi  nomi- 
natim  mecum  agi  coeptum  esset,  fieri  perniciosum  fuit.    Sed  pergo 
praeterita ;  verum  tamen  ob  hanc  causam,  ut,  si  quid  agetur,  10 
e  legem  illam,  in  qua  popularia  multa  sunt,  ne  tangatis.     Verum 
est  stultum  me  praecipere,  quid  agatis  aut  quo  modo :  utinam 
modo  agatur  aliquid !    Multa  occultant  tuae  litterae,  credo,  ne 
vehementius  desperatione  perturber.     Quid  enim  vides  agi  posse 
aut  quo  modo.?  Persenatumne.?  ast  tutescripsistiad  me,  quoddam  15 
caput  legis  Clodium  in  curiae  poste  fixisse,  NE  REFERRI  neve  DICI 
LICERET.     Quo  modo  igitur  Domitius  se  dixit  relaturum }  quo 


iubeatis    ut    M.  Tullio  aqua  et  igni  inter- 
dictum  sit.' 

1.  Sed  multo  .  .  melius  abrogari, 
'  but  a  regular  repeal  is  much  more  de- 
sirable.' 

2.  Qui  ferri  non  sinat,  '  if  there  be 
any  tribune  disposed  to  prevent  the  enact- 
ment of  a  law'  recalling  Cicero. 

3.  Nee  quicquam  .  .  abrogari,  'nor 
does  anything  else  require  repeal,'  except  the 
special  law  for  my  banishment. 

4.  Prior  lex  :  see  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  19. 
It  is  the  sixth  law  there  mentioned. 

5.  Laudare.  Cicero  might  have  praised 
a  law  drawn  up  in  such  general  terms,  espe- 
cially as  he  held  that  Lentulus  and  his  ac- 
complices had  been,  not  citizens,  but  public 
enemies.  Cp.  in  Cat.  4.  5,  10;  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  20;  Appendix  4. 

7.  Defuit,  sed  etiam  obfuit.  Orell. 
would  insert  '  non  solum '  before  '  defuit ;  * 
Baiter  thinks  that  after  '  defuit '  *  nee  solum 
defuit'  may  have  dropped  out.'  Boot,  how- 
ever, argues  from  the  omission  of  'non 
solum '  by  the  MSS.  in  similar  passages,  that 
•sed  etiam*  may  be  equivalent  to  '  quin- 
etiam,'  cp.  especially  Ad  Q.  F.  I.  i.  15,  44. 
Forcell.  agrees  with  Boot. 

8.  In  vestitu  .  .  rogando,  'in  putting 
on  mourning  and  supplicating  the  people.' 
The  senate  did  so  too.  Cp.  Pro  Sest.  1 1 , 
26. 

Quod  nisi  .  .  fuit,  'which  was  a  mis- 


chievous step,  unless  (as  was  not  the  case) 
proceedings  had  been  begun  against  me  by 
name.'  On  the  indie,  'fuit/  see  JVIadv. 
348b.  On  mecum  agi,  see  Ep.  i,  3, 
note. 

9.  Pergo  praeterita,  sc.  'commemo- 
rare.'  *  I  continue  to  harp  on  the  past.* 
See  Ep.  8,  6,  note,  and  cp.  'perge  reliqua* 
Ad  Att.  4.  II,  r. 

10.  Ob  hanc  causam  .  .  ne  tangatis, 
•  I  do  so  to  prevent  your  meddling  with  the 
law  mentioned  above,  which  contains  many 
popular  provisions.  '  The  'prior  lex*  asserted 
sound  constitutional  doctrine. 

Ut  .  .  ne  :  see  Ep.  7,  5,  note. 
Si   quid  agetur,  '  if  any  steps  are  taken 
on  my  behalf.' 

15.  Quoddam  caput  legis,  '  a  certain 
section  of  his  law '  for  my  banishment. 

16.  Ne  referri  . .  liceret, '  that  no  mo- 
tion should  be  brought  forward,  and  no 
speech  made.'  Cp.  In  Cat.  4.  4,  8  for  a 
similar  proviso.  A  speech  might  be  made 
in  the  senate  upon  a  point  not  directly  com- 
prised in  the  motion  under  discussion.  To 
make  such  a  speech  was  called  '  egredi  re- 
lationem.'  Cp.  Tac.  Ann.  2.  38.  For 
instances  of  the  practice,  see  Philipp.  3.  5, 
13;  7-  I.  1. 

17.  Domitius:  see  Ep.  15,  16,  note. 
Se   relaturum.     Domitius  could  hardly 

do  this  in  the  presence  and  in  spite  of  the 
opposition  of  the  consuls.      He  may  have 


M.  TULLll  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


108 

modo  autem  iis,  quos  tu  scribis,  et  de  re  dicentibus  et,  ut jefer- 
retur  postulantibus  Clodius  tacuit  ?  Ac,  si  per  populum,  potentne 
n  i  dromnium  tnbunorum  pi.  sententia?  Quid  de  bon.s  qvud 
de  dome?  poteritne  restitui?  aut,  si  non  poter.t,  egomet  quo 

5  modo  potero  ?    Haec  nisi  vides  -pedir.  quam  m  spam  n,e  vo^^^^^^^^ 
sin  autem  spei  nihil  est,  quae  est  mihi  vita?    Itaque  exspecto 
Thessdo'icae  acta  Kal.  Sext.,  ex  quibus  statuam  in  tuosne  agros- 
confugiam,  ut  neque  videam  homines,  quos  -^^'"^f'^'^'^'^^;  . 
videam  et  propius  sim,  si  quid  agatur-idque  mtellexi  cum  t.bi,  • 

,0  turn  a'ratn  placere  -,  an  abeam  Cyzicum      Nunc,  Pompon,  7 
quoniam  nihil  impertisti  tuae  prudentiae  ad  salutem  n.eam  quod 
aut  in  me  ipso  satis  esse  consilii  decreras  aut  te  -^  P  -  -h' 
debere  quam  ut  praesto  esses,  quoniamque  ^g«  P^.^^f  "^' '"^^^^^^^^^^^ 
coniectus  in  fraudem.  omnia  mea  praes.d.a  neglexi,  totam  I  aham 

n  fin  mel  erectam  ad   me  defendendum  dest.tu.  et  rehqu,  me  . 
meorque  meis  tradidi  inimicis  inspectante  et  tacente  te,  qu.  s.  • 
In  plus  ingenio  valebas  quam  ego,  certe  timebas  -- :  s.  potes  • 
erige  adflictos  et  in  eo  nos  iuva ;  sm  omnia  sunt  obstructa  id 
ipsum  fac  ut  sciamus  et  nos  aliquando  aut  obiurgare  aut  comiter 

.0  consolari  desine.     Ego  si  tuam  fidem  accusarem,  "on  me  potis-  . 

simum  tuistectis  crederem:  meam  -'"^""^"V^^^"^*^' ^""^"  I" 
tantum  me  amari,  quantum  ego  vellem,  putavi ;  quod  si  fu.sset,. 
fidem  eandem,  curam  maiorem  adhibuisses,  me  certe  ad  exitium 
praecipitantem  retinuisses,  istos  labores,  quos  nunc  in  naufragus 

r  » ..! :^  Trn;i-iic  whirh  is  often 


reckoned  on  their  being  absent,  or  departing 
for  their  province  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

1.  lis.  Among  these  L.  Ninnius  was 
prominent.     Cp.  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  2,  3. 

2.  Per  populum,  sc.  '  agetur,  'it  the 
matter  shall  be  brought  forward  in  the  as- 
sembly of  the  people.* 

Poteritne,  sc. 'agi.* 

4.  Restitui,  'be  rebuilt.'  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Parti,  §  20;  to  Part  11,  §  I. 

5.  Potero,  sc.  '  restitui,'  '  be  restored  to 
my  old  position.*     Cp.  Ep.  1 7»  3- 

Haec  .  .  expediri,  'unless  you  see  that 
these  points  are  in  the  way  of  being  settled. 
Cp.  Ep.  26,  10  'adsequi.' 

7.  Thessalonicae.  For  Cicero  s  move- 
ments, see  lutr.  to  Part  I.  §  21. 

Acta  Kal.  Sext..  'the  gazette  of  the 
first  of  August.'  The  publication  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  senate  and  of  other  news 
dated  from  Catsar's  first  consulship,  59  b  c. 

See  Intr.  to  Part  1,  §  1 7-  , 

Tuos  .  .  agros.     Cicero  refers  to  the 


property  of  Atticus  in  Epirus,  which  is  often 
mentioned  in  his  letters.  ,       , » 

13.  Ut  praesto  esses,  *  to  be  at  hand, 

ready  to  give  advice  if  asked. 

Inductus,  '  cajoled,'  '  deceived.*^ 

14.  In  fraudem,  '  into  a  snare.  ^ 
17  Timebas  minus, 'wereless alarmed, 

and  so  ought  to  have  given  better  and  cooler 

advice. 

18.   Erige  adflictos,  'raise  me  up  m 

mv  deep  fall.'     Metzg. 
'in  eo,  '  in  this  matter.'     See  note  on    m 

quo'  Ep.  13,  2,  p.  86. 

Sin  . .  obstructa,'but  if  all  paths  tosafety 

are  closed.' 

20.  Non  me  . .  crederem,  '  1  should  not 
choose  your  roof  in  preference  to  all  others 

as  a  refuge.'  ,     .         .         - 

22.  Me  amari.  Perhaps  the  insertion  of 

♦me'  is  needless.     See  Madv.  401. 

24.  Praecipitantem.     The  verb  is  not 

uncommonly   used    intransitively.     Cp.    de 

Rep.  6,  19  ace.  to  one  reading;  Forcell. 


T 


4    *f 


{ 


m 


■''  JHH    < 


\\ 


EPP.  16,  17.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIV,  2.  109 

8  nostris  suscipis,  non  subisses.  Qua  re  fac  ut  omnia  ad  me  per- 
specta  et  explorata  perscribas,  meque,  ut  facis,  velis  esse  aliquem, 
quoniam,  qui  fui  et  qui  esse  potui,  iam  esse  non  possum,  et  ut  his 
litteris  non  te,  sed  me  ipsum  a  me  esse  accusatum  putes.  Si  qui 
erunt,  quibus  putes  opus  esse  meo  nomine  litteras  dari,  velim  5 
conscribas  curesque  dandas.     Data  XIIII.  Kal.  Sept. 

17.    To  HIS  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN  (AD  FAM.  XIV.  2). 
Thessalonica,  Oct.  5,  58  b.c.  (696  a.uc.) 

I.  I  do  not  write  longer  letters  to  any  one  than  to  you,  unless  it  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary. 2.  Piso  deserves  my  warmest  thanks,  and  I  have  written  to  him.  The  support 
of  the  new  tribunes  will  be  effectual  if  we  can  count  on  Pompey ;  but  I  am  afraid  of 
Crassus.  Your  embarrassments  distress  me  very  much,  and  I  wish  you  would  allow  me 
to  rely  on  the  aid  of  others,  instead  of  impoverishing  yourself.  3.  The  restoration  of 
the  site  of  our  house  will  be  most  important  if  we  can  obtain  it.  I  beg  you  will  be 
careful  of  your  health.  4.  I  will  not  go  to  a  more  distant  asylum,  as  you  wish  me  to 
stay  here.     I  hope  you  will  write  frequently. 

TULLIUS  S.  D.  TERENTIAE  ET  TULLIOLAE  ET  CICERONI 

SUIS. 

1  Noli  putare  me  ad  quemquam  longiores  epistolas  scribere,  nisi 
si  quis  ad  me  plura  scripsit,  cui  puto  rescribi  oportere ;  nee  enim 
habeo  quod  scribam,  nee  hoc  tempore  quicquam  difficilius  facio. 
Ad  te  vero  et  ad  nostram  Tulliolam  non  queo  sine  plurimis  10 


In  naufragiis  nostris, 'in  the  wreck 
of  my  fortunes.'  An  instance  of  the  meta- 
phorical use  of  the  word  is  found  also 
2  Philipp.  36,  92. 

1.  Non  subisses,  'would  not  have  sub- 
jected yourself  to.'  For  if  Cicero  had  not 
been  banished,  Atticus  would  not  have  had 
so  much  trouble  in  trying  to  procure  his 
restoration. 

2.  Explorata,  = 'certa.*  Cicero  sus- 
pected that  Atticus  coloured  his  prospects 
too  brightly,  and  requests  accordingly  that 
only  trustworthy  news  may  be  sent  him. 

Esse  aliquem,  'to  be  of  some  conse- 
quence;' 'somebody.'  Cp.  luv.  l.  74  'Si 
vis  esse  aliquis.' 

3.  Potui.  On  the  indie,  see  note  on 
§  5  *  fuit.' 

Ut  ..putes.  These  words  depend  on*  fac:* 
the  expression  is  pleonastic.    See  note  on  §  2. 

4.  Si  qui  erunt  .  .  dari  .  .  dandas,  'if 
there  be  any  men  to  whom  you  think  letters 
ought   to  be  written  in   my  name.'     The 


practice  of  employing  secretaries  would 
prevent  the  handwriting  exciting  suspicion, 
and  perhaps  Cicero  had  left  his  seal  with 
Terentia.  See  Ep.  81,  2.  Forcell.  however 
explains  meo  nomine  as  = 'on  my  account.* 

For  an  account  of  Terentia  and  Tullia, 
see  Intr.  to  Parts  I,  §§  2;   24;    II,  §  26; 

IV,  §§  I  ;  7- 

7.  Nisi  si,  almost  =  * nisi,'  but  is  used 
when  the  exception  is  a  conditional  clause. 
Forcell.  See  also  Madv.  442  c.  Mr.  King 
in  his  note  on  Philipp.  2.  28,  70  remarks 
that  *  nisi  si '  is  most  commonly  thus  used 
with  indefinite  pronouns  and  adverbs. 

8.  Nee  .  .  habeo  quod  scribam. 
*  Non  habeo  quod  scribam  '  = '  nihil  habeo.* 
or  '  mihi  deest  quod  scribam  ; '  '  non  habeo 
quid  scribam '=' nescio  quid  scribam,' im- 
plying a  dependent  question.  See  Madv. 
363,  and  Obs  2  ;  Zumpt  562. 

9.  Difficilius,  owing  to  his  dejection. 
Manut. 


*^f^^ll 


no 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  I. 


> 


lacrimis   scrlbere ;  vos  enim  video   esse  miserrimas,  quas   ego 
beatissimas  semper  esse  volui  idque  praestare  debui,  et,  nisi  tarn 
timidi  fuissemus,  praestitissem.      Pisonem  nostrum  merito  eius  2 
amo  plurimum :  eum,  ut  potui,  per  litteras  cohortatus  sum  gra- 
5  tiasque  egi,  ut  debui.     In  novis  tribunis  pi.  intellego  spem  tg 
habere :  id  erit  firmum,  si  Pompeii  voluntas  erit,  sed  Crassuii^ 
tamen  metuo.     A  te  quidem  omnia  fieri  fortissime  et  aman- 
tissime  video,  nee  miror,  sed  maereo  casum  eius  modi,  ut  tantis 
tuis  miseriis  meae  miseriae  subleventur :  nam  ad  me  P.  Valeriu^, 
10  homo  officiosus,  scripsit,  id  quod  ego  maximo  cum  fletu  legi, 
quem  ad  modum  a  Vestae   ad  tabulam  Valeriam  ducta  essea. 
Hem,  mea  lux,   meum  desiderium,  unde   omnes  opem  petere 
solebant !  te  nunc,  mea  Terentia,  sic  vexari,  sic  iacere  in  lacri- 
mis et  sordibus !  idque  fieri  mea  culpa,  qui  ceteros  servavi,  ut 
15  nos  periremus !    Quod  de  domo  scribis,  hoc  est  de  area,  ego  vero  3 


2.  Praestare, 'guarantee.' 

Tarn  timidi.  Cicero  still  dwells  on  his 
supposed  error  in  avoiding  a  struggle  with 
Clodius.  The  change  from  the  plural  '  fuis- 
semus' to  'praestitissem*  maybe  made  to 
avoid  monotony. 

3.  Pisonem  :  see  Ep.  13,  3,  note. 
Merito   eius:    see  Madv.  255,  and  cp. 
•merito  tuo  feci'  Ep.  31,  6. 

5.  Novis  tribunis  plebis.  Cicero  re- 
fers to  those  elected  for  58-57  B.C.,  of 
whom  Milo  was  one  of  the  most  active. 
See  Intr.  to  Part  1,  §  21. 

6.  Si  .  .  voluntas     erit,    sc.    *  firma 
(Hofm.,  Billerb.),  '  if  the  friendly  disposition 
of  Pompey  shall  continue.' 

Crassum  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  22,  5,  and  Ad 
Q^  F.  1.  3,  7,  from  which  it  would  seem 
that  Cicero  had  been  disappointed  in  Crassus, 
but  did  not  despair  of  his  aid. 

8.  Casum  eius  modi,  ut,  'a  misfor- 
tune which  causes.'  See  Madv.  364,  and  Obs. 
I.  A  similar  construction  is  found  Ep.  13, 
3  •  adulescentium  consilium  .  .  ut.' 

Tantis  tuis  miseriis.  Explained  by 
what  immediately  follows. 

9.  P.  Valerius  seems  to  have  been  a 
friend  of  Cicero  to  whom  Atticus  had  lent 
money.     Cp.  Epp.  36,  14;   117,  i. 

II.  A  Vestae.  On  the  gen.,  see  Madv. 
380.  Obs.  3.  Cicero's  house  stood  near  the 
temple  of  Vesta,  and  Terentia,  who  had  a 
half-sister,  Fabia,  among  the  Vestals  (cp. 
Ascon.  ad  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  p.  93),  may 
have  taken  refuge  in  the  temple  when  her 
husband's  house  was  demolished  at  the  bid- 
ding of  Clodius. 


Ad  tabulam  .  .  ducta  esses.     Hofm. 
and  SUpfle  think  that  'tabula'  means  a  bank 
where  Terentia  had  to  borrow  money.    Prof. 
Tyrrell  thinks  that"*  Terentia  had  to  make 
some  declaration  at  the  bank  about  her  hus- 
band's  property — probably  that  no  effects 
had  been  made  away  with.     Others  think 
that  it  means  a  court  where  she  had  to  give 
securities  for  payment,  perhaps  that  of  the 
tribunes.     Cp.  In  Vat.  9,  21   'cum  .  .  ab 
tabula  Valeria  collegae  tui  mitti  iuberent.' 
♦  Ducta  esses/  '  had  been  obliged  to  repair,* 
at  the  bidding  of  her  creditors,  or  perhaps 
of  a   magistrate.     'Tabula  Sestia'  is  men- 
tioned Pro  Quinct.  6,  25.    Cp.  Manut. 

12.  Lux:  cp.  Ep.  43,  I. 
Desiderium,   'an    object   of  desire,  or 

regret.'     Cp.  Hor.  Carm.  i.  14,  18,  'nunc 
desiderium.' 

Opem  petere:  i.e. '  to  ask  her  to  use  her 
influence  with  her  husband  on  their  behalf.' 

13.  Te  .  .  sic  vexari.     The  intin.  ex- 
presses indignation.     See  Ep.  12,  l,  note. 

14.  Qui  .  .  servavi  . .  ut  .  .periremus, 
*  who  preserved  all  my  countrymen  for  my 
own  and  my  family's  ruin.'  The  '  ut '  ex- 
presses result,  or.  as  Siipfle  says,  purpose  in  a 
large  sense.  See  Madv.  355,  and  cp.  a 
quotation  from  Pacuvius  applied  to  Caesar : 
•men'  servasse  ut  essent  qui  me  perderent?' 
Suet.  lul.  84.  Cicero  owed  his  banishment 
to  his  having  complied  with  the  senate^s 
recommendation  to  have  Lentulus  and  his 
accomplices  executed. 

15.  Hoc  est  de  area.  Cicero  corrects 
himself  thus  because  his  house  had  been 
destroyed.     Cp.  De  Dom.  24,  62. 


'.«4 


i 


I  - 


EPP.  17,  18.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAAIILIARES  XIV,  2.  iii 

turn  denique  mihi  videbor  restitutus,  si  ilia  nobis  erit  restituta ; 
verum  haec  non  sunt  in  nostra  manu :  illud  doleo,  quae  impensa 
facienda  est,  in  eius  partem  te  miseram  et  despoliatam  venire. 
Quod  si  conficitur  negotium,  omnia  consequemur;  sin  eadem 
nos  fortuna  premet,  etiamns-  reliquias  tuas  misera  proiicies }  5 
Obsecro  te,  mea  vita,  quod  ad  sumptum  attinet,  sine  alios, 
qui  possunt,  si  modo  volunt,  sustinere,  et  valetudinem  istam 
infirmam,  si  me  amas,  noli  vexare :  nam  mihi  ante  oculos 
dies  noctesque  versaris;  oijmes  labores  te  excipere  video  ;  timeo, 
ut  sustineas.  Sed  video  din  te  esse  omnia :  qua  re,  ut  id,  quod  10 
4  speras  et  quod  agis,  conse^uamur,  servi  valetudini.  Ego,  ad  quos 
scribam,  nescio,  nisi  ad  eos,  qui  ad  me  scribunt,  aut  ad  eos,  de 
quibus  ad  me  vos  aliquid  scribitis.  Longius,  quoniam  ita  vobis 
placet,  non  discedam,  sed  velim  quam  saepissime  litteras  mit- 
tatis,  praesertim,  si  quid  est  firmius,  quod  speremus.  Valete,  15 
mea  desideria,  valete.     D.  a.  d.  III.  Non.  Oct.    Thessalonica. 


18.     To  HIS  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN  (AD  FAM.  XIV.  i). 
Begun  at  Thessalonica  ;  finished  at  Dyrrhachium, 

Nov.  25,  58  B.C.  (696  A.U.C.) 

I.  Everybody  bears  witness  to  your  zeal  and  energy  in  my  cause.  I  am  deeply 
grieved  for  the  calamity  which  has  befallen  you  and  our  children,  especially  as  it  is 
owing  to  my  folly.     2.  If  I  had  followed  my  own  judgment,  we  should  now  be  in  an 


1.  Quae  impensa  .  .  venire,  'that 
you  should  have  to  share  the  necessary 
expenditure.'  On  the  attraction  of 'impensa' 
to  •  quae,'  and  on  the  position  of  the  two 
words,  cp.  Ep.  13.  I.  Money  was  probably 
wanted,  as  Siipfle  suggests,  to  buy  votes 
and  hire  bands  of  gladiators  (cp.  Ep.  18,  5, 
and  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  23);  also  for  Cicero's 
support  in  exile. 

4.  Si  conficitur  negotium,  'if  my 
restoration  is  effected.'  With  this  combina- 
tion of  the  pres.  '  conficitur '  and  the  fut. 
consequemur,  cp.  'qui  si  condemnatur 
desinent  homines  dicere'  In  Verr.  Act.  2.  i. 
2,  6. 

7.  Sustinere,  'to  contribute  for  my 
support.' 

Valetudinem  .  .  infirmam.  Yet  Te- 
rentia is  said  to  have  lived  to  be  103  years 
old.  Cp.  Pliny,  H.  N.  7.  48;  Val.  Max.  8. 
13.6. 


9.  Timeo  ut  sustineas,  sc.'labores/ 
•  I  fear  you  may  not  be  able  to  bear  them.' 
See  Madv.  376. 

10.  In  te  esse  omnia,  'that  all  our 
hopes  depend  on  you.'  Cp.  Ep.  8,  2,  note, 
on  p.  53. 

11.  Agis,  'you  are  attempting.' 

Ad  quos  scribam  nescio.  Terentia 
may  have  suggested  that  her  husband  might 
write  to  more  people  and  exert  himself  more 
than  he  did,  and  these  words  may  be  his 
justification. 

15.  Si  quid  est  .  .  speremus, 'if  there 
are  any  surer  grounds  for  hope.* 

16.  D.  =  data. 

Thessalonica.  Ace.  to  Hofm.  (on  Ad 
Att.  3.  5;  Ad  Fam.  4.  14),  the  place  where 
a  letter  is  written  is  more  often  given  in  the 
ablative  than  in  the  genitive.  Cp.  Epp.  52 
extr.,  1 29  extr.,  alib. 


^1 


li:Z 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part.  I. 


excellent  position.  To  regain  what  is  lost  will  be  difficult ;  but,  with  the  support  you 
mention  as  probably  to  be  relied  on.  not  impossible.  3.  I  will  act  as  our  friends  sug- 
gest about  my  slaves.  This  place  is  now  healthy,  and  Plancius  urges  me  to  remam 
here  though  I  should  prefer  a  more  retired  residence,  and  one  less  exposed  to  treacherous 
attacks.  4.  Piso  is  most  devoted  to  us  all.  I  do  not  complain  of  your  behaviour  to 
Quintus,  but  I  wished  you  to  keep  up  as  good  an  understanding  as  possible.  5-  l^o 
not  think  of  selling  any  of  your  property  to  provide  for  my  wants ;  consider  our  son  s 
prospects.     6.  Take  care  of  your  health,  and  send  me  messengers  that  1  may  hear  how 

you  are  going  on.  -•  i.    t^  1 

P.S.  7.  I  have  come  to  Dyrrhachium,  a  free  city  devoted  to  me,  and  near  to  Italy. 

TULLIUS  TERENTIAE  SUAE,  TULLIOLAE  SUAE,  CICERONI 

SUO  SALUTEM  DICIT. 

Et  litteris  multorum   et   sermone  omnium  perfertur  ad  me,  1 
incredibilem   tuam   virtutem    et    fortitudinem    esse   teque    nee 
animi   neque   corporis   laboribus   defatigari.      Me   miserum !  te 
ista   virtute,    fide,    probitate,    humanitate    in   tantas    aerumnas 

5  propter  me  incidisse!  Tulliolamque  nostram,  ex  quo  patre 
tantas  voluptates  capiebat,  ex  eo  tantos  percipere  luctus !  Nam 
quid  ego  de  Cicerone  dicam?  qui  cum  primum  sapere  coepit, 
acerbissimos  dolores  miseriasque  percepit.  Quae  si,  tu  ut  scribis, 
fato  facta  putarem,  ferrem  paulo  facilius,  sed  omnia  sunt  mea 

10  culpa  commissa,  qui  ab  iis  me  amari  putabam,  qui  invidebant, 
eos  non  sequebar,  qui  petebant.     Quod  si  nostris  consiliis  usi  2 
essemus  neque  apud  nos  tantum  valuisset  sermo  aut  stultorum 
amicorum  aut  improborum,  beatissimi  viveremus :  nunc,  quo- 
niam  sperare  nos  amici  iubent,  dabo  operam,  ne  mea  valetudo 

TStuo  labori  desit.    Res   quanta   sit,   intellego,   quantoque  fuerit 


1.  Perfertur,  'news  is  brought,*  'I  learn.* 

3.  Me  miserum!  cp.  Madv.  236. 
Te  .  .  incidisse  :  cp.  Ep.  12,  1,  note. 

4.  Ista  virtute  :  cp.  Ep.  6,  2,  note. 

5.  Ex  quo  patre.  On  the  order  of  the 
words,  cp.  Ep.  13,  I,  and  Madv.  319. 

7.  De  Cicerone.  His  son  Marcus  was 
bom  65  B.C.     Cp.  Ep.  2,  I. 

Q_ui  cum  primum  .  .  percepit,  *who 
since  he  began  to  notice  anything,  has 
experienced  nothing  but  the  most  bitter 
suiferings.'  , 

9.  Fato,  *in  the  natural  course  of  things 

as  often. 

10.  Ab  iis,  'by  his  rivals  among  the 
optimates.'  Manutius  thinks  that  Horten- 
sius,  Arrius,  and  Pompey  are  referred  to.  Cp. 
as  to  Hortensius  Ad  Att.  3.  9,  2.  Cicero 
suspecied  Cato  at  one  time:  cp.  Ep.  16,  2. 


11.  Qui  petebant,  'who  sought  my 
friendship;*  i.e.  Caesar,  who  had  offered 
him  a  post  as  his  legate.     Cp.  Ep.  II,  3. 

12.  Aut  stultorum  .  .  aut  improbo- 
rum, 'of  friends  who  were  either  foolish, 
"  like  Atticus  and  perhaps  Cato  "  (Tyrr.)  or 
treacherous  "  like  Arrius  and  Hortensius"' 

(Tyrr.). 

13.  Beatissimi.  On  the  adject,  as  ad- 
verb, see  Ep.  2,  2,  note  on  p. 

14.  Ne  mea  .  .  desit,  'to  prevent  the 
state  of  my  health  making  your  exertions 
fruitless.*  That  the  state  of  my  health  may 
not  '  fail  to  second  your  exertions.'  Tyrr. 
'Ut  valeam,  ne  tu  pro  mea  salute  frustra 
laborem  suscipias.*     Manut. 

Valetudo  is  a  neutral  word,  meaning 
either  good  or  ill-health.     Forcell. 


T 


<^i 


f* 


•   A, 


'»- 


II 


i 


'] 


]ep.  18.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIV,  i.      113 

facilius  manere  domi  quam  redire ;  sed  tamen,  si  omnes  tribunos 
pi.  habemus,  si  Lentulum  tam  studiosum,  quam  videtur,  si  vero 

3  etiam  Pompeium  et  Caesarem,  non  est  desperandum.  De  familia, 
quo  modp  placuisse  scribis  amicis,  faciemus ;  de  loco,  nunc  qui- 
dem  iam  abiit  pestilentia,  sed  quam  diu  fuit,  me  non  attigit.  5 
Plancius,  homo  officiosissimus,  me  cupit  esse  secum  et  adhuc 
retinet.  Ego  volebam  loco  magis  deserto  esse  in  Epiro,  quo 
neque  Hispo  veniret  nee  milites,  sed  adhuc  Plancius  me  retinet ; 
sperat  posse  fieri,  ut  mecum  in  Italiam  decedat :  quem  ego  diem 

si  videro  et  si  in  vestrum  complexum  venero  ac  si  et  vos  et  10 
me  ipsum  recuperaro,  satis  magnum  mihi  fructum  videbor  per- 

4  cepisse  et  vestrae  pietatis  et  meae.  Pisonis  humanitas,  virtus, 
amor  in  omnes  nos  tantus  est,  ut  nihil  supra  possit :  utinam 
ea  res  ei  voluptati  sit !  gloriae  quidem  video  fore.  De  Q.  fratre 
nihil  ego  te  accusavi,  sed  vos,  cum  praesertim  tam  pauci  sitis,  15 

6  volui    esse   quam    coniunctissimos.      Quibus    me   voluisti   agere . 
gratias,  egi  et  me  a  te  certiorem  factum  esse  scripsi.      Quod 


I 


1.  Si  omnes  tribunos  :  cp.  §  2  of  the 
previous  letter. 

2.  Lentulum.  P.  Lentulus  Spinther  had 
been  elected  consul  for  57  b.c.  For  more 
particulars  about  him,  see  Epp.  21 ;  22  ;  26; 
29,  and  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  2. 

Si  vero,  '  if  moreover,*  'certainly  if.' 
See  Madv.  437  d. 

3.  De  familia,  '  about  our  slaves.*  Ap- 
parently Cicero  had  been  advised  to  emanci- 
pate them,  and  Terentia  was  anxious  as  to 
the  bearing  this  step  might  have  on  her 
interests.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  14.  4,  4. 

4.  De  loco,  'as  to  the  state  of  this 
place,'  Thessalonica. 

5.  Attigit,  'attacked.* 

6.  Cn.  Plancius  was  now  quaestor  to 
L.  Appuleius  in  Macedonia,  and  rendered 
Cicero  great  services,  giving  him  an  asylum 
in  his  official  residence.  Cp.  Pro  Plane.  41, 
42.  He  was  tribune  in  57-56  b.c,  and 
next  year  was  elected  curule  aedile,  but  ac- 
cused of  bribery  by  M.  luventius  Laterensis. 
Cicero  defended  him  successfully  in  a  speech 
still  extant.  He  is  mentioned  as  living  in 
exile  during  the  civil  war.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  4. 
14;   15  ;  and  Pro  Plane,  passim. 

Me  cupit  esse :  see  Ep.  15,  11,  note. 

8.  Hispo.  Supposed  by  Orell.  (Ono- 
mast.  s.  V.)  to  have  been  an  officer  sent  by 
the  consuls  to  watch  Cicero  in  exile. 
Wesenb.  suggests '  Piso,'  i.e.  the  consul  of  58 
B.C.,  who  went  to  Macedonia  as  proconsul. 


Veniret,  *  might  come.*  See  Ep.  5,  8, 
note  on  '  liberasset.' 

11.  Me  ipsum,  ' my  former  self,'  'my 
©Id  position.*  Cp.  '  mihi  restitutus  '  in  §  3 
of  the  preceding  letter,  and  'desidero..  me 
ipsum'  Ep.  16,  2. 

12.  Vestrae  pietatis  et  meae,  'of 
your  devotion  to  me,  and  of  mine  to  my 
country.* 

13.  Ut  nihil  supra  possit,  sc.  '  esse.' 
See  Madv.  47S,  Obs.  3. 

14.  Voluptati.  Referring  to  the  pleasure 
Piso  would  derive  from  Cicero's  return. 
Manut. 

15.  Nihil  . .  accusavi,  'I  made  no  com- 
plaint of  your  conduct.'  Apparently  there 
had  been  a  misunderstanding  between  Q. 
Cicero  and  Terentia,  and  Cicero  had  written 
to  his  wife  urging  her  to  a  reconciliation,  in 
terms  which  she  thought  implied  a  censure 
upon  her. 

16.  Qjiibus  .  .  gratias.  Terentia  had 
probably  mentioned  the  names  of  some  men 
who  had  been  active  in  trying  to  secure 
Cicero's  recall. 

17.  Me  a  te  certiorem  factum,  '  that 
I  had  been  informed  by  you  of  their  ser- 
vices.' Cicero  was  very  anxious  to  gain 
credit  for  his  own  courtesy  in  such  cases. 
Cp.  Ep.  14,  I. 

Quod  .  .  scribis.  On  the  constr.,  see 
Ep.  8,  14,  note. 


114 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS. 


[part  I. 


ad  me,  mea  Terentia,  scribis  te  vicum  vendituram,  quid,  obsecro 
te,— me  miserum !— quid  futurum  est  ?  et,  si  nos  premet  eadem 
fo'rtuna,  quid  puero  misero  fiet?  Non  queo  reliqua  scribere— 
tanta  vis  lacrimarum  est—,  neque  te  in  eundem  fletum  addu- 

5  cam.  Tantum  scribo :  si  erunt  in  officio  amici,  pecunia  non 
deerit ;  si  non  erunt,  tu  efficere  tua  pecunia  non  poteris.  Per 
fortunas  miseras  nostras,  vide,  ne  puerum  perditum  perdamus. 
Cui  si  aliquid  erit,  ne  egeat,  mediocri  virtute  opus  est  et 
mediocri  fortuna,  ut  cetera  consequatur.     Fac  valeas  et  ad  me  6 

lo  tabellarios  mittas,  ut  sciam,  quid  agatur  et  vos  quid  agatis. 
Mihi  omnino  iam  brevis  exspectatio  est.  Tulliolae  et  Ciceroni 
salutem  die.     Valete.     D.  a.  d.  VI.  K.  Decemb.     Dyrrhachii. 

Dyrrhachium  veni,  quod  et  libera  civitas  est  et  in  me  officiosa  7 
et  proxima  Italiae ;  sed  si  offendet  me  loci  celebritas,  alio  me 

15  conferam,  ad  te  scribam. 

19.    To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.   III.   23)- 
Dyrrhachium  Nov.  29,  58  b.c.  (696  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  received  your  three  letters.  In  the  first  you  encourage  me  to  await  the  new 
year  with  fortitude,  and  state  the  grounds  of  your  hope  ;  in  the  next  you  mention  the 
bill  promulgated  by  eight  tribunes.  I  will  notice  some  points  that  have  occurred  to  me 
on  this  subject.     2.  The  bill  of  the  present  tribunes  had  three  heads  :  one  as  to  my 


I.  Vicum.  Probably  a  village  (or  country 
seat,  Tyrr.)  forming  part  of  Terentia*s 
portion. 

T^.  Quid  puero  .  .  fiet?  'what  will 
become  of  our  boy?'     See  Madv.  267. 

5.  Erunt    in  officio,  '  do  their  duty.* 

Forcell. 

6.  Efficere,  'bring  about  my  restora- 
tion.' Or  perhaps,  as  Manutius  thinks,  '  ut 
ego  in  hac  misera  fortuna  ne  egeam.' 

7.  Perditum  perdamus,  *ruin  utterly.* 
Manutius  says  'perditum,  calamitate  nostra  ; 
perdamus,  vico  vendito.' 

8.  Cui  si  aliquid  .  .  consequatur, 
*  for  whom,  if  he  has  enough  to  save  him 
from  positive  need,  even  moderate  merit  and 
good  fortune  will  do  the  rest.' 

10.  Tabellarios,  'letter  carriers,'  freq. 
Quid    agatur,    *  what   is   going   on  in 

general,*  *  the  news.* 

Vos  quid  agatis,  '  what  you  are  doing,* 
•how  you  are  getting  on.' 

11.  Iam  brevis  exspectatio  est,  'my 
suspense  must  soon  tnd,'  as  I  expect  soon  to 
hear  from  you.     Manut. 


13.  Dyrrhachium.  A  postscript  begins 
here.  Dyrrhachium,  on  the  coast  of  Epirus, 
was  previously  called  Epidamnus,  and  is  now 
called  Durazzo.  On  its  importance  in  the 
civil  war  between  Caesar  and  Pompey,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§  10;  11.  It  was  much 
attached  to  Cicero.  Cp.  Pro  Plane.  41,  97 
*  Dyrrhachium  quod  erat  in  fide  mea.' 

Libera  civitas.  The  free  towns  en- 
joyed certain  municipal  privileges,  which 
will  be  found  enumerated  by  Marquardt 
Staatsverwallung  i.  351,  352:  see  also 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voc.  '  Provincial 
esp.  p.  966.  Among  them  was  that  of 
settling  disputes  by  their  own  laws  and  be- 
fore their  own  magistrates.  Cp.  A.  W. 
Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigr,  2.  156  ;  Ep.  38,  4, 
note.  Prof.  Tyrrell  remarks  that  a  Roman 
exile  would  there  be  more  '  sui  iuris.* 

14.  Celebritas,  *  the  busy,  crowded 
nature  of  the  place.' 

15.  Ad  te  scribam.  Wesenb.  thinks 
that  something  has  fallen  out,  and  sug- 
gests the  insertion  of  'quod  cum  faciam* 
after  *  conferam/ 


i 


i 


/ 


EP.  19.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM  III,  23.  115 

restoration,  which  was  not  sufficiently  comprehensive ;  another,  the  usual  provision  for 
indemnity;  a  third,  and  very  mischievous  one,  3.  declaring  that  the  bill  should  be  in- 
valid so  far  as  it  was  inconsistent  with  previous  legislation.  4.  There  was  no  necessity 
for  such  a  provision,  and  Clodius  seems  to  have  appreciated  its  value  to  him.  I  should 
be  glad  if  you  could  discover  how  my  friends  failed  to  see  its  import.  I  hope  the  new 
tribunes  will  be  more  careful.  5.  In  your  third  letter  you  point  out  the  causes  which 
delay  my  restoration.  If  there  is  any  hope,  try  to  effect  our  object  at  one  blow;  if 
none,  as  I  rather  believe,  support  my  family  to  the  best  of  your  ability.  I  shall  go  to 
Epirus  as  soon  as  I  hear  of  the  first  measures  taken ;  let  me  know  how  the  new  tribunes 
begin. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  A.  d.  V.  Kal.  Decembr.  tres  epistolas  a  te  accepi :  unam  datam 
a.  d.  VIII.  Kal.  Novembres,  in  qua  me  hortaris,  ut  forti  animo 
mensem  lanuarium  exspectem,  eaque,  quae  ad  spem  putas  perti- 
nere,  de  Lentuli  studio,  de  Metelli  voluntate,  de  tota  Pompeii 
ratione,  perscribis.  In  altera  epistola  praeter  consuetudinem  5 
tuam  diem  non  adscribis^  sed  satis  significas  tempus ;  lege  enim 
ab  octo  tribunis  pi.  promulgata  scribis  te  eas  litteras  eo  ipso 
die  dedisse,  id  est  a.  d.  IIIL  Kal.  Novembres,  et,  quid  putes 
utilitatis  eam  promulgationem  attulisse,  scribis :  in  quo  si  iam 
haec  nostra  salus  cum  hac  lege  desperata  erit,  velim  pro  tuo  10 
in  me  aniore  banc  inanem  meam  diligentiam  miserabilem  potius 
quam  ineptam  putes,  sin  est  aliquid  spei,  des  operam  ut  maiore 


3.  Ad  spem  pertinere,  sc.  'faciendam,* 
*  to  be  hopeful  signs.*  Boot.  Cp.  '  si  ista  .  . 
.  .  quicquam  ad  spem  explorati  haberent  * 
Ad  Att.  II.  20,  I. 

4.  Lentuli:  see  on  §  2  of  the  preceding 
letter. 

Metelli,  *  of  Q^  Metellus  Nepos,'  consul 
elect  for  57  b.c.  He  had  been  on  bad  terms 
with  Cicero  (see  Epp.  4 ;  5,  notes),  who 
wrote  to  deprecate  his  hostility  (cp.  Ad 
Fam.  5.  4). 

Voluntate,  'good  will.* 

5.  Ratione,  'attitude,'  'policy.'  See 
Ep.  9,  6,  note. 

Perscribis,  'write  carefully.*     ForceU. 
Praeter,  '  contrary  to.' 

6.  Sed  .  .  tempus,  'but  indicate  the 
date  clearly  enough.' 

Lege  .  .  promulgata.  A  proposal  for 
the  recall  of  Cicero,  which  seems  to  have 
been  brought  forward  by  eight  of  the  tri- 
bunes for  59-58  B.C.,  but  not  to  have 
passed.  The  two  dissentient  tribunes  were 
probably  P.  Clodius  and  P.  (?)  Aelius  Ligus. 
Cp  Ep.  16,  6. 

7.  Promulgata.  The  notice  which  ought 


to  be  given  by  the  proposer  of  a  law,  at 
least  seventeen  days,  or  three  nundines, 
before  it  first  came  on  for  discussion,  was 
called  •  promulgatio.'  Cp.  '  ubi  promulgatio 
trinum  nundinum '  Philipp.  5.  3,  8. 

8.  a.  d.  mi.  Kal.  Nov.  =  Oct.  29. 

9.  Utilitatis.  Manutius  suggests  that 
this  step  of  the  eight  tribunes  might  have 
some  influence  on  their  successors,  and  that 
it  shewed  a  change  of  feeling  in  their  body, 
as  earlier  in  the  year  none  of  them  had 
ventured  to  veto  the  proposals  of  Clodius. 

Attulisse  =  ' contulisse,'  'has  contri- 
buted.' 

In  quo  .  .  desperata  erit,  'in  which 
matter,  if  my  prospects  and  the  enactment 
of  the  law  (which  seeks  to  secure  them)  are 
already  hopeless  when  this  reaches  you.* 
On    in    quo,   cp.   Ep.   13,  2,    note  on  p. 

85. 

11.  Hanc  .  .  diligentiam  .  .  putes, 
•  that  you  will  think  the  useless  trouble  I  am 
about  to  expend  in  examining  the  law  de- 
serving of  pity  rather  than  of  ridicule.' 

12.  Maiore  diligentia,  *  with  more 
consideration.* 


i 


I  2 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  I. 


ii6 

dilieentia  posthac  a  nostris  magistratibus  defendamur.     Nam  2 
ea  veterum  tribunorum  pi.  rogatio  tria  capita  habuit,  unum  de 
reditu   meo,  scriptum    incaute ;   nihil    enim   rest.tu.tur  praeter 
civitatem  et  ordinem,  quod  mihi  pro  meo  casu  sat.s  es     sed, 

5  quae  cavenda  fuerint  et  quo  modo,  te  non  fugit.  Alterum 
caput  est  tralaticium  de  impunitate,  Si  QVID  CONTRA  ALIAS 
LEGES  EIVS  LEGIS  ERGO  FACTVM  SIT.  Tertium  Caput,  m,  Pom- 
poni  quo  consilio  et  a  quo  sit  inculcatum,  vide  :  sc.s  en.m  Clod.um 
sanxisse  ut  vix  aut  omnino  non  posset  nee  per  senatum  nee  per 

30  populum  infirmari  sua  lex.  Sed  vides  numquam  esse  observatas 
sanctiones  earum  legum,  quae  abrogarentur :  nam,  si  id  esset, 
nulla  fere  abrogari  posset ;  neque  enim  ulla  est,  quae  non  ipsa 
se  saepiat  difficultate  abrogationis.  Sed,  cum  lex  abrogatur,  illud 
ipsum  abrogatur,  quo  modo  eam  abrogari  oporteat.     Hoc  quod 

„  re  vera  ita  est,  cum  semper  ita  habitum  observatumque  sit,  octo 
nostri  tribuni  pi.  caput  posuerunt  hoc :  Si  QViD  in  hac  roga- 


1  Nostris,  *  inclined  to   support  me: 
cp.  i.  i6,  below.     Prof.  Tyrrell  approves  the 
conjecture  of  Manutius,  '  novis.' 

2  Veterum  tribunorum.  The  tri- 
bunes for  59-58  B.C. :  Clodius'  colleagues. 

4    Ordinem,  '  my  rank  as  a  senator.  ^ 
Pro   meo   casu,  •considering   my  mis- 
fortune.' .  .     I,  4. 

5.  Quae  cavenda  fuerint,  'what 
should  have  been  provided  for.'  Cicero 
refers  especially  to  the  restoration  of  the 
site  of  his  house,  and  to  indemnity  for  his 

losses.  ,.  ,  ,       .  n 

6.  Tralaticium,  'ordinary,'  'universally 

adopted.'     Forcell. 

De  impunitate,  *  indemnifying  the  pro- 
posers.'    It  is  explained  just  below. 

Si  QViD  .  .  FACTVM  SIT,  «in  casc  the 
carrying  out  of  this  law  involves  the  breach 
of  any  others.'  ERGO  =  'causa.'  Forcell.  On 
the  tense  of  «factum  sit,'  see  Madv.  379. 
The  apodosis  of  the  sentence  is  omitted  ;  it 
would  run  '  id  ei  qui  fecerit  ne  fraudi  esto. 

Boot.  ^ ,         , 

8  A  quo  sit  inculcatum,  'by  whom 
its  insertion  was  procured.'  Cicero  suspected 
that  Clodius  got  the  obnoxious  clause  in- 
serted, apparently. 

o.  Sanxisse..  sua  lex,  «added  a  sanc- 
tion with  a  view  to  [or  *  such  as  to,  (Tyrr.)J 
prevent,  or  render  very  difficult,  the  repeal 
of  his  law.'  For  a  similar  sense  of  •  sancire, 
cp  '  sancit  in  posterum,'  etc.  In  Cat.  4.  5, 
10.     The  words  from  ut  vix  to  sua  lex 


express  the  object  rather  than  the  precise 
form  of  the  clause  in  question. 

Vix  aut  omnino  non  =' vix  aut  ne  vix 
quidem.*  On  the  repeated  negatives,  non  . . 
nee  .  .  nee,  see  Ep.  8,  8,  note. 

12.  Quae  non  ipsa  .  .  abrogationis, 
•which  does  not  try  to  guard  itself  by  iner- 
posing  difficulties  in  the  way  of  its  repeal.' 
On  the  mood  of  «abrogarentur'  and  «sae- 
piat,' see  Madv.  364,  and  Obs.  i. 

13.  Illud  ipsum,  «that  very  provision 
against  repeal.' 

14.  Q.UO  modo  .  .oporteat, 'in  the  way 
in  which  the  law  itself  must  be  repealed.' 
Prof.  Tyrrell  says  that  this  would  need 
♦oportet,'  and  suggests  'quo  minus'— «the 
sanction  forbidding'  its  abrogation.'  Cicero 
means  that  it  would  be  as  easy  to  repeal  the 
protecting  clause  as  the  law  which  it  protected. 
Wesenb.  reads  «  quo  non  .  .  oporteat,'  words 
which  must  be  taken  as  explanatory  of 'illud 
ipsum,'  and  as  equivalent  to  those  suggested 
by  Prof.  Tyrrell. 

Hoc,  quod  re  vera  .  .  observa- 
tumque sit,  «though  this  is  really  the 
practice,  and  has  been  always  maintained 
and  observed,'  i.e.  « though  men  proposing 
to  repeal  a  law  are  never  deterred  from 
doing  so  by  a  clause  intended  to  prevent  its 

15.  Habitum  =« actum,' «practised.'  For- 
cell. 

16.  Nostri :  cp.  1.  i,  above. 


i 

i 
i 


u 


\ 

i 


i 


* 
/ 


^ 


EP.  19.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  III.  23.  117 

TIONE   SCRIPTVM   EST,  QVOD   PER  LEGES   PLEBISVE   SCITA,  hoC 

est  quod  per  legem  Clodiam,  PROMVLGARE,  abrogare,  dero- 

GARE,  OBROGARE  SINE  FRAVDE  SVA  NON  LICEAT,  NON  LICVERIT, 
QVODVE  EI  QVI  PROMVLGAVIT,  DEROGAVIT,  OB  EAM  REM  POENAE 

4  MVLTAEVE  SIT,  E.  H.  L.  N.  R.  Atque  hoc  in  illis  tribunis  pi.  non  5 
laedebat;  lege  enim  collegii  sui  non  tenebantur;  quo  maior 
est  suspitio  malitiae  alicuius,  cum  id,  quod  ad  ipsos  nihil  per- 
tinebat,  erat  autem  contra  me,  scripserunt,  ut  novi  tribuni  pi., 
si  essent  timidiores,  multo  magis  sibi  eo  capite  utendum  puta- 
rent.  Neque  id  a  Clodio  praetermissum  est;  dixit  enim  in  10 
contione  a.  d.  III.  Nonas  Novembres  hoc  capite  designatis  tri- 
bunis pi.  praescriptum  esse,  quid  liceret;  tamen  in  lege  nulla 
esse  eius  modi  caput  te  non  fallit,  quo,  si  opus  esset,  omnes 


1.  Hoc  est  quod  per  legem  Clodi- 
am. Cicero's  remark,  to  shew  how  the 
proposal  of  the  eight  tribunes  had  been 
marred  by  carelessness  or  treachery.  For 
of  course  its  object  was  to  repeal  the  law  of 
Clodius,  and  any  clause  saving  the  provisions 
of  that  law  would  make  the  new  one  nuga- 
tory. It  is  possible  that  the  tribunes  did 
not  consider  the  «privilegium'  against  Cicero 
as  a  law. 

2.  Abrogare,  «to  repeal  altogether.* 
Derogare,  «to  repeal  in  part.'    Cp.  De 

Inv.  Rhet.  2.  45,  134;  Rhet.  ad  Hereiin,  2. 

10,  15.  . 

3.  Obrogare,  «to  pass  a  new  law  in 
opposition  to  an  old  one  ;'  '  legis  prioris  in- 
firmandae  causa,'  cp.  Paulum  Diaconum, 
excerpt,  in  lib.  Pomp.  Fest.  lib.  xiii.  p.  187, 
Miiller. 

Sine  fravde  sva,  «without  incurring 
a  penalty.' 

Non   LICEAT,   NON   LICVERIT,    '  IS  (at 

the  time  of  voting  on  the  law),  or  was  (at 
the  time  of  its  promulgation),  illegal.' 
Hofm. 

4.  PoENAE  MULTAEVE  SIT,  «may  in- 
volve punishment  or  fine.'  The  more  gene- 
ral term  is  put  first. 

5.  E.  H.  L.  N.  R.  « Eius  hac  lege  nihil 
rogatur  '  (Boot),  « this  law  is  so  far  void.' 

Hoc  in  illis  .  .  non  laedebat,  «the 
violation  of  the  law  of  Clodius  could  do  no 
harm  as  far  as  those  tribunes  (of  59-58  B.C.) 
were  concerned.'  On  the  imperf.  'laedebat,' 
see  Madv.  337,  Obs.  i.  «  Hoc '  refers  to  '  si 
quid '  of  the  passage  quoted  at  the  end  of 
the  previous  section. 

6.  Lege  enim  .  .  non  tenebantur, 
*  for  they  were  not  bound  by  a  law  sanc- 
tioned by  their  body/  « there  was  no  law 


sanctioned  by  their  body  to  bind  them,* 
i.e.  Clodius'  law  had  not  been  sanctioned 
by  the  majority  of  their  body,  and  could 
not  be  treated  as  their  act,  or  bind  them 
as  such.  Boot,  Wiel.  Corradus  (ap.  ed. 
Graev.  1684)  whom  Wesenb.  follows,  ap- 
proves of  the  substitution  of  « coUegae* 
for  «collegii,  thinking  that  the  meaning 
is  that  an  enactment  originating  with 
Clodius  could  not  bind  his  own  colleagues  : 
cp.  « soluti  cum  essent '  below.  Perhaps 
*  collegii,'  may  mean  «  originating  with  one 
of  their  own  body.'  Prof.  Tyrrell,  «  eman- 
ating from  their  own  college.'  Hofmann 
thinks  that  Clodius  only  provided  against 
the  repeal  of  his  law  by  tribunes  who  should 
hold  office  in  subsequent  years,  because  he 
relied  on  his  right  of  « intercessio '  to  frus- 
trate any  attempt  of  his  colleagues  to  re- 
peal it. 

7.  Malitiae,  «trickery,'  «foul  play.' 
Cum     id   .   .   scripserunt,    «in    their 

having  added  a  clause  needless  for  their  own 
safety  and  injurious  to  me.'  See,  on  the 
constr.,  Ep.  1,1,  note. 

8.  Ut  novi  .  .  putarent,  «so  that  the 
new  tribunes  would  think  it  far  more  needful 
for  them  to  insert  that  clause.*  With  this 
use  of  «  ut,'  expressing  result,  cp.  Ep.  15, 
15,  note,  and  «  ut  odia  .  .  erumperent'  Pro 
Muren.  23.  47. 

10.  Neque  id  a  Clodio  praeter- 
missum est,  «nor  did  Clodius  fail  to  see 
the  significance  of  their  action.'     Tyrr. 

11.  Hoc  capite  .  .  quid  liceret,  «that 
the  limits  of  the  powers  of  the  tribunes  elect 
were  defined  by  this  clause.' 

13.  Quo  si  .  .  uterentur.  The  MS.  has 
« quod,'  which  might  be  rendered,  '  yet  if 
that  clause  were  necessary.'    [In  the  reading 


ii8 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  I, 


in  abrogando  uterentur,  Ut  Ninnium  aut  ceteros  fugerit  inves- 
tiges  velim  et  quis  attulerit  et  qua  re  octo  tribuni  pi.  ad  senatum 
de  me  referre  non  dubitarint— scilicet  quod  observandum  illud 
caput  non  putabant— ,  iidem  in  abrogando  tarn  cauti  fuerint,, 

5  ut  id  metuerent,  soluti  cum  essent,  quod  ne  iis  quidem,  qui 
lege  tenentur,  est  curandum.  Id  caput  sane  nolim  novos  tri- 
bunos  pi.  ferre,  sed  perferant  modo  quidlubet :  uno  capite,  quq 
revocabor,  modo  res  conficiatur,  ero  contentus.  lam  dudum 
pudet  tam  multa  scribere ;   vereor  enim  ne   re   iam  desperata. 

lolegas,   ut   haec   mea   diligentia   miserabilis   tibi,   aliis  irridenda 
videatur.     Sed  si  est  aliquid  in  spe,  vide  legem,  quam  T.  Fadio 
scripsit  Visellius :   ea  mihi  perplacet ;   nam  Sestii  nostri,  quam 
tu  tibi  probari  scribis,  mihi  non   placet.      Tertia  est  epistola  5 
pridie  Idus  Novembr.  data,  in  qua  exponis  prudenter  et  dili- 

15  genter,  quae  sint  quae  rem  distinere  videantur,  de  Crasso,  de 
Pompeio,  de  ceteris:  qua  re  oro  te  ut,  si  qua  spes  erit,  posse 
studiis  bonorum,  auctoritate,  multitudine  comparata,  rem  confici, 


adopted  in  the  text,  *  eo/  must  be  supplied 
with  opus  esset ;  in  the  MS.  reading,  with 
* uterentur.']  Prof.  Tyrrell  retains  'quod.' 
For  the  two  constructions  of  opus  est,  see 
Madv.  266. 

1.  In  abrogando,  'in  proposing  the 
repeal  of  other  laws.'  If  the  clause  were 
needful,  Cicero  says  it  would  be  always  used 
in  proposals  similar  to  t!  at  of  the  ei^ht  tri- 
bunes, whereas  it  had  not  been  found  in  any. 

Ut,  '  how/  On  the  mood  of  '  fugerit,' 
see  Ep.  6,  i,  note. 

Ninnium.  L.  Ninnius  Qi?adratus,  tri- 
bune for  59-58  B.C.,  was  active  in  promoting 
Cicero's  recall.  He  is  mentioned  Ep.  74, 
4;  Pro  Sest.  31,  68;  De  Domo  48,  125. 

Ceteros, '  his  seven  colleagues.'     See  on 

§  I. 

2.  Quis  attulerit,  *  to  whom  we  owe 

it,'   'who    it   was    who   added    the   saving 
clause.'     Tyrr. 

3.  Scilicet,  'no  doubt.' 

Illud  caput.  The  clause  by  which 
Clodius  had  tried  to  prevent  the  repeal  of 
his  law.     Cp.  §  2,  and  Ep.  16,  6. 

4.  Iidem  .  .  fuerint,  'and  yet  have 
been  so  cautious  in  proposing  a  repeal.'  For 
this  use  of  'idem,'  see  Madv.  488. 

5.  Soiuti:  cp.  the  first  words  of  this 
section,  and  note  there. 

Qui  lege  tenentur.  'Aliorum  col- 
kgiorum  tribunes  plebis  intellegit.'    Manut. 

9.  Ne  . .  legas,  '  that  you  may  read  this 
letter  after  my  prospects  are  already  ruined.' 


II.  Si   est  aliquid  in  spe:  see  Ep.  6, 
6,  note  on  p.  46. 

Q_iiam  .  .  Visellius,  'which  Visellius 
has  drawn  up  for  T.  Fadius,'  i.e.  for  Fadius 
to  propose  as  tribune.  T.  Fadius  Gallus 
was  quaestor  63  B.C.,  and  tribune  in  58-57 
B.C.  Cp.  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  8.  He  must 
have  been  elected  before  this  letter  was 
written,  and  Visellius  seems  to  have  advised 
him  as  to  the  best  form  in  which  to  draw 
up  a  proposal  for  Cicero's  recall.  In  52  B.C., 
probably,  Cicero  wrote  to  console  Fadius  in 
exile.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  18.  C.  Visellius 
Varro  was  son  of  a  sister  of  Cicero's  mother; 
his  father's  name  was  C.  Visellius  Aculeo. 
He  was  a  friend  of  Caesar  (cp.  De  Prov. 
Cons.  1 7,  40),  and  is  mentioned  as  a  learned 
jurisconsult  (Brut.  76,  264). 

12.  Perplacet  seems  only  to  be  found 
here  in  Cicero's  writings. 

Sestii.  P.  Sestius,  quaestor  in  63  B.C., 
supported  Cicero  zealously  against  Catiline 
and  his  associates.  He  was  one  of  the  tri- 
bunes for  58-57  B.C.,  and  took  an  active 
part  in  promoting  Cicero's  restoration.  See 
the  oration  Pro  Sestio,  passim.  He  appears 
to  have  been  with  Pompoy  at  the  beginning 
of  the  civil  war,  but  to  have  been  received 
into  favour  by  Caesar.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7. 17,  2, 
with  Ad  Att.  II.  7,  I,  and  Bell.  Alex.  34. 

15.  Rem  distinere, 'to  delay  a  measure 
for  my  recall.'     Cp.  Philipp.12.  12,  28. 

17.  Auctoritate.  I  am  not  sure  whether 
this  word  has  here  the  technical  meaning 


1^ 


Hf 


A 


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A 


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EP.19.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  II L  23. 


119 


des  operam  ut  uno  impetu  perfringatur,  in  eam  rem  incumbas 
ceterosque  excites ;  sin,  ut  ego  perspicio  cum  tua  coniectura, 
tum  etiam  mea,  spei  nihil  est,  oro  obtestorque  te,  ut  Q.  fratrem 
ames,  quem  ego  miserum  misere  perdidi,  neve  quid  eum  patiare 
gravius  consulere  de  se,  quam  expediat  sororis  tuae  filio,  meum  5 
Ciceronem,  cui  nihil  misello  relinquo  praeter  invidiam  et  igno- 
miniam  nominis  mei,  tueare,  quoad  poteris,  Terentiam,  unam 
omnium  aerumnosissimam,  sustentes  tuis  officiis.  Ego  in  Epirum 
proficiscar,  cum  primorum  dierum  nuntios  excepero :  tu  ad  me 
velim  proximis  litteris,  ut  se  initia  dederint,  perscribas.  Data  10 
pridie  Kal.  Decembr. 


of  *  a  resolution  of  the  senate,*  or  if  it  means 
•  by  the  influence  of  leading  men.'  Prof. 
Tyrrell  takes  the  latter  view.  Cp.  Philipp. 
13.  13,  28,  where  Cicero  says,  that  if  some 
of  his  eminent  contemporaries  had  been 
alive,  Antony  would  have  been  less  agres- 
sive.     'Auctoritati  cessisset  audacia.' 

Multitudine  comparata.  Either  '  by 
the  help  of  a  large  number  of  voters  from 
the  country  districts,'  where  Cicero  was  very 
popular  (see  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §§  20  ;  24)  ;  or, 
'  by  a  force  of  gladiators  and  others,'  hired 
to  oppose  Clodius  in  street  fighting.  Such 
a  body,  under  Milo's  direction,  contributed 
effectively  to  secure  Cicero's  recall  (lutr.  ubi 
supra). 

I.  Ut  .  .  perfringatur,  'that  we  may 
break  through  all  obstacles,'  '  carry  the  mat- 
ter through '  at  once. 

In  eam  rem  incumbas,  *  exert  your- 
self to  that  end.' 

4.  Miserum  misere  perdidi.  Cicero 
had  borrowed  considerable   sums  from  his 


brother,  and  had  drawn  part  of  his  official 
income  from  the  treasury.  Quinlus  seems 
to  have  been  much  embarrassed  in  conse- 
quence (cp.  Ad  Q^F.  1.3,  7),  and  his  brother 
was  alarmed  lest  he  should  take  some  hasty 
resolution. 

5.  Filio.  The  younger  Q^  Cicero.  His 
mother  was  Pomponia,  sister  of  Atticus. 

6.  Misello:  rare.    Forcell. 

7.  Unam  omnium.  These  words 
strengthen  the  following  superlative.  Cp. 
Madv.  310.  Obs.  2. 

9.  Primorum  dierum,  the  first  days 
after  the  new  tribunes  came  into  office, 
which  they  would  do  on  Dec.  10.  Cp. 
*  spes  reliqua  est  in  novis  tribunis  plebis, 
et  in  primis  quidem  diebus'  Ad  Fam.  14. 

3,3- 

10.  \5t  se  initia  dederint,  *  how  the 

new  tribunate  begins.'  Cp.  *prout  tempus 
ac  res  se  daret '  Livy  28.  5,  9,  according  to 
some  editors.  On  the  conj.,  see  Ep.  8,  4, 
note. 


n 


I20  NOTE  B, 


NOTE  A.     Optwtates. 

At  the  risk  of  seeming  pedantic,  I  have  often  used  this  word  to  describe  one  of  the  parties 
of  the  later  Roman  CommonweaUh;  that  for  which  Sulla  had  conquered,  which  opposed  the 
concession  of  extraordinary  powers  to  Pompey,  supported  Cicero  in  his  consulship,  struggled 
in  vain  against  the  first  triumvirate,  and  finally  coalesced  with  Pompey  against  Caesar.  It 
cannot  properly  be  called  conservative,  for  some  of  its  members  were  reactionary;  nor 
aristocratic,  for  many  of  the  noblest  families  in  Rome  were  well  represented  among  its  ad- 
versaries ;  nor  republican,  for  many  of  Caesar's  supporters  were  probably  long  ignorant  of 
the  scope  of  his  plans,  and  not  less  devoted  than  their  opponents  to  a  republican  form 
of  government.  The  most  prominent  optimates  between  63  and  49  b.c.  were  Q^  Catulus, 
L.  Lucullus,  Q.  Hortensius,  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  M.  Bibulus,  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus, 
M.  Cato,  and  M.  Marcellus.  The  senate  seems  to  have  been  under  the  control  of  the 
leaders  of  the  optimates  till  about  57  on  the  whole,  though  Pompey  had  many  personal 
adherents  among  its  members.  Hence,  in  notes  to  the  letters  of  the  first  period,  the  senate 
is  often  spoken  of  as  identical  with  that  party  ;  but  such  identification  would  be  a  mistake 
for  the  years  following  Cicero's  return  from  exile.     See  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  3,  foil. 


NOTE  B.    Provincia. 

This  word,  of  which  the  derivation  is  uncertain,  seems  originally  to  have  meant  *  a  de- 
partment of  the  public  service;'  or,  as  Mommsen  (Rechtsfrage  4,  cp.  Staatsrecht,  i,  81) 
and  Marquardt  (Staatsverwaltung,  i,  339)  maintain,  a  special  department  allotted  for  the  exer- 
cise of  the  '  imperium.*  Thus  the  conduct  of  the  war  against  a  particular  enemy  might  be 
called  'provincia.*  Cp.  Livy  2.  40  ad  fin.  ;  31.  6.  After  the  institution  of  the  praetorship, 
*  iuris  dictio'  would  probably  be  called  the  praetor's  'provincia  ;'  and  when  a  second  praetor 
was  added  to  administer  justice  between  citizens  and  foreigners,  his  duties  would  form  a 
second  'provincia.'  Now,  when  at  the  close  of  the  First  Punic  War  the  Romans  acquired 
considerable  territory  in  Sicily,  the  government  of  such  territory  was  entrusted  to  a  new 
praetor,  and  called  his  *  provincia ; '  and  so  the  word  was  applied  in  general  to  any  adminis- 
trative district  of  the  Roman  empire,  (i)  having  definite  boundaries,  (2)  subject  to  direct 
taxation,  and  (3)  ruled  by  a  Roman  governor.  (Marquardt,  i,  340.)  The  old  meaning 
was,  however,  retained  side  by  side  with  the  new.  Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  i.  i,  43:  Pro  Muren. 
20,  41.  The  provinces,  in  the  later  sense,  were  probably  from  the  first  distinguished  from 
Italy,  and  after  the  Roman  franchise  had  been  granted  to  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  Italy 
south  of  the  Po — as  it  had  been  before  Cicero  entered  upon  public  life  (cp.  Smith,  Diet,  of 
Geogr.  I,  945,  sub  voc.  Gallia  Cis.) — the  distinction  must  have  become  more  marked.  Land 
was  generally  held  on  diflferent  terms  in  Italy  and  in  the  provinces,  except  in  specially  privi- 
leged districts  of  the  latter,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  provinces  were  subject,  generally  speak- 
ing, to  personal  taxes  and  to  arbitrary  punishments  from  which  Italians  were  exempt.  Cp. 
In  Verr.  2  Act.  2-5  passim;  esp.  5.  66,  169.  The  Roman  or  Latin  franchise  might  how- 
ever be  conferred  either  on  individuals  or  on  communities  in  the  provinces  (cp.  Ep.  108,  I ; 
Dion  Cassius  41,  24)  but  neither  appears  to  have  necessarily  implied  the  exemption  of  those 
who  enjoyed  it  from  the  usual  provincial  burdens  (Marquardt  I,  360,  notes).  Nor  am  I  aware 
of  any  grant  of  the  Roman  or  Latin  franchise  on  a  great  scale  before  the  time  of  the  dictator 
Caesar,  except  in  the  case  of  genuine  Roman  or  Italian  colonies.  The  case  of  the  Transpa- 
dani  (cp.  Appendix  1,  §  2  ;  Ep.  31,  2,  notes)  hardly  forms  an  exception,  as  the  province  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul  held  a  peculiar  position.     Other  towns  in  the  provinces  diflfered  considerably 


i 


^ 


\\ 


I   ♦ 


/ 


NOTE  D, 


121 


in  their  privileges ;  probably  according  to  their  services  to  Rome,  and  the  circumstances  under 
which  they  had  submitted  to  her  supremacy.     Cp.  Epp.  18,  7  ;  38,  4,  notes. 

Cisalpine  Gaul,  in  the  year  43  B.C.,  was  a  province,  but  most  of  its  inhabitants  were 
Roman  citizens.  Cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Studia  Romana,  30-37.  Perhaps  the  term  'provincia' 
was  applied  to  it  in  a  sense  intermediate  between  the  older  political  or  military  and  the 
later  local  meaning,  as  seems  to  have  been  the  case  with  Cilicia  before  64  b.c.  The  general 
authorities  for  this  note,  besides  the  passages  already  quoted,  have  been,  Mommsen,  Die 
Rechtsfrage  zwischen  Caesar  und  dem  Senat,  pp.  l-ii ;  Romisches  Staatsrecht,  I,  70-8S. 
Smith's  Dictionary  of  Antiquities,  sub  voce,  'colonia,'  'provincia,'  'Latinitas ;'  Marquardt, 
Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  l.  338-365;  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  I.  78;  96  foil. 

NOTE  C.    Roman  Letters  and  means  of  Correspondence. 

The  letter  was  written  either  (cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  I,  i)  with  a  stylus  on  'tabulae,*  thin  slips 
of  wood  or  ivory  covered  with  wax  and  folded  together  with  the  writing  inwards,  which 
was  protected  from  defacement  by  the  tablets  having  projecting  rims — or  (cp.  Q^F.  2.  15  b, 
l)  with  a  reed  pen  and  ink  on  papyrus  or  parchment.  In  either  case  it  was  secured  by  a 
thread  passing  round  it  and  sealed.  As  letters  were  usually  dictated  to  a  secretary,  the  seal 
was  often  the  only  guarantee  for  genuineness,  and  was  preserved  unbroken;  the  receiver  cut 
the  thread  when  he  opened  the  letter. 

The  outside  address  of  the  letter  was  very  simple  (cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  5,  2).  The  letter  began 
with  a  friendly  wish  from  the  writer  to  the  receiver,  '  salutem  dicit,'  or  *  salutem  plurimam 
dicit;'  sometimes  simply  'salutem.'  These  words  were  generally  expressed  by  their  initial 
letters.  The  use  or  omission  of  the  full  names  and  titles  of  the  writer  and  receiver  depended 
naturally  on  the  degree  of  formality  which  the  writer  wished  to  observe. 

The  greeting  was  often  followed  by  the  words  'si  vales  bene  est,'  but  Cicero  rarely  uses 
these  words  in  confidential  letters,  except  to  Terentia.  Letters  often  ended  with  the  word 
'  vale,'  but  this  was  frequently  dispensed  with. 

There  was  no  regular  post  at  Rome ;  officials  might  employ  attendants  named  '  statores ' 
to  carry  their  letters  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  17,  i ;  2.  19,  2),  but  Cicero  speaks  in  another  passage 
of  employing  the  messengers  of  the  publicani  or  tax-gatherers,  who  would  naturally  keep  up 
a  constant  comnmnication  between  the  capital  and  the  provinces  (cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  16,  l). 
Private  people  had  to  trust  to  their  own  or  their  friends'  slaves  or  freedmen ;  letter-carriers 
were  called  '  tabellarii.'  Cicero  often  expresses  apprehensions  that  his  letters  may  be  tam- 
pered with — (e.g.  Ad  Att.  i.  13,  i ;  4.  15,  7),  and  occasionally  disguises  his  meaning, — 
writing  in  Greek  or  substituting  fictitious  for  real  names  (Ad  Att.  2.  19,  5;  cp.  i.  13,  4; 
6.  4  and  5).  Cp.  Supfle,  Einl.  36-38  ;  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Antiquities,  sub  voce,  'atra- 
mentum,'  '  calamus,'  *  liber,'  '  stilus,'  '  tabellarius,'  '  tabulae.' 

NOTE  D.    Origin  of  the  collection  of  Cicero^ s  Letters. 

Cicero,  writing  to  Atticus  in  44  B.C.,  says  that  there  was  no  regular  collection  of  his 
letters,  but  that  Tiro  had  collected  about  seventy,  and  that  he  himself  meant  to  add  to  and 
publish  them.  Ad  Att.  16.  5,  5.  Perhaps  the  letters  Ad  Familiares  and  Ad  Quintum 
Fratrem  were  published  by  Tiro,  having  been  procured  in  part  from  copies  existing  in 
Cicero's  house,  in  part  from  those  who  had  received  them.  The  title  Ad  Familiares  is 
modern,  or  at  least  post-classical ;  in  ancient  times  each  book  was  distinguished  by  the 
name  of  the  person  to  whom  the  first  letter  in  it  was  addressed,  e.g.  book  I.  was  called 
Ad  P.  Lentulum. 


\ 


\, 


122 


NOTE  E. 


The  letters  to  Atticus  were  probably  published  either  by  Atticus  himself  or  after  his 
death  by  his  orders.  Cornelius  Nepos,  writing  shortly  before  the  death  of  Atticus,  mentions 
II — or  according  to  a  suggestion,  i6 — books  of  them;   Vit.  Att.  i6. 

Letters  of  Cicero  are  quoted  or  referred  to  by  Seneca,  Epp.  97,  4;  118,  i  ;  Quintil.  Inst. 
Orat.  6.  3,  109;  8.  3,  35;  Suet.  lul.  9;  Octav.  3  ;  Tib.  7.  Cp.  Hofmann,  10-13;  Siipfle 
39,  40 ;  Boissier,  Recherches  sur  la  nianifere  dont  furent  recueilHes  et  publi^es  les  lettres  de 
Ciceron  8-35, 

NOTE  E.    On  the  meaning  of  the  words  ^ Imperium^  and ^ Imperator^ 

*  Imperium '  differed  from  *  potestas '  both  in  the  powers  which  it  comprised,  and  in  the 
fact  that  it  could  only  be  regularly  granted  by  a  distinct  vote  of  the  people  (cp.  Paul.  Diac. 
Excerpt,  p.  50),  the  *  lex  curiata  de  imperio  * — which,  however,  does  not  seem  in  Cicero's 
time  to  have  been  universally  regarded  as  necessary :  cp.  Ep.  29,  25,  note.  In  the  time  of 
the  kings,  'Imperium'  seems  to  have  comprised  military,  judicial,  and  administrative  prero- 
gatives, and  to  have  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  first  consuls,  subject  only  to  two  limita- 
tions ;  that  it  was  made  annual,  and  divided  between  two  persons.  According  to  Momm- 
sen  (Staatsrecht  1.  48-50),  'potestas'  when  the  word  is  not  used  pleonastically  (as  by  Cicero 
in  Verr.  Act.  i.  13.  37),  nor  as  including  'imperium/  expresses  merely  a  negative  notion, 
that  of  official  power  without  'imperium.'  'Imperium*  he  explains  as  describing  the  power 
of  those  magistrates  on  whom  the  supreme  authority  formerly  possessed  by  the  kings  had 
devolved.  The  view  of  Lange  (Rom.  Alt.  I.  232-241  ;  264-269) — that  'potestas,'  de- 
scribed the  patriarchal  powers  of  the  king  or  magistrate,  considered  as  a  '  paterfamilias,'  on 
a  great  scale,  while  '  imperium '  described  the  p  )wers  conveyed  to  him  by  the  voluntary  act 
of  a  body  of  independent  '  patres  familias ' — is  ingenious  and  plausible,  but  hardly  demon- 
strable. 

The  constitutional  history  of  Rome  is,  to  a  great  extent,  a  history  of  the  further  limita- 
tion of  the  '  Imperium '  by  subdivision,  by  direct  legislation,  and  by  the  increasing  strictness 
of  the  senate's  control  over  public  officers.  The  institution  of  the  praetorship  in  366  B.C. 
was  an  important  step  in  this  direction.  '  luris  dictio '  was  apparently  regarded  as  an 
exercise  of  the  '  imperium  '  (see  p.  120)  and  was  then  transferred  from  the  consuls  to  the 
praetor. 

Before  considering  the  meanings  which  the  word  '  Imperium '  bore  in  Cicero's  time,  it 
will  be  convenient  to  point  out  an  important  change  which  had  taken  place  in  the  system 
of  Roman  administration. 

For  many  years  the  foreign  provinces  of  Rome  were  governed  by  praetors  during  their 
year  of  office,  unless  a  formidable  war  happened  to  be  going  on  in  or  near  to  any  of  them, 
in  which  case  the  conduct  of  the  war  was  often  entrusted  to  a  consul.  But  a  change 
was  made  during  the  later  years  of  the  commonwealth's  existence,  owing  to  the  gradual  in- 
crease in  the  number  of  the  provinces,  and  to  the  greater  demand  for  the  services  of  the 
praetors  at  Rome.  These  two  causes  made  it  necessary  to  entrust  the  government  of  pro- 
vinces often  to  proconsuls  or  propraetors ;  and,  after  Sulla  had  organized  six  permanent 
criminal  courts,  these,  together  with  the  two  civil  courts,  required  the  superintendence  of  all 
the  praetors,  though  their  number  was  at  that  time  increased  to  eight.  Cp.  Smith,  Diet,  of 
Antiq.  sub  voce.  '  index,'  '  praetor.' 

They  might,  however,  be  employed  on  military  service  in  case  of  extreme  need ;  and 
Q.  Metellus  Celer  was  so  employed  in  63  b  c.     Cp.  Ep.  4,  notes  and  references. 

At  some  time  during  Cicero's  life  it  became  usual  for  the  consuls  also  to  remain  in  Italy 
during  their  year  of  office.  Mommsen  thinks  that  this  change  dated  from  the  legislation  of 
Sulla,  but  allows  that  there  were  many  exceptions  during  the  following  twenty  years.    Rom. 


1 


J 


I);  ^i 


NOTE  E. 


123 


Hist.  3.  367;  Rechtsfrage  9-1 1  ;  29-34.     Others  have  fixed  on  the  year  74  b.c.  as  that 
with  which  the  new  system  began ;   A.  W.  Zumpt  thinks  that  it  dated  from  59  B.C.     Cp. 

Studia  Romana,  pp.  72,  73. 

In  the  time  then  of  Cicero's  political  activity  we  can  recognize  two  kinds  of '  Imperium,' 
(i)  that  held  by  consuls  or  praetors^  during  their  year  of  office  at  Rome  (cp.  In  Verr.  i  Act. 
13,  37;  In  Pis.  13,  29;  Messalla  ap.  A.  Cell.  13,  15):  (2)  that  held  by  provincial  governors, 
or  by  commissioners  specially  invested  with  it :  in  Mommsen's  words  the  'imperium  domi' 
and  'imperium  militiae:'  terms  which  do  not  so  much  perhaps  define  the  quality  of  the 
•  imperium  *  as  the  sphere  of  its  exercise.     Cp.  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht  pp.  95  ;  100. 

The  military  '  Imperium '^  was  not  ordinarily  exercised  by  the  consuls  in  Italy  after  the 
change  above  referred  to  had  taken  place,  nor  indeed,  was  there  ordinarily  occasion  for  its 
exercise.  Sallust  (Cat.  29)  seems  to  have  thought  that  a  special  vote  of  the  senate  was 
needed  to  invest  a  consul  with  it.  As  the  more  important  judicial  functions  had  been 
long  since  transferred  to  the  praetors  and  permanent  courts,  the  ordinary  '  Imperium '  of 
the  consuls  must  have  consisted,  apparently,  in  practice  of  little  more  than  the  right  of 
convoking  the  '  comitia  centuriata '  for  elections  and  for  legislation ;  a  right  which  probably 
rested  upon  the  '  Imperium.'     Cp.  A.  Cell.  13,  15  ;   I5'  27  ;  Varro  L.  L.  6,  88-93. 

The  *  Imperium '  of  provincial  governors  comprised,  like  that  of  the  old  Roman  kings, 
military,  administrative,  and  judicial  powers;  and  was  probably  only  limited  locally  while  the 
governor's  term  of  office  lasted.  After  that  term  had  expired,  he  might  of  course  be  prose- 
cuted for  misgovernment.  He  seems  to  have  entered  on  the  exercise  of  his  'Imperium'  in  a 
certain  sense  when  he  left  Rome  with  proper  ceremony  ('paludatus');  but  not  to  have  held 
it  in  its  entirety  till  he  reached  his  province.  Cp.  Mommsen  Rechtsfrage  34;  35.  He  lost 
it  altogether,  except  for  the  day  of  a  triumph,  when  he  recrossed  the  pomoerium,  or  ancient 
sacred  limit  of  the  city  of  Rome.  Cp.  Ep.  29,  25;  Philipp.  3.  li,  27  and  Mr.  King's  note; 
Ulpian,  Digest.  I.  16,  16.  It  could  be  granted  to  private  persons  by  the  people— as  more 
than  once  to  Pompey  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §§  4;  7 ;  8) ;— and  was  apparently  conferred  by 
the  senate,  though  with  some  irregularity,  on  various  persons  in  49  b  c,  (cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ. 

1.  6)  and  on  Octavian  in  43  B.C.  (cp.  Philipp.  5.  16,  45). 

The  unconstitutional  combination  of  powers  in  the  hands  of  Pompey  during  his  third  con- 
sulship was    altogether   exceptional.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  H,  §§  14;    15;    Mommsen  4.  2, 

324,  325. 

The  title  'Imperator'  seems  during  the  republican  period  to  have  been  of  a  purely  military 
character.  Perhaps  it  could  legally  be  assumed  by  any  officer  who  had  been  invested  with 
the  military  'Imperium.'  Cp.  Dion  Cassius  43,  44;  A.W.  Zumpt,  S.R.  232,  233.  In  prac- 
tice, however,  I  think  that  it  seems  only  to  have  been  borne  by  officers  possessed  of 
'  Imperium'  who  had  obtained  successes  in  war,  and  had  consequently  been  greeted  as  'Impe- 
ratores'  by  their  soldiers.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  3;  Tac.  Ann.  3.  74;  Mommsen,  Rom. 
Staatsrecht,  105.     It  was  often  confirmed  by  a  vote  of  the  senate.     Cp.  Philipp.  14,  4;    5  J 

In  Pis.  19,  44. 

For  an  account  of  the  title  '  Imperator  '  prefixed  to  the  names  of  the  emperors,  cp.  Dion 
Cassius  (53.  17),  who  considers  it  equivalent  to  that  of  king  or  dictator;  also  Mommsen  4. 

2.  470  ;  471 ;  A.  W.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  232  ;  233. 


1  It  is  doubtful  if  the  possession  of  '  imperium '  was   necessary  for  the  praetors  who 
presided  in  the  criminal  courts,  or  '  quaestiones  perpetuae.'     Cp.  Mommsen,  Rechtsfrage, 

p.  10,  note. 

2  I  use  this  term  as  the  nearest  equivalent  for  « Imperium  militiae '  in  Mommsen's  work, 

though  admitting  that  it  is  not  quite  accurate. 


'/ 


I  -y 


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124 


APPENDIX  I. 


\{ 


APPENDIX  I. 


125 


APPENDIX    I. 

State  of  the  Roman  Empire  about  the  time  of  Cicero's 

entrance  into  public  life. 

§  I.  In  the  East,  Nicomedes  III.  of  Bithynia  had  died  in  74  B.C., 
and  had  bequeathed  his  kingdom  to  the  Romans.  In  the  same  year, 
however,  Mithridates  renewed  hostilities,  and  at  first  obtained  consider- 
able successes,  till  the  arrival  of  L.  Lucullus  in  Asia  changed  the  aspect 
of  affairs.  IVIithridates  was  defeated,  and  driven  to  seek  a  refuge  with  his 
son-in-law,  Tigranes  of  Armenia.  The  Roman  frontier,  however,  was 
still  fluctuating ;  on  the  whole,  it  may  have  nearly  coincided  with  the 
course  of  the  Halys.  The  Romans  had  three  provinces  in  the  East ; 
Asia,  comprising  Mysia,  Lydia,  most  of  Caria  and  part  of  Phrygia  (cp. 
Cic.  pro  Flacco  27,  65);  Bithynia,  bounded  on  the  north-west  by  the 
Propontis  and  the  Thracian  Bosphorus  and  ending  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Sangarius,  while  its  eastern  frontier  was  advanced  during  the  Mithridatic 
war  from  the  Sangarius  to  the  Halys  or  even  somewhat  further;  and 
Cilicia,  which,  however,  can  have  comprised  little  or  none  of  Cilicia 
proper  as  a  permanent  possession  before  the  suppression  of  piracy  by 
Pompey  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  7  ;  Appendix  2).  Lycia  had  received  its 
freedom  from  Sulla  as  a  reward  for  its  attachment  to  Rome. 

In  the  district  between  the  Adriatic  and  the  Euxine,  the  Romans  had 
exerted  themselves  to  secure  their  frontier,  and  to  conquer  or  bridle  the 
robber-tribes  of  Dalmatia  and  Thrace,  and  great,  though  not  complete, 
success  had  attended  their  efforts.  This  they  owed  in  great  measure  to 
the  ability  of  M.  Lucullus,  governor  of  Macedonia  in  73-71  b.c.  Mace- 
donia, to  which  Illyricum  was  probably  long  annexed,  was  the  only 
Roman  province  in  this  region;  Thrace  was  still  governed  nominally 
by  its  own  princes,  and  Dalmatia  was  only  watched  by  the  governors  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  to  which  Illyricum  was  subsequently  attached. 

§  2.  Farther  west  were  the  two  Gaulish  provinces.  The  Cisalpine, 
though  treated  as  a  part  of  Italy  for  some  time  after  its  conquest  by  the 
Romans,  and  though  its  southern  districts  were  inhabited  by  Roman 
citizens,  seems  to  have  been  organized  as  a  province  at  some  time 
before  63  b.c.^  (cp.  pp.  9;  10;    35;    36);  it  extended  from  the  Alps 

*  Cp.  however,  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Studia  Romana,  pp.  45-72,  who  places  its  organizalion  as 
a  province  in  59  b.c. 


i 


1  ^ 


^1 


to  the  Rubicon  and  the  Macra.  Many  of  the  towns  in  the  northern,  or 
Transpadane,  district  had  received  the  Latin  franchise  in  89  b.c.,  and 
were  eager  to  exchange  it  for  the  Roman.  They  thus  naturally  became 
allies  of  the  democratic  party  at  Rome,  which,  they  hoped,  would  gratify 

their  wishes. 

The  Transalpine  province,  or  Narbonensis,  consisted  of  a  broad  strip 
of  land  stretching  from  the  Alps  to  the  Pyrenees,  and  encircling  the 
nominally  independent  territory  of  Massilia.  Its  outposts  seem  to  have 
been — on  the  west,  Lugdunum  Convenarum  (St.  Bertrand)  and  Tolosa 
(Toulouse) ;  on  the  north  and  north-east,  Vienna  (Vienne)  and  Genava 
(Geneva).  An  unruly  spirit  prevailed  in  considerable  districts  of  this 
territory,  especially  among  the  Allobroges. 

The  two  provinces  into  which  the  Roman  conquests  in  Spain  were 
divided  had  just  been  reorganized  by  Pompey,  after  the  death  of  Serto- 
rius  and  the  dispersion  of  his  followers.  The  influence  of  Pompey  was 
predominant,  at  least  in  the  Hither  province,  for  many  years. 

§  3.  In  Africa  the  Roman  frontier  might  be  occasionally,  but  not 
seriously,  threatened  by  the  tribes  of  the  interior.  The  province  called 
Africa  consisted  mainly  of  the  territory  which  Carthage  had  retained  just 
before  the  third  Punic  war,  which  had  perhaps  been  increased  after  the 
war  with  Jugurtha  by  the  addition  of  the  Tripolis  (Leptis,  Aea,  and  Sa- 
brada),  and  was  very  important  from  its  fertility,  which  enabled  it  to 
supply  Rome  with  much  corn.  The  neighbouring  kings  of  Numidia 
could  hardly  be  formidable,  unless  aided  by  dissensions  or  corruption 
among  the  Romans. 

Cyrene,  with  the  four  neighbouring  towns  of  ApoUonia  or  Sozusa, 
Teucheira  or  Arsinoe,  Euesperides  or  Berenice,  and  Barca  or  Ptolemais, 
had  been  bequeathed  to  the  Romans  by  Apion,  an  Egyptian  prince,  in 
95  B.C.,  and  reduced  to  a  province,  probably  in  75  or  74  b.c  Cp. 
A.  W.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  48,  who  refers  to  a  fragment  of  Sallust,  2.  47,  ap. 
Kritz. 

The  three  great  islands  of  the  western  Mediterranean  had  long  been 
subject  directly  to  Rome.  Sicily  had  been  seriously  impoverished  by 
three  years  of  misgovernment  under  C.  Verres,  and  its  important  suppHes 
of  corn  must  have  been  much  diminished. 

Sardinia,  with  which  Corsica  was  combined  as  one  province,  also  pro- 
duced much  corn.  These  islands  had  principally  to  fear  insurrections 
of  slaves  and  depredations  of  pirates. 

Greece  was  probably  subject  to  the  governors  of  Macedonia;  the 
organization  of  a  distinct  province  of  Achaia  belonging  to  a  later  period. 
Cp.  Epp.  34,  8 ;  90,  2,  notes. 


(/ 


126 


APPENDIX  L 


APPENDIX  II. 


127 


Crete  was  conquered  in  67  b.c.  by  Q.  Metellus,  and  was  annexed, 
according  to  some,  to  Cyrene,  according  to  others,  to  Macedonia. 
A.  W.  Zumpt  holds  the  latter  view  (C.  E.  2.  187-189,  and  240).  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  8.  8,  8,  note. 

§  4.  Thus  it  will  be  noticed,  that  while  the  extent  of  the  Roman 
dominions  was  imposing,  the  frontier  was  almost  everywhere  ill-defined, 
and  the  communications  insecure.  Transalpine  Gaul  was  exposed  to 
great  danger  from  armed  migrations,  such  as  those  of  the  Cimbri  and 
Teutones  in  106  B.C.,  of  Ariovistus  and  the  Suevi  in  71,  and  of  the 
Helvetii  somewhat  later.  In  Spain,  the  most  prosperous  theatre  of 
Roman  colonization,  the  work  of  conquest  was  by  no  means  completed. 
The  frontier  of  Macedonia  was  threatened  by  northern  tribes,  who  after- 
wards combined  into  the  formidable  and  well-organized  kingdom  of 
Dacia.  In  the  East,  Mithridates  was  not  yet  subdued;  and  even  the 
subsequent  defeat  of  his  son-in-law  Tigranes  only  made  the  Parthian 
monarchy  of  the  Arsacidae  the  more  formidable. 

But  these  dangers  were  infinitely  aggravated  by  three  evils,  for  which 
the  Roman  government  was  directly  or  indirectly  responsible ;  the  mis- 
government  of  the  provinces ;  the  excessive  development  of  slave  culti- 
vation in  Italy ;  and  the  spread  of  piracy  in  the  Mediterranean.  Mithri- 
dates, Sertorius,  and  afterwards  Catiline,  relied  in  no  small  degree  on 
the  discontent  of  the  provincials ;  Spartacus,  with  an  army  of  slaves  and 
gladiators,  ravaged  Italy  for  nearly  three  years  (73-71  e.g.),  and  the 
pirates,  in  spite  of  partial  reverses,  were  long  masters  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, and  even  threatened  the  coasts  of  central  Italy. 

Seldom  had  the  Roman  empire  been  in  greater  danger  than  when 
these  corsairs  kept  up  a  communication  between  the  Spanish  insurgents 
and  Mithridates,  and  encouraged  the  revolted  slaves  in  Italy.  It  was 
a  most  fortunate  circumstance  for  Rome  that,  when  the  insurrection  of 
Spartacus  began,  the  war  with   Sertorius  had  passed  its  most  critical 

moment. 

The  ancient  authorities  consulted  for  the  facts  mentioned  in  this 
Appendix  are :  Livy,  Epitt.  70  and  91-97  ;  Plutarch's  Lives  of  LucuUus, 
Pompey,  Crassus,  Sertorius;  Velleius  2.  29-31;  Appian,  Bell.  Civ.  i. 
107-121;  Mithridatica  61 ;  67-96;  Dion  Cassius  35;  36.  1-6.  The 
modern :  Merivale  i,  21-66 ;  Mommsen  4,  chaps,  i  and  2  ;  Zumpt,  Com- 
ment. Epigr.  2.  157-241 ;  Studia  Romana,  pp.  i-57 )  Mr.  King's  notes 
on  the  Tenth  Philippic;  the  articles  on  the  various  provinces  in  Smith's 
Dictionary  of  Geography;  Fischer's  Romische  Zeittafeln;  and  Mar- 
quardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  i.  90-337. 


I 


APPENDIX    II. 

Campaigns  of  Pompey  in  the  East. 

After  executing,  with  complete  success,  his  commission  to  suppress 
piracy  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  7),  Pompey  had  passed  the  winter  of  67- 
66  B.C.  in  Cilicia,  where  he  received  the  news  of  the  extended  powers 
conferred  upon  him  by  the  law  of  Manilius  (supra,  §  8).  He  levied  a 
considerable  force,  and  with  it  met  Lucullus  at  Danala^,  in  Galatia, 
where,  after  a  warm  discussion,  he  amalgamated  that  general's  forces 
with  his  own.  Before  the  close  of  the  year  he  had  completely  defeated 
Mithridates  at  Nicopolis,  and  driven  him  across  the  Phasis,  while 
Tigranes  sued  for  peace,  and  obtained  it  on  paying  a  large  sum  of 
money,  and  surrendering  all  his  possessions  except  Armenia  Proper. 
The  close  of  66,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  65,  were  occupied  with  success- 
ful campaigns  against  the  Albanians  and  Iberians ;  the  close  of  65,  and 
the  beginning  of  64,  with  the  suppression  of  the  last  efforts  at  resistance 
in  Pontus. 

Pompey  then  marched  southwards,  to  complete  the  conquest  of  Syria 
which  some  of  his  officers  had  begun.  By  the  end  of  63  b  c.  the  Roman 
sovereignty  was  completely  established  there,  and  Pompey  then  began  to 
organize  his  conquests.  Two  new  provinces,  Syria  and  Crete  *,  were 
formed ;  three  older  ones,  Asia,  Bithynia,  and  Cilicia,  were  reconstituted. 
Bithynia  received  part  of  Pontus;  the  new  province  of  Cilicia  com- 
prised, besides  Cilicia  proper,  which  had  been  won  by  Pompey,  Pam- 
phylia,  Pisidia,  Isauria,  Lycaonia,  and  part  of  Phrygia.  Pompey  founded 
many  towns  in  Cilicia,  Cappadocia,  and  elsewhere,  and  gave  a  corporate 
existence  to  others.  Many  of  the  captive  pirates  were  settled  in  these 
towns. 

He  had  also  in  63  b.c  defeated  the  Jews  under  Aristobulus,  and  taken 
Jerusalem,  but  he  did  not  reduce  Judaea  to  the  condition  of  a  Roman 
province,  preferring  to  leave  its  government  to  Hyrcanus,  a  rival  of 
Aristobulus. 

Meanwhile,  Mithridates  tried  to  organize  means  of  resistance  in  the 
Tauric  Chersonese,  but  his  suspicious  cruelty  caused  a  revolt,  headed  by 
his  son  Pharnaces,  and  he  died  by  his  own  hand  in  63  b.c 

Thus,  towards  the  end  of  63  b.c,  Pompey  had  completed  his  task. 
The  Parthians  were  probably  indignant  at  the  advance  of  the  Roman 
power,  but  showed  no  disposition  to  begin  hostilities.     Cp.  Veil.  2.  33 ; 

*  Cp.  Strab.  12.  5,  2.  ^  Cp.  Appendix  i,  §  3. 


128 


APPENDIX  III. 


37-40;  Appian,  Mithridatica  97-1^5;  Syriaca  50-51;  Plu<^-  Po"^P- 
30-42;  Dion  Cassius  36.  28-37;  37-  1-20;  Mommsen.  4.  i,  chap.  4; 
Drumann,  4.  429-475;  Fischer,  Romische  Zeittafeln,  pp.  213-226; 
Smith's  Dictionary  of  Geography;  Marquardt,  1. 179;  191-193;  236-239. 


APPENDIX    III. 

Life  of  Atticus. 

§  I.  T.  Pomponius  Atticus  was  born  apparently  about  109  b.c,  and 
consequently  was  about  three  years  older  than  Cicero.  He  studied  with 
Cicero,  C.  Marius  the  younger,  and  L.  Torquatus,  the  consul  of  65.  He 
lent  money  to  C.  Marius  and  others,  to  help  them  in  escaping  from  Italy. 
About  86  or  85  apparently  he  left  Rome,  and  stayed  twenty-two  years  at 
Athens,  where  his  liberality  made  him  generally  popular,  and  the  rights 
of  citizenship  were  offered  him  by  the  Athenians.  Atticus  declined  the 
offer,  though  Cicero  speaks  of  the  Athenians  as  his  fellow  citizens  \ 

When  Sulla  visited  Athens  in  84  b.c  he  was  much  pleased  with  Atticus, 
who  declined,  however,  to  follow  him  to  Italy. 

In  79  B.C.  Cicero  went  to  Athens,  and  the  two  friends  Hstened  in 
company  to  Antiochus,  Phaedrus,  and  Zeno  ^ 

The  length  of  time  which  Atticus  spent  at  Athens  may  account  for  his 
cognomen.  He  returned  to  Rome  in  65  b.c.  at  Cicero's  request,  to 
support  him  in  his  canvass  for  the  consulship.  No  letters  addressed  to 
him  during  the  years  64-62  have  been  preserved,  but  it  does  not  follow 
that  he  was  at  Rome  all  that  time.  In  December,  (^z^  he  induced  the 
equites  to  make  a  demonstration  in  support  of  Cicero  ^— a  service  for 
which  his  position  as  a  member  of  an  old  equestrian  family  gave  him 
great  advantages.  At  the  end  of  62  or  beginning  of  61  he  embarked  at 
Brundisium  fdt  Epirus  *. 

§  2.  He  declined  to  attend  Quintus  Cicero  to  Asia  as  his  legate,  and 
was  not  on  very  good  terms  ^vith  him,  thinking  that  Quintus  did  not  treat 
his  sister  well  (v.  infr.  §  7).  Private  affairs  mainly  occupied  his  thoughts, 
but  he  seems  to  have  warned  Cicero  against  forming  too  close  an  union 
with  Pompey^  He  returned  to  Rome  for  a  few  months  at  the  end  of 
60  B.C.  \  but  went  back  to  Epirus  in  May,  59  '•  Cicero  frequently  begged 
him  to  return.  But  Atticus  stayed  in  Epirus  till  November,  and  when  he 
returned  to  Rome,  Cicero  thought  that  he  did  not  shew  sufficient  zeal  in 


1  Ad  Att.  I.  16,  4  ;  but  cp.  6.  6,  2. 
I,  7.  *  lb.  I.  13'  I- 

"*  lb.  2.  18,  I  and  4;  2.  20,  2. 


2  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  2. 
5  lb.  2.  I,  6. 


3  Add  Att.  2. 
*  lb.  2.  2. 


1 


A 


1 


u  > 


\ 


V*. 


APPENDIX  III. 


129 


his  serviced  Atticus  was  liberal,  however,  both  to  Cicero  and  to  his 
family  during  the  time  of  his  exile,  and  tried  to  console  him  by  holding 
out  hopes  of  a  speedy  return,  which  Cicero  hardly  shared  ^.  Atticus  was 
adopted  by  the  will  of  his  uncle  about  this  time,  and  inherited  ten  million 
sesterces  from  him  ^.  He  left  Rome  about  the  end  of  58,  and  presently 
met  Cicero  at  Dyrrhachium  *. 

§  3.  After  Cicero's  restoration  from  exile,  Atticus  seems  for  some  time 
to  have  taken  litde  part  in  politics.  He  returned  to  Rome  early  in 
56  B.C.,  and  married  Pilia^  with  whom  he  seems  to  have  lived  very 
happily.  Atticus  again  left  Rome  about  May  10,  54«,  and  after  a  short 
stay  in  Epirus  went  to  Asia,  and  wrote  to  Cicero  from  Ephesus  I  He 
returned  to  Italy  in  the  winter,  apparently,  and  remained  there  about 
three  years  I     He  had  a  daughter  born  to  him  in  51  ^ 

Cicero,  during  his  proconsulate,  requested  the  aid  of  Atticus  in  various 
matters— especially  to  prevent  his  being  detained  in  Cilicia  '^  He  was 
also  anxious  to  defend  his  own  behaviour  to  Brutus  ^\  Atticus  returned 
to  Rome  suffering  from  a  fever,  September  19,  50  b.c.^^ 

§  4.  During  the  civil  war,  which  began  in  the  next  year,  Atticus  seems 
not  to  have  given  Cicero  any  very  distinct  advice,  and  was  probably 
guided  by  what  seemed  his  friend's  inclinations  ^l  He  was  liberal  to 
Cicero,  and  to  his  family  ^*,  but  remained  neutral  in  the  struggle—an 
attitude  which  satisfied  Caesar  more  than  Pompey.  After  Cicero's  return 
to  Brundisium,  Atticus  was  his  confidant  in  the  trouble  caused  by  the 
unnatural  conduct  of  his  brother  and  nephew  ^^  and  by  the  alleged 
selfishness  of  Terentia '®. 

About  this  time,  probably,  Atticus  interceded  for  Buthrotum,  which 
had  incurred  Caesar's  displeasure,  and  saved  its  lands  from  con- 
fiscation by  giving  security  for  the  payment  of  a  considerable  sum  of 
money  ^^. 

§  5.  During  the  year  45  b.c  Atticus  and  Cicero  generally  lived 
apart,  but  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  ^l  After  Caesar's  death 
Atticus  took  no  decided  part  in  politics,  but  lent  large  sums  to  Brutus 
privately.  He  was  again  anxious  about  Buthrotum,  and  entreated  Cicero 
to  intercede  with  various  people  on  behalf  of  its  inhabitants  ^». 

Atticus   seems  to  have   approved  of  Caesar's   murder,  and   of  the 

>  Ad  Att.  3   15,  4  and  7.  ^  „,.  3.  9,  ^  .  3.  ^3,  5.  3  jt,  3,  ^^^  ,^ 

lb.  3.  25  and  27.                 5  Ad.  Q.  F.  2.  3,  7.  «  Ad  Att.  4.  14,  i.  7  j^ 

15'  2;  4.  17,  3.  - «  .   ,  -t_  t     .  .  ^ 


*  lb.  5.  21,  I. 


Ad  Att.  5.  15,  I  ;  5.  21,  3.  "  lb.  5.  21,  10-12. 

"  lb.  9.  10,4-10.  1*  lb.  II.  2,4;   II.  3,  I, 

J«  lb.  II.  24,  3.  "  lb.  12.  6  4;  16.  16  A,  4  and  5 

^  lb.  15.  14,  I ;  16.  16,  with  the  letters  appended. 

K 


infra,  §  7 ;  Ad  Att.  5.  19,  2. 


^  lb.  6.  9,  I. 
1=  lb.   II    i5.  2. 
"  lb.  12.  12  to  13,  52. 


ijo  APPENDIX  III. 

vigorous  acts  of  Dolabella ^-and  to  have  been  adroit    as  before',  in 
rntLating  what  advice  Cicero  wished  him  to  give.     When,  however 
"war  of  Mutina  had  gone  decidedly  against  Antony,  Att.cus  ass.sted 
his  wife  Fulvia-a  service  in  return  for  which  Antony  exempted  not  only 
Atticus  himself,  but  two  of  his  friends,  from  proscription. 

After  the  battle  of  Philippi,  Atticus  kept  up  a  friendly  correspondence 
both  with  Antony  and  with  Octavian ;  the  latter  often  consulted  him,  on 
poetical  and  andquarian  questions.  Atticus'  ^^eaUh  had  genera^y  be«. 
very  good,  but  when  about  77  years  old  he  was  vs.ted  by  a  pam  ul  dis- 
order aggravated  perhaps  in  the  first  instance  by  maltreatment.  He 
IbSn^d  from  foo'd,  thinking  the  case  desperate,  and  died  March  3.. 

^^%6  He  was  extremely  wealthy ;  besides  his  uncle's  legacy,  he  had 
inherited  two  million  sesterces  from  his  father.  About  the  year  69  b.c 
he  had  bou-ht  a  considerable  estate  near  Buthrotum  in  Epirus,  and 
he  had  perhaps  properties  at  Sybota  and  in  Corcyra^  and  large  sums 
a  interest  in  Sicyon,  Macedonia,  and  Delos^  He  seems  to  have 
been  moderate  in  his  demands  of  interest,  but  prompt  m  exacting 

'' Hrex"penditure,  both  on  his  houses  and  on  his  table,  was  "joderate- 
at  least  compared  with  that  of  other  wealthy  Romans ;  he  had  a  fine 
house  with  gardens  on  the  Quirinal,  a  villa  close  to  Rome,  and  estates  at 
Ardea,  at  Nomentum,  and  near  Lucretilis.  On  his  estate  at  Buthrotum 
stood  the  Amaltheum-an  apartment  or  shrine  containing  groups  of 
mythological  personages,  and  busts  of  eminent  Romans,  with  a  few 
lines  of  poetry  under  each,  of  his  own  composition.  Cicero  s  was 
among  them.    Cicero  asked  Atticus  to  collect  works  of  art  tor  him 

in  Greece  ^  .  ,  ^^  ^r 

The  slaves  of  Atticus  were  valuable  as  copyists  or  readers;  some  of 

them  seem  to  have  been  trained  as  gladiators  •. 

His  knowledge  of  and  fondness  for  literature  were  remarkable;  he 
wrote  a  Greek  account  of  Cicero's  consulship,  a  compendium  of  Roman 
history,  and  various  genealogical  works.  He  spoke  and  -™te  both 
Greek  and  Latin  with  great  elegance  and  propriety.  His  knowledge  of 
dates  and  of  antiquities  generally  was  remarkable,  and  his  power 
of  rapid  calculation  still  more  so '.  In  philosophy  he  seems  to  have 
inclined  to  Epicureanism '. 

t  4^  At,   ,^    li  2  ■  14.  16,  2  ;  Ad  Fam.  9.  14.     '  Ad  Alt.  16.  7.  .VS-  CP-  JUP"-  5  4- 
«  Ad  Att.  14.  14.  2  ■  M-  'P.      '  •>         4  lb.  I.  ,3,  I ;  9.  9,  4;  Ad  tarn.  5.  6. 

.  Id  A«.  ;-.  tl:  '■       •    '  *■  '••  lb.  4.  4  b.  .  ;  4.  8  a.  ..    '  '  "-.  5.  n.  .3. 

•  lb.  14.  20,  5,  alib. 


1 


\ 


4 


'i 


i 


APPENDIX  IV. 


13J 


§  7.  He  was  placable  and  affectionate  as  a  son,  husband,  and  father, 
and  an  honest,  if  not  very  energetic,  friend.  He  was  on  intimate  terms 
with  many  of  his  eminent  contemporaries ;  traces  may  be  found  of  an 
intimacy  between  him  and  the  Claudii  ^ ;  and  among  his  acquaintance 
were  Pompey^,  Q.  Hortensius,  M.  Varro,  Q.  Gellius  Canus,  A.  Torquatus, 
Q.  Metellus  Celer.  Caesar  was  pleased  by  his  not  leaving  Italy  during 
the  first  civil  war  \ 

His  sister  Pomponia  married  Q.  Cicero,  but  the  marriage  was  not 
happy,  and  seems  to  have  been  terminated  by  a  divorce  about  45  or 

44  B.C.* 

Atticus  had  a  daughter — Pomponia  or  Caecilia  Attica — born  51  b.c.^ 
She  married  M.  Agrippa,  at  Antony's  suggestion,  about  36;  their  daughter 
Vipsania  Agrippa  was  betrothed  when  hardly  a  year  old  to  Tiberius 
Nero,  afterwards  emperor,  whom  she  subsequently  married,  and  lived 
happily  with  him  till  Augustus  required  him  to  separate  from  her «. 

The  authorities  for  the  above  biography,  besides  the  passages  quoted 
in  the  notes,  have  been  the  life  of  Atticus  by  Cornelius  Nepos,  and  that 
by  Drumann  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  Roman  history. 


APPENDIX    IV. 

On  the  Legality  of  the  Execution  of  Lentulus  and  his 

Accomplices. 

The  Lex  Porcia,  enacted,  probably,  in  the  year  197  b.c,  provided  that 
no  Roman  citizen  should  be  scourged  or  put  to  death  by  the  sentence 
of  a  magistrate.  Cp.  Livy  10.  9  ;  Sail.  Cat.  51 ;  Cic.  pro  Rab.  4,  12. 
Subsequently,  a  Lex  Sempronia  (C.  Gracchi)  provided  that  no  com- 
missions should  be  appointed,  without  the  consent  of  the  people,  for 
trying  cases  in  which  the  *  caput '  of  a  Roman  citizen  was  endangered. 
Cp.  Pro  Rab.  1.  c,  and  the  quotation  from  Ahrens  in  Orelli's  Index 
Legum,  Onomast.  vol.  3. 

Neither  of  these  laws,  of  course,  would  interfere  with  the  old  capital 
prosecutions  for  '  perduellio,'  before  the  people  assembled  in  the  comitia 
centuriata ;  but  such  prosecutions  were  very  rare  in  the  later  years  of  the 
Commonwealth. 


4  a'/a  ^"*  ^'  9'  ^-  ^5.  2;  2.  22,  4;  10.  8,  3.  2  lb.  3,  13^  I 

6  Suet    Tih\'?T"^'A^'  ''^'^-  ''  '"''    '4.  13.  5;    14-  17.  3. 

«  buet.  Tib.  7;  Tac.  Ann.  i.  12  ;  2.  43. 

K  2 


'  supra,  §  4. 
5  supra,  §  3. 


j,2  APPENDIX  IV. 

It  is  clear  that  the  execution  of  Lentulus  and  his  accomplices  was  in 
direct  violation  of  the  Porcian  law,  and  of  others  probably,  unless  the 
decree  by  which  the  senate  invested  the   consuls  with  extraordinary 
powers  (^Iderent  consules  ne  quid  detrimenti  res  publica  caperet)  depnved 
Lse  who  should  subsequently  be  guilty  of  sediuous  P-  >"    "J  ^^ 
rights  as  citizens.    Cicero  argues  that  such  was  the  legal  effect  of  Aat 
decree  and  that  Lentulus  and  his  associates  were  outlaws.     Cp.  In  Cat 
TITZ  4.  5,  lo  ;  Pro  Rab.  7-11-     And  Sallust  (Cat.  .9)  says  of  the 
ffect' of 'that  decree,  'ea  potestas  per  senatum  more  Jomano  n^g- 
tratibus  maxima  permittitur  .  .  .  coercere  omnibus  modis ^ocxos  atque 
c  ves      These  words,  however,  do  not  assert  the  strict  legality  of  pumsh- 
Tents  inflicted  by  virtue  of  the  decree,  and  Sallust  makes  Jaesar  -p. 
5,)  plead  energetLuy  that  Lentulus  could  not  be  put  to  death  by  the 
senate's  order     The  senate  does  not  seem  to  have  had  the  power  of 
d  sfrlhising  Roman  citizens  (cp.  In  Verr  .  Act.  .,  5,  «S) ;  -ojd.ng 
to  the  author  of  the  speech  'De  Domo'  (.9,  3o).  no   one   could  be 
deprived  of  citizenship,  even  by  a  vote  of  the  people,  without  h>s  o^^n 

"'"less  had  the  senate  the  power  of  sentencing  citizens  to  death. 
The  question  is,  whether  it  could  invest  the  consuls  with  such  power. 

In  practice,  its  right  to  do  so  had   not  passed  unquestioned.    L 
Opimius  had  ;een  accused  before  the  people  for  his  s-eriUes  in  putung 
down  the  insurrection  of  C.  Gracchus;  he  was,  however,  acquitted  (cp 
W  Epit.  61) ;  and  C.  Rabirius  had  been  prosecuted,  m  the  very  year  of 
CicL's  consulship,  for  having  killed  a  man  when  co-operating  in^h 
suDoression  of  the  revolt  of  Satuminus  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  9)-       h^e 
ruth  se  ms  to  be,  that  the  senate  had  usurped  illegal  powers;  tha  its 
u'rpat  on  had  be^n  largely,  though  not  universally,  aPProve<l  -d  *at 
therefore  it  is  an  exaggeration  to  speak,  as  Mommsen  ^oe.  of  Ae  e-- 
tion  of  Lentulus  as  a  'judicial  murder'  (4.  i,  i79  and  181),   and  that 
opinions  seem  to  have  been  much  divided  at  Rome,  as  among  modern 
scholars  on  the  question.    In  addition  to  Mommsen,  Rein,  Crimmal- 
cM  p  56.;  Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  ..615  and  6x6;  Arnold,  Later  Roman 
CoLontealth,  u^^^  ;  Drumann  5.  553  ;  all  maintam  the  Ulegahty  o 
the  act,  and  Dean  Liddell  (2.  398)  implies  the  same  view.    N  ebuhr 
Lectures  2.  25),  decidedly,  and  the  authors  of  the  articles    consul  and 
Mictto?in  Sm^h's  Dictionary  of  Antiquities,  doubtfully,  take  the  other 
side;  Merivale  (i.  84)  is  doubtful. 


APPENDIX   V. 


^33 


( 


A 


-♦" 


V 


i 


APPENDIX   V. 

On  Cicero's  Estates,  and  other  Property. 

§  I.  I.  At  Arpinum.  This  was  inherited  by  Cicero  from  his  father^; 
it  was  retired,  and  Cicero  stayed  there,  seems  to  have  found  it  an  agree- 
able residence  in  spring  or  summer  ^.  He  had  there  an  Amaltheum  ^ 
His  brother  Quintus  had  two  estates  near  it,  called  Arcanum  and 
Laterium  *. 

2.  At  Tusculum.  This  had  formerly  been  the  property  of  Sulla, 
then  of  Q.  Catulus^  The  villa  was  richly  adorned  with  statues  and 
pictures,  and  had  a  gymnasium  attached  to  it^  Cicero  offered  this 
property  for  sale"^  in  57  b.c,  but  afterwards  changed  his  mind,  for  we 
find  him  in  possession  of  it  ^  at  a  later  period. 

3.  At  Antium.  This  was  an  agreeable  and  retired  spot^  Cicero 
seems  to  have  sold  it  before  45  b.c.  to  M.  Lepidus  ^^, 

4.  At  Formiae.  This  was  one  of  his  oldest  possessions.  He  spent 
some  money  upon  it,  but  found  the  situation  bustling  ". 

5.  At  Pompeii.  He  spent  much  on  the  decoration  of  his  villa  there, 
and  seems  to  have  kept  possession  of  it  till  his  death  ^^. 

6.  At  Cumae.  A  delightful  spot,  but  in  too  crowded  a  neighbour- 
hood ".  It  is  first  mentioned  after  his  return  from  exile  ".  The  treatise 
*  De  Republica '  was  partly  written  there  ^^ 

7.  At  Puteoli.  Only  mentioned  in  his  later  letters  ^^  Cicero  com- 
posed the  *  Academica '  there,  and  was  perhaps  visited  there  by  Caesar  ^"^ 
towards  the  end  of  45  b.c 

8.  At  Astura.  This  is  not  mentioned  before  45  b.c,  and  perhaps 
was  purchased  in  that  year  ^^ 

Cicero  had  also  several  houses  at  which  he  could  lodge  for  a  night,  in 
travelling  from  one  estate  to  another  (*  deversoria '),  e.g.  at  Tarracina^® 
perhaps,  Sinuessa  '^^  Cales  '^S  Anagnia  ^^. 

§  2.  He  parted  with  his  father's  house  at  Rome  to  his  brother  2\  and 

1  De  Leg.  Agrar.  3.  2,  8.  ^  Ad  Att.  9.  6,  i :  cp.  Ad  Fam.  14.  7,  3.  ^  Ad 

Att.  I.  16,  18 ;  2.  I,  II.  *  lb.  5.  1.  3  ;  lo-  I,  I ;  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  7.  =  Pliny 

H.  N.  22.  6  ;  Ad  Att.  4.  5,  2.  «  lb.  i.  i,  5,  note ;  I.  3-11.  ''  lb.  4.  2,  7. 

«  lb.  12.  41,  I.  ^  lb.  2.  6.  ^^  lb.  13.  47  b,  I.  11  lb.  2.  14,  2  ;  4.  2,  7. 

"  lb.  2.  I,  II  ;  14.  16,  I.  "  lb.  5-  2,  2  ;  14.  16,  i.  "  lb.  4.  9,  i. 

"  Ad  CL  f  •  3  5,  I-  ^*  Ad  Att.  14.  7,  i ;  but  cp.  lb.  4.  10,  i,  and  1.  13,  5.     Per- 

haps, as  Mr.  Jeans  thinks,  (intr.  to  Ep.  109)  it  was  a  bequest  from  M.  Cluvius,— see  next 
page  and  Ad  Att.  14.  7,  I ;  14.  9,  I.  "  Ad  Att.  13.  52  ;  Pliny  H.  N.  31.  2.  3. 

»«  Ad  Att.  12.  19,  I.  1^  Ad  Fam.  7.  23   3.  ^o  jb.  jj.  20.  ^i  ^d  Att. 

8.  3,  7.  -'^  lb.  12.  I,  I.  23  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  3,  7 ;  Plut.  Cic.  8. 


% 


,34  APPENDIX  V. 

bou-ht,  for  three  millions  and  a  half  of  sesterces,  a  magnificent  one  on 
the  "palatine,  which  had  belonged  to  M.  Livius  Drusus,  and  afterwards 
to  M.  Crassus  \  It  was  destroyed  by  Clodius  in  58  b.c,  and  the  money 
granted  by  the  consuls  for  its  restoration  in  57  was  insufficient,  especially 
as  the  rebuilding  went  on  slowly,  and  was  hindered  by  violence  \ 

&  .     The  dowry  which  Cicero  received  with  Terentia,  amounted  to 
400,000  sesterces,  and  a  legacy  bequeathed  to  him  tolerably  early  in  hfe 
amounted  to  360,000  \     In  68  b.c.  he  already  owned  the  ^estates   at 
Formiae  and  Tusculum,  and  paid  20,400  sesterces  for  statues  • 

The  Stoic  Diodotus,  who  had  lived  some  time  in  his  house,  left  him 
ten  million  of  sesterces  in  59  b.c.^  But  his  exile  caused  him  great 
embarrassments,  from  which  he  seems  never  altogether  to  have  extri- 
cated himself  ^  and  he  subsequently  borrowed  money  from  Milo,  Ves- 

torius,  and  Caesar"^. 

He  suspected  Philotimus,  a  freedman  of  Terentia,  of  culpable  mis- 
management or  peculation  ^ 

Cicero  received  a  legacy  during  his  absence  in  Cilicia,  which  he  calls 

'  Preciana '  *. 

He  made  2,200,000  sesterces  by  his  government  of  Cilicia,  but 
Pompey  took  this  money  ^^  and  the  war  gave  rise  to  other  embarrass- 
ments »,  owing  partly  to  the  depreciation  of  landed  property,  partly  to 
the  extravagance  of  Dolabella ;   partly,  perhaps,  to  the  mismanagement 

of  Terentia  ^^. 

He  received,  however,  various  legacies :  one  from  Galeo  ^^  one  from 
Fufidius  ^\  and  one  from  M.  Cluvius ''  which  produced  at  first  80,000, 
and  afterwards   100,000   sesterces  a  year.     This  was  in  the  summer 

of  45  B.C.  , 

His  divorce  from  Terentia  in  46  b.c,  and  the  expense  of  his  sons 
education,  led  to  fresh,  but  not  very  serious,  embarrassments  ^^  His 
property  seems  still  to  have  been  substantially  unimpaired  in  the  summer 
of  44 '^  He  needed  Atticus'  help  at  times,  owing  to  his  difficulty  in 
getting  in  money  owed  him,  e.g.  from  Faberius^^ 

This  Appendix  gives  the  substance  of  the  40th  section  of  Bruckner's 
Life  of  Cicero. 

^  Ad  Fam.  5.  6,  2  ;  Veil.  2.  14;  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  12.  ^  Ad  Att.  4.  5.  3 ;  4-  7-  3 ; 

Ad  Q  F   2   3   7.  '  Plut.  Cic.  8.  *  Ad  Att.  i.  4,  3  ;  i-  5,  7  ;  i-  7- 

^  lb.  2.  20,  6.  «  Ad  Fam.  14.  i,  3  ;  H-  4»  4-  '  Ad  Att.  5.  10,  4 ;  464. 

«  lb  6  4.  ^.  »  lb.  6.  9,  2.  1°  lb.  II.  I,  2  ;  Ad  Fam.  5.  20,  9.  Ad  Att. 

II    2.  2  and  3;  11.4,1.  "  Ad  Fam.  9.  18,4;  Ad  Att.  11.  23,  3  ;  11.24,3. 

»3  lb  Ti    124.  "  lb.  II.  14,  3-  '"  ^b.  13.  46,  3 ;  14-  9'  I  ;  H-  10.  3- 

^e  Intr.  to  Fart  IV.  §  7 ;  Ad  Att.  16.  1,  5.  ''  lb.  16.  6,  2.  ''  lb.  12.  21,  2. 


'^1 


i\ 


PART    II. 

From  Cicero's  return  from  exile,  Sept.  4,  57  b.c,  to 

THE   outbreak   OF   HOSTILITIES   BETWEEN   CAESAR 

AND  Pompey,  early  in  January,  49  b.c. 
INTRODUCTION. 

§  I.  Cicero  returned  from  exile  Sept.  4,  and  returned  thanks  next 
day  to  the  senate  and  people  for  his  restoration.  The  enthusiasm  of 
his  reception,  probably,  did  much  to  encourage  the  optimates. 

On  Sept.  7,  wishing,  Plutarch^  says,  to  promote  a  better  understanding 
between  Pompey  and  the  leaders  of  the  optimates,  he  proposed  that 
a  commission  should  be  given  to  the  former  for  supplying  Rome  with 
corn.  Pompey's  term  of  office  was  to  be  five  years,  and  he  was  to  have 
power  to  name  fifteen  legates.  C.  Messius  ^  proposed  to  invest  him  with 
far  more  extensive  powers,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  his  proposal  was 
adopted. 

On  Sept.  29  Cicero  pleaded  before  the  pontifices— perhaps  in  the 
speech  *  De  Domo  Sua,'  which  we  still  possess — against  the  legality  of 
the  consecration  of  the  site  of  his  house  by  Clodius.  The  court  decided 
in  his  favour ' ;  and  the  senate,  on  the  two  following  days,  passed  votes 
empowering  the  consuls  to  reimburse  him  for  the  destruction  both  of  his 
house  and  of  his  villas.  The  work  of  rebuilding  was  speedily  begun ;  and 
though  interrupted  by  Clodius,  was  protected  by  Milo. 

About  the  same  time  Cicero  removed  from  the  Capitol  the  tablets 
recording  the  acts  of  Clodius'  tribunate.  This  displeased  Cato,  who  had 
received  an  honourable  commission  from  Clodius  *. 

1  Cp.  Plut.  Pomp.  49.  2  Ad  Att.  4.  I,  7.  ^  lb.  4. 2, 2.  *  Plut. 

Cic.  34.     Dion  Cassius  (39,  21)  speaks  of  'the  pillars  that  were  set  up  about  Cicero  s 
exile.' 


f/ 


136 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


137 


Caesar,  during  this  summer,  subdued  the  Belgae,  of  whom  the  Nervu 
were  the  most  famous^  tribe,  and  received  the  submission  of  several 
tribes  on  the  north-west  coast.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year  his  legate 
Ser  Galba,  was  employed  in  reducing  the  Veragri,  Nantuates,  and 
Seduni,  near  the  lake  of  Geneva  ^  to  submission.  In  honour  of  these 
victories,  Cicero  supported  a  vote  of  fifteen  days  thanksgivings-an 
unprecedented  distinction  ^ 

Thus  far  Cicero,  since  his  return  to  Rome,  had  done  nothing  to 
displease,  and  a  great  deal  to  gratify,  the  triumvirs.  The  next  few 
months  witnessed  a  change  of  his  political  attitude. 

We  have  seen  that  Pompey  had  quarrelled  with  Clodius.  Cicero's 
restoration  could  only  increase  the  latter's  animosity,  and  he  affected 
to  support  Crassus,  who  had  always  been  jealous  of  Pompey,  and  was 
perhaps  anxious  to  be  sent  on  a  public  commission  to  Alexandria  \ 

The  curious  result  followed,  that  a  temporary  good  understanding 
was  effected  between  the  leaders  of  the  optimates  ^  and  Clodius.  This 
was  promoted  by  the  interest  which  Cato  had  in  maintaining  the  legality 
of  the  acts  of  Clodius  \  But  it  must  have  tended  to  bring  Milo  and 
Pompey  into  a  closer  union. 

56  B.C. 

§  2.  Our  knowledge  of  the  events  of  the  eariy  months  of  this  year 
is  derived  mainly  from  letters  to  P  \  Lentulus  Spinther,  now  governor  of 
Cilicia,  and  to  Q.  Cicero  ^  now  in  Sardinia,  and  acting  as  legate  to 
Pompey.  Clodius  had  been  elected  curule  aedile  ^  and  so  escaped  for 
a  year  any  danger  of  prosecution,  from  which  magistrates  were  exempt 
during  their  year  of  office  ^®. 

In  January,  Cicero  argued  in  the  senate,  that  P.  Lentulus  Spinther 
should  be  allowed  to  restore  Ptolemy  XII.  at "  Alexandria.  But  opinions 
in  the  senate  were  much  divided ;  a  passage  from  the  Sibylline  books, 
forbidding  the  employment  of  an  army  in  the  transaction,  was  circulated 
not  without  effect ;  Cicero  himself  was  probably  somewhat  distracted  by 
the  rival  claims  of  Pompey  and  Lentulus,  and  the  affair  was  adjourned 

indefinitely  ^^ 

Next  month  Clodius  accused  Milo  of  riotous  proceedings  ('vis'"). 

1  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  2.  "•  lb.  3.  1-3-  '  ^b.  2.  35 ;  Cic.  De  Prov.  Cons. 

II    27  *  Ad  a. F.  2.  3,  2  ;  cp.  Plut.  Pomp.  48.  ^  Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  19. 

e  supra,  pp.  20 ;  135-  '  Ad  Fam.  i.  1-6.  «  Ad  CLF.  2.  2-4.  ^  Pro 

Sest  44  9f^  ^*^  Cp.,  however,  Varro  ap.  A.  Gell.  13.  1 3-  ^^  ^^^'  '•  ^ 

and*2  1'  Ad  Q^  F.  2.  2,  3.  "  lb.  2.  3,  I  ;  Pro  Sest.  1.  c.     The  accusation 

seems  to  have  been  preferred  before  the  'comitia  tributa.'      Cp.  Ep.  23,  2,  note.     Peter.  2. 

237. 


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We  have  no  account  of  the  issue  of  the  trial,  but  it  seems  unlikely  that 
a  conviction  should  have  passed  unnoticed. 

On  Feb.  3,  Cicero  defended  L.  Bestia  on  a  charge  of  bribery  before 
the  praetor  Domitius ;  the  trial  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  sounding 
public  feeling  by  political  ^  allusions.  Still  more  was  this  the  case  on  the 
trial  of  P.  Sestius  for  riot,  in  March.  He  had  been  active  the  year 
before  in  promoting  Cicero's  restoration,  and  the  charge  was  no  doubt 
based  in  part  upon  his  conduct  at  that  time.  Other  experienced 
advocates  spoke  for  the  defence;  Cicero  last,  as  usual.  His  speech 
was  a  political  manifesto.  He  still  treated  Pompey  and  Caesar  with 
courtesy  on  the  whole  ^ ;  but  professed  unlimited  respect  for  the  senate  ^, 
and  during  the  course  of  the  proceedings  found  an  opportunity  of 
inveighing  bitterly  against  Vatinius,  one  of  the  witnesses  for  the  pro- 
secution, especially  on  account  of  his  behaviour  in  59  b.c*  This 
cannot  have  been  agreeable  to  Caesar,  though  Cicero  affected '^  not  to 
consider  him  responsible  for  the  measures  of  Vatinius. 

Sestius  was  unanimously  acquitted^;  and  this  may  have  encouraged 
Cicero  to  shew  greater  independence  for  a  time. 

He  soon  came  again  into  collision  with  Clodius.  Various  prodigies 
were  reported,  and  the  opinion  of  haruspices  was  taken  as  to  what  they 
portended,  and  what  was  the  cause  of  the  divine  displeasure  intimated  by 
them.  The  haruspices  reported,  among  other  causes,  that  the  gods  were 
displeased  because  sacred  rites  were  treated  as  profane;  and  Clodius 
instantly,  in  a  speech  to  the  people,  applied  this  to  the  rebuilding  of 
Cicero's  house.  Cicero  thought  it  necessary  to  argue  in  the  senate 
against  this  interpretation.  His  speech  *  De  Haruspicum  Responsis,'  is 
mainly  an  attack  upon  Clodius,  and  he  hints  ^  that  the  optimates  should 
not  be  deluded  by  his  flatteries. 

The  answer  of  the  haruspices  seems,  however,  to  have  been  procured 
in  the  interest  of  the  optimates,  and  not  of  Clodius  only.  It  contained 
a  warning  against  dissensions  among  the  nobles  which  might  lead  to  the 
concentration  of  all  powers  in  the  hands  of  one  man  ®,  with  reference 
perhaps  to  the  proposal  of  C.  Messius.  The  confused  state  of  parties 
was  shewn  by  the  acquittal  of  Sex.  Clodius,  prosecuted  by  Milo  at  the 
instance  of  Pompey;  for  he  owed  his  acquittal  to  the  votes  of  the 
senatorial®  portion  of  his  judges. 

§  3.  A  political  crisis  had  been  for  some  time  approaching.    Various 

*  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  3,  6.                        ^  There  is  an  exception  :  33,  71.  '  Especially 

65,  foil.                  *  Intr.  to  Part  I.  §  18.                       5  i„  Vat.  9,  22.  «  Ad  CL  F. 

?•  4.  !•  '  De  Har.  Resp.  23,  48.  *  lb.  19,  40:  cp.  supra,  §  i. 
•  Ad  Q^F.  2.  6,  6. 


138 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


139 


circumstances  had  raise.l  the  spirits  of  the  optimates,  as  we  have  seen ; 
the  enthusiasm  with  which  the  Italians  had  greeted  Cicero's  return ;  the 
election  of  consuls  favourable,  or  not  adverse,  to  the  old  constitution ;  the 
acquittal  of  Sestius,  indicating  the  temper  of  the  tribunals ;  the  quarrels 
among  the  triumvirs  and  their  instruments.  Even  Cicero  was  mspired 
with  unwonted  confidence  and  decision,  and  became  for  a  moment  the 
spokesman  of  the  optimates  ^ 

The  revenue  was  in  an  unsatisfactory  state,  and  ill  able  to  meet  the 
heavy  demands  made  upon  it  for  the   supply  of  corn  to  the  capital, 
and  for  the  pay  of  Caesar's  army.     Now  a  considerable  income  had 
been  sacrificed  by  the  allotment  of  the  Campanian  domain  under  the 
agrarian  laws^  of  59  B.C.,  and  Cicero,  on  April  5,  proposed  that  the 
senate  should,  on  May  15,  discuss  the  legality  of  such  allotment.     No 
doubt  the  object  of  this  motion  was  the  repeal  of  the  laws  of  59,  and 
it  was  thus  a  direct  challenge  to  Caesar.      It  is  probable  that  Cicero 
hoped   too   much   from   a   suspected    estrangement   of  Pompey   from 
Caesar.     The  conduct  of  the  former,  with  respect  both  to  the  proposal 
of  Messius^  and  to  the  restoration  of  Ptolemy*,  betrayed  eagerness  to 
obtain  an  important  military  command ;   and  he  was  probably  jealous 
of  Caesar.     Thus  Cicero  seems  not  to  have  been  surprised  when,  at  an 
interview  shortly  after  his  own  proposal  had  been  made  in  the  senate, 
Pompey  shewed^  no  sign  of  displeasure.     But  he  failed  to  consider 
that  the  agrarian  laws  of  59  had  been   as  much  Pompey's  work   as 
Caesar's ;   that  the  friendship  of  those  two  leaders  was  secured  by  a 
marriage   connection;    and   that    several   of  the   optimates   (especially 
Favonius,    M.  Bibulus,  and   Curio)   disliked   Pompey,  and   would  not 
abstain  from  their  offensive  patronage  of  Clodius. 

Caesar,  probably  warned  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  Rome,  had  left  his 
Transalpine  province  and  was  now  at  Ravenna,  where  Crassus  ^  among 
others,  waited  on  him.  The  result  of  their  representations  seems  to  have 
been  that  Caesar  was  much  incensed  against  Cicero,  and  probably  some- 
what disturbed  by  the  doubtful  behaviour  of  Pompey.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, would  not  submit  to  so  decided  an  attack  on  his  past  policy  as 
that  made  by  Cicero's  motion.  He  left  Rome  for  a  visit  to  Sardinia  and 
Africa,  and,  on  his  way  to  one  of  the  northern  ports  of  Italy,  had  a  con- 
ference with  Caesar  at  Luca.  Many  senators  and  men  holding  high 
office  were  drawn  to  the  place  by  this  important  meeting. 

§  4.  Both  Pompey  and  Caesar  had  reason  to  wish  for  a  re-establish- 


1  Ad  Fam.  I.  9,  8. 
*  Ad  Fam.  I.  i,  3;  i.  2,  3. 


»  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  17. 
5  lb.  I.  9,  9. 


«  Ad  Att.  4.  I,  7. 
«  lb.  I.  9,  9. 


J 


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ment  of  friendly  relations.  Pompey,  unable  to  conduct  affairs  at  Rome 
by  himseK,  had  to  choose  between  a  reconstruction  of  the  triumvirate 
and  a  surrender  to  the  optimates,  who  had  shewn  little  consideration  for 
him.  As  for  Caesar,  his  provincial  government  would  expire  in  March, 
54  B.C. ;  he  would  then  have  either  to  resign  it  or  to  declare  war  on  the 
government.  The  conquest  of  Gaul  was  not  completed,  and  it  was 
probably  doubtful  if,  without  Pompey's  aid,  he  could  get  his  govern- 
ment prolonged.  An  understanding  between  the  two  leaders  was  soon 
arrived  at,  and  its  objects  seem  to  have  been  two ;  to  check  the  rising 
spirit  of  independence  in  the  capital  and  in  Italy,  and  to  secure  the 
position  of  Pompey  and  Caesar.  The  support  of  Crassus  had  perhaps 
been  already  promised  at  Ravenna." 

Pompey  and  Crassus  were  to  sue  for  the  consulship  for  55  B.C.,  and 
so  to  prevent  the  election  of  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  who  might  have 
proved  a  formidable  enemy.  Caesar's  government  of  Gaul  was  to  be 
prolonged  for  five  years,  and  Pompey  and  Crassus  were  to  have  other 
governments  for  a  like  period.  The  position  of  Crassus  had  always 
been  a  subordinate  one,  but  his  wealth  and  connections  made  him  a 
valuable  ally,  and,  as  he  could  never  aspire  to  the  first  place,  he  might 
be  of  much  use  as  a  mediator  between  his  more  eminent  colleagues. 

The  measures  necessary  to  carry  out  these  stipulations  were  only 
proposed  in  the  next  year,  but  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  they 

were  settled  now. 

The  first  intimation  which  Cicero  received  of  the  new  compact,  seems 
to  have  been  from  Quintus,  with  whom  Pompey  remonstrated  in  Sar- 
dinia on  his  brother's  1  conduct.  This  placed  Cicero  in  a  position  of 
great  difficulty ;  he  had  to  choose  between  submission  to  the  triumvirs, 
and  an  opposition  in  which  most  of  his  allies  would  be  factious,  selfish, 
and  impracticable,  which  would  probably  be  fruitless,  and  might  dismiss 
him  to  a  second  and  more  hopeless  exile. 

He  chose  submission ;  withdrew,  apparently,  his  motion  on  the  Cam- 
panian domains 2,  and  made  some  apology  to  Caesar  for  his  recent^ 

opposition. 

§  5.  No  part  of  Cicero's  career  seems  to  have  caused  him  more  regret 
and  vexation;  he  attempted  to  justify  it  by  elaborate*  excuses  and 
petulant  recrimination  ^  Personal  fear  and  jealousy  no  doubt  influenced 
him  to  a  considerable  extent,  but  other  considerations  should  not  be  lost 
sight  of.  He  had  never  professed  an  absolute  devotion  to  the  optimates ; 
he  had  more  than  once  argued  in  favour  of  investing  Pompey  with 


^  Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  9. 
Fam.  I.  9,  9  to  18. 


2  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  8,  2. 

*  Ad  Att.  4.  5. 


5  Ad  Att.  4.  5,  I. 


Ad 


I 


I40  INTRODUCTION 

extraordinary  powers  ;  and  the  main  object  of  his  political  life  had  been 
to  maintain  a  good  understanding  between  him,  the  optimaie  leaders, 
and  the  equites.  Now  this  seemed  impracticable ;  and,  if  the  events  of 
59-58  B.C.  might  detach  Cicero  from  Pompey,  what  had  happened 
since  his  return  to  Rome  was  hardly  likely  to  put  him  on  good  terms 
with  the  optimates.  Even  his  exile  seems  to  have  inspired  him  with 
almost  as  much  resentment  towards  his  irresolute  supporters  as  towards 
his  more  open  enemies  \  After  all,  however,  he  can  hardly  be  acquitted 
of  rashness  in  his  defiance,  and  of  weakness  in  his  recantation ;  and 
the  next  few  years  form,  perhaps,  the  part  of  his  career  which  his 
biographer  will  regard  with  least  pleasure. 

It  was,  however,  a  time  of  great  activity  for  Cicero  as  an  orator, 
especially  in  the  law  courts ;  and  the  speeches  which  have  been  pre- 
served, numerous  as  they  are,  give  no  adequate  notion  of  his  exertions. 

The  speech  in  defence  of  M.  Caelius  Rufus,  accused  of  sedition  and 
of  attempted  poisoning,  seems  to  belong  to  this  spring  or  summer,  but 
it  is  not  easy  to  fix  its  precise  date.  It  was  successful,  and  seems  to 
have  led  to  a  lasting  friendship  between  Cicero  and  his  client.  Intimacy 
with  Catiline  had  been  made  a  charge  against  Caelius,  and,  in  replying 
to  it,  Cicero  introduced  a  portrait  of  Catiline  more  favourable  than  those 
with  which  we  are  most  familiar  ^. 

§  6.  About  this  time  Cicero  argued^  in  the  senate  in  favour  of  a  grant 
of  money  for  the  pay  of  Caesar's  troops,  and  of  his  being  allowed  to 
name  ten  legates.     Shortly  afterwards  he  had  to  attest  his  recantation  by 

a  still  more  decided  step. 

A  discussion  took  place  in  the  senate  about  the  assignation  of  pro- 
vinces to  the  consuls  of  55  B.C.,  provision  for  which  was  generally 
made  beforehand.  Some  proposed  that  either  Cisalpine  or  Transalpine 
Gaul  should  be  one,  which  of  course  would  imply  the  withdrawal  of  one 
province  from  Caesar.  Cicero,  however,  notwithstanding  the  remon- 
strances of  some  of*  the  optimates,  and  of  the  consul  ^  Philippus,  opposed 
the  suggestion  successfully,  saying  that  it  was  essential  that  Piso  and 
Gabinius  ^  should  be  recalled  as  soon  as  possible,  and  that  difficulties 
would  arise  if  one  of  Caesar's  provinces  were  assigned  to  one  of  the 
consuls  ^  for  55.  He  also  extolled  the  successes  of  Caesar  S  and  attacked 
the  inconsistency  of  those  optimates  who  questioned  the  validity  of  the 
Julian  laws  while  defending  that  of  the  Clodian  \    In  a  letter  ^«  written  to 

1  Ad  Att.  3.  0,  2  ;  Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  13.                ^  Pro  Caelio  5  and  6.  »  pg  Prov. 

Cons   II    28.                   *  lb.  8,  18,  foil.                   5  lb.  9,  21.  «  infra.  §§  8;  9. 

T  De  Prov.  Cons.  7,  17.              *  lb.  13  ;  14  ;  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  25.  De  Prov. 
Coas.  19.                 '"^  Ad  Fam.  i.  7,  ic 


\ 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


141 


I 


\ 


i 


P.  Lentulus  Spinther  about  this  time,  Cicero  describes  the  debate  as 
though  he  had  taken  no  prominent  part  in  it  himself. 

Either  in  the  summer  or  autumn  he  pleaded  for  the  rights  of  citizen- 
ship of  L.  Cornelius  Balbus,  which  had  been  conferred  by  Pompey  in 
Spain.  The  validity  of  the  act  depended  on  strictly  legal  points,  but  the 
trial  enabled  Cicero  to  shew  his  devotion  to  Pompey  by  panegyric  ^ 

The  confidence  which  Pompey  derived  from  the  renewal  of  his  alliance 
with  Caesar  seems  to  have  removed  his  anxiety  to  be  employed  in  Egypt  ; 
and  he  authorized  Cicero  to  write  to  Lentulus,  in  terms  ^  which  must  be 
considered  as  a  cautious  encouragement  to  intervention. 

During  the  last  few  months  of  the  year,  little  of  importance  happened 
at  Rome.  Cicero  suffered  a  severe  loss  in  the  death  ^  of  L.  Lentulus 
Niger,  flamen  of  Mars,  for  whom  he  had  felt  much  esteem.  He  was 
also  much  annoyed  by  the  humiliating  position  to  which  he  had  been 
reduced,  and  seems  to  have  avoided  the  capital  as  much  as  possible. 
In  a  curious  letter*  to  L.  Lucceius,  Cicero  entreated  him  to  write  an 
eulogistic  account  of  his  services  and  sufferings,  and  not  to  confine 
himself  strictly  to  the  truth. 

Tullia  was  betrothed  Mn  the  spring  to  Furius  Crassipes,  but  a  marriage 
does  not  seem  to  have  ensued.  Atticus  married  Pilia  on  Feb  12®,  and 
Cicero  often  notices  her  in  his  later  letters. 

§  7.  In  Gaul,  Caesar  reduced  the  Veneti,  and  afterwards  the  Morini 
and  Menapii.  P.  Crassus,  one  of  his  officers,  conquered  the  Aquitani, 
and  another,  Sabinus,  the  Unelli  ^. 

In  Syria,  Gabinius  seems  to  have  gained  successes  over  Aristobulus, 
who  had  escaped  from  Italy**.  He  thought  himself  entitled  to  a 
*  supplicatiOj'  but  the  senate,  greatly  to  Cicero's  satisfaction,  refused  it 
on  May^  15.  Cicero  accuses  ^^  him  of  corruption  and  extortion,  very 
possibly  with  good  grounds ;  but  the  unpopularity  of  Gabinius  with  the 
'  publicani '  may  have  arisen  from  his  consulting  the  interests  of  the  pro- 
vincials— the  Jews  and  Syrians,  of  whom  Cicero  speaks  as  *born  for 
slavery.' 

Piso  had  been  as  unscrupulous,  and  less  successful,  in  Macedonia. 
He  had  oppressed  and  despoiled  the  subjects  of  Rome,  and  Cicero  says  " 
that  his  army  melted  away  without  meeting  an  enemy.  Perhaps  this 
was  the  reason  why  he  was  recalled  sooner  than  Gabinius.  The  senate 
resolved  that  Piso  should  be  succeeded,  at  the  beginning  of  55  e.g.,  by 


1  Pro  Balbo  i.  ''Ad  Fam.  i.  7,  4-6.  *  Ad  Att.  4.  6,  r.  *  Ad 

Fam.  5.  12.  «  Ad  Q^F.  2.  4,  2;  Ad  Fam.  1.  7,  II.  «  Ad  Q..  F.  2.  3,  7. 

^  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  3.  7,  foil.  »  Joseph.  Antiq.  14.  6;  Wars  I.  8.  »  Ad  Q.  F. 

2.  8,  I.  *"  De  Prov.  Cons.  4  and  5.  "  lb.  3. 


14^ 


INTRODUCTION 


Q.  Ancharius  Priscus,  apparently  ^  one  of  the  praetors  for  56 ;  while 
Gabinius  was  to  be  succeeded  by  (the  consul)  M.  Crassus  at  the  begin- 
ning of  54. 

It  appears  that  C.  Cato,  one  of  the  tribunes,  interfered  with  the 
election  of  consuls  for  55  b.c.  ;  hence  an  interregnum  ^  intervened, 
followed  by  a  very  turbulent  election,  at  which  Pompey  and  Crassus 
were  chosen.  Their  most  formidable  opponent  was  L.  Domitius 
Ahenobarbus. 


55  B-c. 

§  8.  The  new  consuls  applied  themselves  at  once  to  securing  their 
position.  The  election  of  praetors  took  place  without  delay,  and,  owing 
to  gross  bribery,  Vatinius  was  elected  and  Cato  defeated  ^.  A  law  was 
proposed  by  C.  Trebonius,  assigning  to  the  consuls  the  government  of 
Spain  and  Syria  for  five  years.  Pompey  obtained  Spain,  and  Crassus 
Syria.  Another  law*  prolonged  Caesar's  government  of  Gaul  for  five 
years.  It  was  perhaps  proposed  by  the  consuls ^  Cicero  declares® 
that  he  earnestly  dissuaded  Pompey  from  sanctioning  this  enactment. 

About  the  same  time  Crassus,  with  the  approval  of  his  colleague, 
carried  a  law  against  illegal  political  combinations — ■*  sodalicia.'  These 
clubs  were  now  probably  strongholds  of  the  optimates,  and  seem  to  have 
been  skilfully  managed,  as  the  election  for  curule  officers  for  57  and 
56  B.C.  had  been,  on  the  whole,  adverse  to  the  triumvirs.  The  judges 
in  trials  under  the  new  law  were  to  be  taken  from  three  tribes,  the 
accuser  naming  four,  of  which  the  accused  might  reject  one  "^. 

L.  Piso,  after  his  return  from  Macedonia,  had  inveighed  bitterly 
against  Cicero,  who  replied  by  the  speech  ^In  Pisonem,'  still  extant. 
It  consists  principally  of  mere  abuse  ;  but  in  chap.  2 1  we  find  the 
important  fact  recorded,  that  Gabinius  had  already  occupied  Alexandria 
and  restored  Ptolemy. 

Shortly  afterwards  Pompey  opened  his  new  theatre,  with  shows  of 
extraordinary  splendour.  Cicero  expressed  ^  great  disgust  for  the  more 
cruel  parts  of  the  entertainment,  and  the  sensibility  of  the  spectators- 
generally  was  aroused  by  the  slaughter  of  eighteen  elephants. 

»  In  Pis.  36,  89  ;  Pro  Sest.  53,  113.  ''Ad  Att.  4.  15,  4.  '  Plut.  Cat. 

Min.  42  ;  Dion  Cassius  39,  32  ;  Livy,  Epit.  105.  *  Cp.  Appendix  6,  §  i.     Dion 

Cassius  (39.  33)  represents  that  Caesar's  friends  threatened  opposition  if  this  were  not  done; 
but  it  seems  more  likely  that  the  whole  of  this  legislation  was  carried  on  in  concert. 
'  Appendix  6.  §  i,  notes.  "  Philipp.  2.  10,  24.  '  Schol.  Bob.  ad  orat.  Pro 

Plane,  c.  15 ;  Dion  Cassius  39,  37.  *  Ad  Fam.  7.  I,  3 :  cp.  Ad  Att.  2,  i,  i. 


I 


^        ) 


I . 


f 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


M3 


Cicero,  about  the  same  time,  was  prevailed  ^  upon  to  defend  L.  Cani- 
nius  Gallus,  the  turbulent  tribune  of  57-56  b.c,  a  task  for  which  he 
seems  to  have  felt  great  repugnance  ^ 

In  November,  apparently,  Crassus  set  out  to  assume  the  government 
of  his  province  ^.  Cicero  had  been  at  variance  with  him  earlier  in  the 
year ;  they  were  now,  however,  reconciled  by  the  intervention  of  Caesar 
and  Pompey,  and  Crassus  accepted  Cicero's  hospitality  just  before  his 
departure  * 

Cicero  refers  ^  to  this  time  as  one  of  great  literary  activity  on  his  part. 
Its  most  important  results  seem  to  have  been  the  three  books®  'De 
Oratore.' 

A  *  Lex  Pompeia  *  of  this  year  seems  to  have  fixed  a  higher  pecu- 
niary ^  qualification  for  the  office  of  judge  than  had  previously  existed, 
and  perhaps  ^  refused  exemptions  to  those  who  desired  them. 

At  the  election  of  praetors  for  54  b.c,  M.  Cato^  was  one  of  the 
successful  candidates.  The  election  of  aediles  was  disturbed  by  riot 
and  bloodshed;  Pompey's  toga  was  stained  with  blood,  and  the  sight 
of^^  it  gave  his  wife,  Julia,  a  shock  from  which  she  never  altogether 
recovered.     She  died  next  year. 

§  9.  The  events  of  the  war  in  Gaul  were  important.  The  campaign 
opened  with  the  destruction  of  the  Usipetes  and  Tencteri,  who  had 
crossed  the  Rhine,  and  were  attacked  rather  "  treacherously  by  Caesar. 
He  was  anxious  to  deepen  the  impression  thus  made,  threw  a  bridge 
over  the  Rhine,  and  spent  some  days  on  its  right  bank  with  the  inten- 
tion of  striking  terror  into  the  population.  Afterwards  he  received  the 
submission  of  the  Morini,  and  made  his  first  expedition  ^^  into  Britain, 
which,  however,  produced  no  decisive  results  ". 

In  Syria,  Gabinius,  after  restoring  Ptolemy  XII.  at  Alexandria,  had 
returned  to  his  province,  and  was  preparing  for  war  with  Parthia.  A 
family  quarrel  in  the  Arsacid  dynasty  gave  him  a  pretext  for  interference. 
Phraates,  king  of  Parthia,  had  been  murdered  by  his  sons  Mithridates 
and  Orodes ;  and,  when  the  latter  seemed  likely  to  secure  the  throne, 
Mithridates  fled  to**  Gabinius,  who,  however,  could  not  assist  him  at 
once,  as  his  intention  was  diverted  by  the  affairs  ^®  of  Egypt. 


2  Ad  Fam.  7.  i,  4.  ^  ^^j  ^tt.  4.  13,  2. 

I.  8,  3.  ®  Ad  Att.  4.  13,  2  ;  Ad  Fam.  i. 


*  By  Pompey,  probably. 
*  Ad  Fam.  i.  9,  20.  '  lb 

9,  23.  "^  Philipp.  I.  8,  20;  Ascon.  in  Pisonian.  39,  94,  p.  129. 

94;  Mommsen  4.  2,  317,  foil.  •  Plut.  Cat.  Min.  44. 

"  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  4.  4  ;  13  and  14.  ^^  n,   20-37.  "  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  i,  9 

and  lo.  **  Dion  Cassius  39,  56.  "^^  Cp.  preceding  page 


*  In  Pison.  39, 
1«  Id.  Pomp.  53. 


* 


144 


INTRODUCTION 


54  Bc. 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


H5 


§  10.  The  consuls  for  this  year  were  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus  and 
Appius  Claudius  Pulcher.  The  former  was  one  of  the  most  obstinate 
and  determined  of  the  optimates ;  the  latter  an  incapable  and  covetous 
man  of  no  definite  political  convictions.  The  extraordinary  commands, 
however,  now  held  by  the  triumvirs,  made  it  the  less  important  who  held 
the  ordinary  political  offices. 

Cicero  seems  still  to  have  acquiesced  completely  in  the  government  of 
the  triumvirs.  Among  his  forensic  speeches,  of  which  he  delivered  an 
unusual  number  in  this  year,  we  read  of  one  ^  in  July  on  behalf  of 
C.  Messius,  now  a  legate  of  Caesar ;  of  one  ^,  delivered  somewhat  later, 
for  Vatinius,  whom  Cicero  had  denounced  so  bitterly  at  the  time  of 
Sestius'  trial ;  and  even  of  one  ^  delivered  in  the  autumn  for  Gabinius, 
whom  he  had  considered  his  worst  enemy. 

Gabinius  had  been  accused  somewhat  earlier  by  a  Lentulus,  and 
acquitted  by  a  bare  majority,  to  the  great  disgust  of  Cicero,  who  bore 
testimony  *  against  him.  Gabinius  had  attacked  Cicero  ^  violently  in  the 
senate,  but  on  his  trial  expressed  a  wish  for  reconciliation.     The  speech 

*  Pro  Rabirio  Postumo,'  now  extant,  was  delivered  on  a  trial  which  grew 
out  of  that  of  Gabinius,  whose  unjust  gains  Rabirius  was  accused  of 
sharing. 

Of  Cicero's  other  speeches  of  this  date,  that  ^  delivered  in  the  senate 
on  behalf  of  M.  Crassus  must  have  possessed  much  political  interest. 
The  consuls  and  other  eminent  senators  attacked  Crassus,  probably  for 
his  measures  "^  against  the  Parthians.  The  speech  still  extant  on  behalf  of 
Cn.  Plancius,  Cicero's  old  friend  and  protector  in  exile,  supplies  good 
illustrations  of  the  proceedings  at  a  Roman  election.  Plancius  had 
been  accused  of  bribery  by  another  friend  of  Cicero,  M.  luventius 
Laterensis.  A  third,  in  which  Cicero  pleaded  for  the  people  of  Reate 
against  the  people  of  Interamna,  in  a  case  relating  to  the  management 
of  the  course  of  the  Velinus,  shews  that  a  friendly  connection  was  still  ^ 
maintained  between  Cicero  and  the  people  of  Reate. 

§  II.  The  letters  belonging  to  this  year  are — several  in  the  Fourth 
Book  to  Atticus,  and  in  the  end  of  the  Second  and  beginning  of  the 
Third  Book  to  his  brother  Quintus,  with  various  others,  of  which  the 
most  interesting  are  —  a  laboured  ^  defence  of  his  recent  poUtical 
conduct,  and  a  recommendation  ^°  of  a  friend  to  Caesar. 

*  Ad  Att.  4.  15,  9.  '  Ad  Q^F.  2.  16,  3.  '  Pro  Rab.  Post.  12,  32. 

*  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  4,  I.  "  lb.  3.  2,  2.  «  Ad  Fam.  5.  8,  i.  ^  d-^^ 
Cassius  40,  12 ;  Plut.  Crassus  16.  *  In  Cat.  3.  2,  5 :  cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  15.  5. 
»  Ad  Fam.  1.9.             "  lb.  7.  5. 


Quintus  Cicero  seems,  at  the  beginning  of  this  year,  to  have  trans- 
ferred his  services  from  Pompey  to  Caesar  S  apparently  without  opposi- 
tion from  Pompey.  He  became  one  of  Caesar's  most  efficient  officers, 
and  his  presence  was  a  security  for  his  brother's  good  behaviour.  The 
general  tone  of  the  letters  of  Marcus  to  Quintus  at  this  time  is  one 
of  great  political  despondency,  and  he  repeatedly  warns  his  brother 
to  be  cautious  in  writing  ^.  He  feared  the  possible  results  of  an  inter- 
regnum, followed  by  a  dictatorship ;  expressed  interest  in  Messalla,  as 
a  candidate  for  the  consulship  for  53  b.c,  and  in  Milo  for  52  ^  though 
regretting  the  latter's  extravagance  and  estrangement  from  Pompey. 
He  received  a  letter  of  Caesar's  *  from  Britain,  and  expressed  generally 
great  regard  for  him,  and  admiration  for  the  firmness  with  which  he  bore 

his  daughter's®  loss. 

Cicero's  leisure  was  occupied  to  a  great  extent  in  the  composition 
of  the  six  books  on  the  ^  Commonwealth,  which  we  possess  in  a  frag- 
mentary state.  A  poem,  in  ^  three  books,  on  his  exile  and  return,  may 
also  belong  to  this  year,  and  he  addressed  another  *  to  Caesar  on  his 
victories  in  Gaul. 

The  political  corruption  now  prevailing  at  Rome  was  illustrated 
by  the  proceedings  of  the  candidates  for  the  consulship  in  this  year, 
two  of  whom  made  a  scandalous  bargain  with  the  actual  consuls,  which 
was  presently  disclosed  in  the  ^  senate.  No  election  took  place  till  the 
seventh  month  of  53  B.C.,  according  to  Dion  Cassius  ^^ 

In  the  summer  of  this  year,  as  has  been  mentioned  by  anticipation  ^^ 
Pompey's  wife,  Julia,  died,  and  received  a  splendid  funeral.  Her  death 
was  a  great  blow  to  Caesar,  both  as  a  father  and  as  a  politician. 

§  12.  In  the  East,  Crassus  replaced  Gabinius  as  proconsul  of  Syria, 
and  prepared  for  war  with  the  Parthians.  Mithridates  ^^  had  been  de- 
feated and  killed  during  the  absence  of  Gabinius  in  Egypt,  but  there  was 
still  much  dissension  in  Parthia.  Crassus,  however,  employed  his  first 
summer  in  levying  heavy  contributions  on  the  provincials,  and  in 
plundering  the  temples  of  Syria  and  Palestine.  His  only  military 
measure  was  a  march  into  Mesopotamia,  in  which  he  met  with  few 
enemies,  and  secured  some  positions  of  importance  for  the  next  year's 

campaign  ^^ 

Caesar,  meanwhile,  after  visiting  Illyricum,  made  a  second  expedition 


1  Ad  Att.  4. 17,  3. 


«  AdCLF.  3.  8,  2;  3.9,3.  »  lb.  3.  8,  6; 

3.  9,  2.  *  lb.  3.  I,  25.  ^  lb.  3.  I,  10 ;  3.  5  and  6,  4;  3.  8,  i  and  3. 

«  lb.  2.  14,  I  ;  3.  5,  I  ;  Ad  Att.  4.  14,  I ;  De  Legg.  3.  2,  4.  "^  Ad  Fam.  1.  9,  23  ; 

where,  however.  Baiter  (xi.  130  foil.)  supposes  that  Cicero  refers  to  the  poem  on  his 


consulship. 
1^  supra,  §  8. 


«  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  8.  3 ;  3-  9»  6.  "  Ad  Att.  4.  15,  7,  note. 


**  supra,  §  9. 


*3  Dion  Cassius  40.  12  ;  Plut.  Crass.  17. 


40.  17. 


14^ 


INTRODUCTION 


f 


\ 


to^  Britain.  It  was  on  a  much  larger  scale  than  the  first,  but  seems 
only  to  have  secured  a  nominal  recognition  of  Roman  supremacy  from 
the  British  prince  Cassivellaunus,  who  consented  to  pay  tribute  and  to 
give  hostages.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  a  formidable  ^  insurrec- 
tion broke  out  in  Gaul,  one  of  its  principal  leaders  being  Ambiorix, 
king  of  the  Eburones,  who  lived  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Meuse. 
The  scattered  Roman  legions  were  exposed  to  great  peril.    , 

53  B-C- 

§  13.  This  year,  as  a  previous  statement  implies,  opened  with  a 
series  of  interregna  \  Pompey  at  length  *  employed  his  influence  to 
bring  about  an  election  of  consuls,  and  Cn.  Domitius  Calvinus  and 
M.  Valerius  Messalla  were  chosen,  both  of  whom  afterwards  supported 
Caesar.  Much  confusion  prevailed  before  the  election,  some  urging 
that  military  tribunes  should  be  appointed,  others  that  Pompey  should 

be  dictator. 

By  far  the  most  important  event  of  the  year  was  the  defeat  of  Crassus, 
followed,  on  June  9  ^  by  his  murder.  This  was  a  terrible  blow  to 
Caesar,  for  it  deprived  him,  at  a  very  critical  moment,  of  a  counterpoise 
to  Pompey's  ascendancy.  Caesar  was  engaged  during  the  greater  part 
of  the  year  in  a  desperate  struggle  with  the  Belgae,  who  destroyed  two 
legions,  and  reduced  a  third,  commanded  by  Q.  Cicero,  to  great  extre- 
mities '.  At  the  end  of  the  year  he  had,  however,  restored  the  supremacy 
of  the  Roman  arms,  and  was  able  to  return,  as  usual,  to  North  Italy  for 
the  winter  \  in  order  to  watch  the  course  of  political  events.  Pompey 
was  still  on  good  terms  with  him,  and  allowed  him  to  form  a  legion  out 
of  men  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  who  had  taken  the  military  oath  of  obedience 

to  Pompey  himself  ^ 

Cicero  was  probably  little  affected  by  the  death  of  Crassus  ^  whom  he 
seems  never  to  have  regarded  with  cordial  affection.  Crassus'  son 
Pubhus,  who  perished  a  day  or  two  before  his  father,  had,  however, 
always  shewn  great  respect  for  Cicero '^  who  was  chosen  to  fill  the 
place  in  the  college  of  augurs  which  had  become  vacant  by  Publius' 

death  ^\ 

Cicero  was  much  interested  in  Milo's  prospects  as  a  consular  candi- 

>  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  5.  8-23.  »  lb.  5.  25.  ^oW,  «  supra   §  1 1  :  cp. 

Ad  Fam   7   Ii    I.  *  Plut.  Pomp.  54 ;  Dion  Cassms  40.  45.  »  Uv.  i-ast. 

6,  465 ;  *Mommsen  4.  2,  pp.  336,  337-  '  ^aes.  Bell.  Gall.  5.  25  to  6.  44. 

'lb.  6.  44.  '  I'^-  6.  I  ;  8-  54;  Ad  Fam.  8   4,  4-  '  ^e  D.vm.  2   9, 

23.  "  Ad  Fam.  5.  8,  4.  "  lb.  3.  lo,  9  ;  Phihpp.  2.  2,  4 ;  Plut. 

Cic.  36. 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


J  47 


1 


I 


date,  and  recommended  him  to  Curio  ^  But  this  year,  like  its  prede- 
cessor, closed  without  any  election  of  consuls  having  been  made,  and 
was  followed  by  an  interregnum. 

Atticus  seems  to  have  spent  the  year  at  Rome,  otherwise  we  should 
hardly  be  without  some  letters  to  him.  Cicero's  main  correspondents 
at  this  time  were  the  younger  Curio  ^  now  quaestor  in  Asia,  and  C. 
Trebatius  Testa  ^  a  lawyer  who  had  gone,  with  Cicero's  recommenda- 
tion, to  push  his  fortunes  in  Caesar's  camp. 

52  B.C. 

§  14.  Great  turbulence  and  corruption  prevailed  during  this  winter; 
the  partisans  *  of  the  consular  candidates,  P.  Plautius  Hypsaeus,  T.  An- 
nius  Milo,  and  Q.  Metellus  Scipio,  were  all  active.  P.  Clodius  was  a 
candidate  for  the  praetorship,  but  was  killed  by  Milo's  retinue  in  an 
affray  near  Bovillae'*  on  Jan.  17  or  18.  Much  rioting  followed,  and  the 
senate-house  was  burnt  at  Clodius'  funeral.  Milo  did  not  renounce  his 
hopes  of  the  consulship :  but  to  stop  the  violence  which  still  prevailed, 
the  senate,  at  the  suggestion  of  M.  Bibulus,  proposed  that  Pompey 
should  be  appointed  sole  consul.  This  election  took  place  on  the  24th 
of  an  intercalary  month,  inserted  between  February  and  March.  Pompey 
was  created  consul  *  absens  et  solus  quod  nuUi  alii  umquam  contigit  ^' 
and  became  virtually  dictator.  Nor  was  he  required  to  lay  down  his 
government  of  Spain,  which  was  administered  by  his  legates.  He  could 
not  wish  for  a  more  exalted  position,  and  a  growing  estrangement  may 
now  be  traced  between  him  and  Caesar,  whose  alliance  he  no  longer 
thought  necessary.  Pompey  refused  Caesar's  proposal  of  a  new  mar- 
riage connection,  and  married  CorneUa'',  the  daughter  of  Q.  Metellus 
Scipio.  Her  father  became  his  colleague  for  the  last  five  months  of 
his  consulship. 

Pompey  now  proposed  and  carried  a  series  of  important  measures. 

1.  Laws  against  riot  (*  vis')  and  corruption  (* ambitus'),  which  prescribed 
a  briefer  and  stricter  process  and  heavier  penalties.  Perhaps  ®  that  on 
*  vis '  declared  it  illegal  to  keep  arms  in  Rome. 

2.  A  law  *  de  iure  magistratuum  ®,'  providing  that  candidates  must 
attend  to  canvass  in  person,  and  that  five  years  ^®  should  elapse  between 
holding  office  at  Rome  and  the  government  of  a  province  ".     Pompey 

1  Ad  Fam.  2.  6.  ^  lb.  2.  1-6.     The  elder  Curio  seems  to  have  died  about 

this  time.  '  lb.  7.  IO-18.  *  Livy,  Epit.  107.     Argum.  ad  orat.  De  Acre 

Alieno  Milonis.  '  Ascon.  Argum.  in  Milonianam.  *  Livy,  Epit.  107. 

^  Plut.  Pomp.  55  ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  341,  347,  348.  «  Pliny  H.  N.  34.  39.     Cp. 

Merivale  2.  51.  *  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comm.  Epigr.  2.  204,  205.  ^*  Suet.  lul.  28; 

Dion  Cassius  40.  56.  "  Perhaps  these  provisions  were  embodied  in  two  distinct  laws. 

Cp.  App.  VI.  §  3,  notes. 

L  2 


148 


INTRODUCTION 


m 

violated  this  law,  however,  in  his  own  case,  by  procuring  an  enactment 
which  ' 

3.  Secured  him  the  ^  government  of  Spain  for  five  years  more. 

The  general  effect  of  these  measures  was —  i.  To  limit  ^  the  freedom 
of  forensic  oratory.  2.  To  check  the  activity  of  political  clubs  by  the 
greater  probability  of  the  punishment  of  illegal  practices.  3.  To  place 
the  provincial  governments^  more  directly  under  the  control  of  the 
senate.  4.  To  embarrass  Caesar,  by  requiring  him  to  sue  for  the  con- 
sulship in  person,  as  he  would  thus  abandon  the  protection  of  his  army, 
and  would  be  exposed  to  great  danger.  For  5.  the  operation  of  the 
laws  against  riot  and  corruption  was  extended  retrospectively  to  the  year 
70  B.C.*;  and  thus  the  proceedings  of  Caesar  in  60-59  ^-C-  inight  be 
called  in  question  under  it. 

Pompey  had,  however,  approved  of  a  law  brought  in  by  the  ten  tri- 
bunes, among  whom  M.  Caelius  was  prominent,  dispensing  in  Caesar's 
favour  with  the  necessity  of  a  personal  canvass  for  the  consulship ;  and 
when  it  was  pointed  out  to  him  that  the  law  *de  iure  magistratuum ' 
withdrew  this  concession,  Pompey  granted  it  again  by  an  appended 
clause  '^  of  questionable  validity.  Cicero  attached  great  importance  ^  to 
this  concession,  but  is  inconsistent  in  the  account  ^  he  gives  of  his  own 
behaviour  in  the  matter. 

§  15.  Milo  was  accused  of  riotous  proceedings  ('vis')  early  in  April  by 
Ap.  Claudius  Pulcher  (major),  P.  Valerius  Nepos,  and  M.  Antonius. 
Cicero  spoke  in  Milo's  defence  on  April  8th,  but  without  his  usual  ability 
and  success.  The  court  was  beset  by  a  turbulent  rabble,  and  guarded 
by  soldiers ;  and  the  unusual  sight  seems  to  have  terrified  Cicero.  Milo 
was  condemned  by  38  to  13*  votes.  He  went  into  exile  at  Massilia, 
and  Cicero  sent  him  there  a  copy  of  the  speech  we  now  possess.  Milo 
acknowledged  it  by  an  ironical  compliment  ^. 

Cicero  succeeded  better  in  two  speeches  delivered  on  behalf  of 
M.  Saufeius,  who  had  been  at  the  head  of  Milo's  followers  in  the  aff'ray'^ 
at  Bovillae,  and  was  brought  to  trial  on  two  charges  in  consequence. 
M.  Caelius  Rufus  joined  Cicero  in  his  defence ;  having  already  interested 
himself  in  "  that  of  Milo.     Cicero  was  also  much  gratified  by  the  con- 

*  This  period  would  probably  date  from  some  day  in  52  b.c,  and  thus  Pompey  would 
have  in  reality  about  three  additional  years.  For  the  Lex  Trebonia  already  gave  him  the 
government  of  Spain  from  55-50  b.c.  :  cp.  supra,  §  8.  ^  Brut.  94,  234; 

De  Fin.  4.  I,  I  ;  Tac.  Dial,  de  Orat.  38.  ^  Appendix  6,  §  3.  *  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  2.  23 ;   Mommsen  4.  2,  341,  342  :  cp.,  however,  Merivale  2.  50.     But  I  cannot  dis- 
cover Dean  Merivale's  authority  for  limiting  the  retrospective  operation  of  the  law  to  55  b.c. 

*  Suet.  lul.   28;    Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  32  ;    Dion  Cassius  40.  56;    Mommsen  4.  2,  349. 

•  Philipp.  2.  10,  24.  "^  Ad  Att.  7.  I,  4;  Philipp.  1.  c.  ^  Ascon.  in  Milonian. 
p.  158.           •  Dion  Cassius  40.  54.           "  Ascon.  in  Milonian.  159.  "  Pro  Milone 

33»  91. 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART 


M9 


V*    1 


I 

I 

J 


•f  I 


\\ 


\ 


demnatioti  of  T.  Munatius  Plancus  Bursa  \  one  of  the  violent  supporters 
of  Clodius.  Pompey  tried  in  vain  to  protect  Bursa,  whose  trial  took 
place  in  December,  after  his  year  of  office  as  tribune  had  expired. 

Cicero  seems  to  have  had  much  occupation  in  the  courts  of  law  ^,  but 
probably  found  leisure  to  begin  his  work  *  De  Legibus  ^'  and  possibly  to 
compose  a  short  treatise  '  De  Optimo  Genere  Oratorum  *,'  as  a  preface 
to  a  translation  of  Demosthenes'  and  Aeschines'  speeches  *  De  Corona.' 
The  fourth  book,  *  De  Finibus  ^l  professes  to  have  been  written  now, 
but  really  belongs  to  a  later  time.  Few  of  the  letters  of  this  date  have 
been  preserved,  and  these  have  litde.  political  interest. 

At  some  time  early  in  the  year,  before  Pompey  was  named  sole  consul, 
the  senate  declared  the  country  in  danger,  and  empowered  the  interrex, 
the  tribunes,  and  Pompey,  to  provide  for  its  safety  ^ ;  authorizing  Pompey 
to  bind  the  military  population  of  Italy  by  an  oath  of  obedience  to  him- 
self. He  had  already  a  considerable  force  at  his  disposal,  consisting  of 
men  levied  nominally  for  service  in  Spain  '^.  He  seems  to  have  retained 
his  proconsular  imperium  since  55  b.c,  but  to  have  been  authorized  to 
enter  the  city  without  forfeiting  his  proconsular  *  imperium  ^.' 

Tacitus^  says  that  Pompey  was  in  this  year  *auctor  idem  et  sub- 
versor '  of  his  own  laws ;  referring  probably  to  his  getting  his  govern- 
ment of  Spain  prolonged ;  to  the  exemption  in  Caesar's  favour  above  ^^ 
referred  to ;  to  his  having  sent  into  court  an  eulogy  of  Plancus  ^^ ;  and 
to  his  interposing  ^^  to  prevent  the  conviction  of  his  father-in-law  Scipio 
for  bribery.  In  the  two  last  cases  he  violated  the  rules  prescribed  by 
his  own  laws  against  riot  and  corruption. 

§  16.  In  Gaul,  Caesar  was  occupied  in  dealing  with  a  most  formidable 
insurrection,  at  the  head  of  which  stood  Vercingetorix,  king  of  the 
Arverni.  It  began  with  a  massacre  of  the  Romans  settled  at  Genabum 
(Orleans),  and  was  marked  by  the  capture  of  Avaricum  by  the  Romans, 
and  by  a  repulse  of  Caesar  before  Gergovia,  followed  by  a  revolt  of  the 
Aedui,  old  friends  of  the  Romans.  Finally,  however,  Vercingetorix  was 
obliged  to  shut  himself  up  in  Alesia,  where  Caesar  blockaded  him. 
A  vast  force  of  Gaufe^marched  to  the  relief  of  the  place,  but  failed 
to  force  the  Roman  lines,  and  Vercingetorix  was  compelled  to  sur- 
render.     Caesar   spent   the   rest   of  the  year    at   Bibracte"   (Autun). 

1  Ad  Fam.  7.   2,  2  ;    Philipp.  6.  4,  10  alib. ;    Ascon.  in  Milonian.  Argum.  145  foil. 
2  Ad  Fam.  7.  2,  4.  '  Suringar  721.  *  De  Opt.  Gen.  Orat.  10. 

'  De  Fin.  4.  I,  I ;  Ad  Att.  13.  12,  3 ;  13.  21,  5.  •  Ascon.  in  Milonian.  §  67,  p.  157  ; 

Mommsen  4.  2,  325.  ^  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  6.  I  ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  311  and  325. 

^  Ascon.  in  Milonianam,  p.  148;  Dion  Cassius  40.  53;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  23.  •  Ann. 

3.  28.  *o  above,  §  14.  "  above,  1.  2  ;  Dion  Cassius  40.  55. 

*^  Mommsen  4.  2,  326 ;  Plut.  Pomp.  55.  "  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  7. 


150 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


151 


\ 


His   successes   were  rewarded   by  the  senate  with   a  thanksgiving  of 

twenty  days^ 

In  the  East,  little  of  importance  had  happened.  The  Romans  had  lost 
their  hold  on  Mesopotamia  and  Armenia,  but  the  Parthians  made  no 
serious  attack  upon  the  Roman  provinces;  thus  C.  Cassius,  who  had 
been  quaestor  in  Crassus'  army,  and  now  commanded  in  Syria,  was  able 
to  reorganize  the  remains  of  the  Roman  army,  and,  with  the  help  of 
Herod  Antipater,  to  subdue  a  rising  of  the  Jews,  who  were  enraged  by 
Crassus'  plunder  of  their  temple  ^ 

51  B.C. 

§  17.  The  consuls  for  this  year  were  M.  Claudius  Marcellus,  a  leader 
of  the  optimates  and  a  man  of  high  personal  character,  and  Servius  Sul- 
picius  Rufus,  an  eminent  and  upright  jurist,  but  no  politician.  At  some 
time  early  in  the  summer,  Marcellus  ordered  a  citizen  of  Novum  Comum 
to  be  scourged  ^  wishing  to  shew  his  contempt  for  Caesar,  by  whom  that 
town  had  been  reconstituted.  Sulpicius,  on  the  other  hand,  pleaded 
for  moderation*,  and  pointed  out  the  calamities  which  must  attend 
civil  war. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  Pompey's  law  *de  iure  magistratuum'  pro- 
vided that  provinces  should  be  governed  by  ex-magistrates,  not  imme- 
diately after  their  year  of  office  at  Rome,  but  after  an  interval  of  five 
years  ^  This  law  does  not  seem  to  have  been  retrospective ;  but  the 
senate,  acting  in  its  spirit,  decreed  that  all  men  qualified  by  office,  who 
had  not  yet  governed  provinces,  should  assume  snch  governments,  appa- 
rently according  to  seniority  I  Cicero  accordingly  had  to  cast  lots  for 
a  consular  province,  and  obtained  Cilicia,  while  Bibulus  subsequently 
obtained  Syria. 

Cicero's  province  comprised*^,  besides  Cilicia  proper,  Pisidia,  Pamphylia, 
Cyprus,  Isauria,  Lycaonia,  and  three  other  districts  north  of  Taurus,  of 
which  the  capitals  appear  to  have  been  Cibyra,  Synnada  and  Apamea  ^ 
The  senate  recommended  Ariobarzanes^  of  Cappadocia  to  his  protection. 

He  succeeded  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  brother  of  P.  Clodius,  and 
had  to  complain  of  much  discourtesy,  especially  of  the  unwillingness  ^° 
of  Appius  to  grant  him  a  meeting.  Cicero  had  little  taste  for  his  new 
functions,  especially  as  the  forces  allotted  for  the  defence  of  his  province 
seemed  inadequate  ",  and  a  Parthian  invasion  was  not  improbable.     He 

*  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  7.  90.  *  Dion  Cassius  40.  28  ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  339. 

3  Ep.  31,  2,  note;  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigraph,  i.  308  foil.  *  Ad  Fam. 

4.  3,  I  and  2.  *  above,  §  14 :  cp.  Dion  Cassius  40.  56.  *  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 

3.  2.  2  and  8.  8,  8.  ^  Ep.  36,  6  and  9.  «  Ep.  36,  9.  «  Ad  Fam.  2.  17,  7  ; 

cp-  15-  61  I-  "  lb.  3.  6,  3  ;  Ad  Att.  5.  16,  4.  "  lb.  5.  15,  i. 


I 


had,  however,  able  officers  among  his  legates;  his  brother  Quintus, 
C.  Pomptinus,  M.  Anneius,  and  L.  Tullius  ^  are  mentioned.  As  quaestor 
he  had  L.  Mescinius  Rufus  \  afterwards  succeeded  by  C.  Caehus  Caldus  \ 
Cicero's   son    and    nephew    also    accompanied    him   with    their   tutor 

Dionysius  *. 

§  18.  He  started  from  a  villa  near  Pompeii  on  May  10,  and  passing 
through  Beneventum  and  Venusia  spent  three  days  at  Tarentum,  where 
he  had  a  conversation  with  Pompey  \  He  then  went  to  Brundisium, 
where  he  met  some  officers  of  Appius  \  He  was  very  anxious  that  the 
force  in  Cilicia  should  not  be  diminished  by  disbandment,  and  wrote  to 
Appius  on  the  subject.  After  a  detention  of  some  days  at  Brundisium, 
owing  to  ill  health  and  the  non-arrival  of  his  legate  Pomptinus  \  he 
reached  Actium  June  14,  and  Athens  June  24,  where  he  spent  ten  days  I 
Thence  he  sailed  by  Gyarus,  Scyrus,  and  Delos  to  Ephesus  ^  where  he 
arrived  July  22.  During  the  earlier  part  of  the  voyage  he  had  suffered 
considerably  from  stormy  weather,  for  which  the  light  Rhodian  vessel  on 
which  he  sailed  was  ill  suited.  He  had  been  able  when  at  Athens  to  do 
a  service  ^^  to  the  heads  of  the  Epicurean  school  there  by  writing  to 
C.  Memmius,  then  an  exile  at  Mytilene. 

About  the  same  time  an  aff'air  connected  with  Milo's  exile  gave  Cicero 
much  annoyance.  Milo's  property  had  been  sold  for  the  benefit  of  his 
creditors,  and  Philotimus,  a  freedman  of  Terentia,  was  one  of  the  pur- 
chasers. Cicero  heard  that  Milo  was  off"ended  at  this ;  but  represented 
that  he  had  acted  on  good  advice  for  the  benefit  of  Milo,  and  would 
gladly  get  out  of  the  business  ^^ 

§  1 9.  After  a  stay  of  three  days  at  Ephesus,  Cicero  reached  Tralles 
July  27,  and  there  received  a  despatch  from  his  predecessor  ^^^  He  then 
entered  his  province,  and  arrived  at  Laodicea  on^^  July  31.  He  found 
the  country  in  a  deplorable  state,  owing  to  the  exactions  of  Appius",  and 
at  once  appHed  himself  to  redress  some  of  its  more  serious  grievances  ^^ 
The  change  made  a  great  impression  on  the  provincials,  but  Appius  was 
offended  ^\  and  thought  that  Cicero  might  have  some  sinister  motive  for 
his  reforms.  Cicero  was  especially  vigilant  in  repressing  aU  exactions 
by^^  his  retinue,  but  was  perhaps  less^'  successful  than  he  supposed. 


1  Ad  Att.  5.  4,  2  ;  5.  20,  5  ;  5-  ^L  9  ;  Ad  Fam.  13.  55,  i.  '  lb  5-  20 j 

13.  26  ;  Ad  Att^  6.  3.  I.  '  lb.  6.  2,  10  ;  6.  6.  3 ;  A^  Fam.  2    15,  4- 

*  Ad  Att.  6.  I,  12.  »  Th.  c.  2.  I  :  «;.  6.  I  :  fi.  7.  '  Ad  Fam.  3.  3,  i  . 


5  lb.  5.  2,  I  ;  5.  6,  I ;  5.  7. 
3.4,1.  -^  Ad  Att.  5.  8,  I.  Mb.  5.  11,4- 

>o  lb.  5.  II,  6;  Ad  Fam.  13    i. 


13  Ad  Att.  5.  15,  I.  '*  lb.  5.  16,  2.  "  lb.  5-  16.  3:.  5   20,  I- 

Fam.  3.  7,  3 ;  3-  8,  5  ;  Ad  Att.  6.  i,  2. 
^«  lb.  7.  I,  5. 


'  5-  13.  I. 

"  Ad  Att.  5.  8.  "  Ad  Fam.  3-  5»  i- 

*x  5-  16.3:  5   20,  I-    ,         "  Ad 

"  lb.  5.  16,  3;  5.  20,  6;  5.  21,5. 


152 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART. 


^^Z 


He  had  directed  M.  Anneius,  one  of  his  legates,  to  assemble  his  forces 
at  Iconiuin\  He  himself  appeared  in  the  camp  on  Aug.  24.  His  ad- 
ministration had  conciliated^  the  subjects  and  allies  of  Rome,  and  he 
raised  a  large  force  of  retired  soldiers — '  evocati/  He  thus  felt  tolerably 
secure  when  on  Sept.  i  news  arrived '  that  a  large  Parthian  army  had 
crossed  the  Euphrates.  He  decided  to  leave  Cilicia  to  its  natural  de- 
fences, and  to  take  up  a  position  at  Cybistra  on  the  borders  of  Cappa- 
docia,  whence  he  might  watch  the  wavering  princes  of  the  neighbour- 
hood*. He  there  received  an  offer  from  Deiotarus,  king  of  Galatia, 
under  whose  protection  ®  the  young  Ciceros  were  staying,  to  support  him 
with  all  his  forces.  This  offer  Cicero  gladly  accepted ;  but  having  heard 
first  that  the  Parthians  were  threatening  Cilicia,  and  afterwards  that  they 
had  retired  from  Antioch,  he  sent  to  Deiotarus  to  say  that  he  need 
not  come. 

§  20.  The  protection  of  Cicero's  army  had  emboldened  some  of  the 
accomplices  in  a  plot  against  Ariobarzanes  of  Cappadocia  to  make  dis- 
closures* which  led  to  its  frustration.  Cicero  now  marched  southwards, 
and  entered  Cilicia  proper,  arriving  at  Tarsus  on  "^  Oct.  5.  Shortly  after- 
wards he  attacked  with  success  the  mountaineers  of  the  Amanus  between 
Cilicia  and  Commagene,  and  was  saluted  Imperator.  The  year's  opera- 
tions ended  with  the  capture  of  the  strong  town  of  Pindenissus,  which 
surrendered  Dec.  17,  after  a  siege  of  57  days^  Cicero  allowed  his  sol- 
diers to  retain  all  the  plunder  except  the  horses,  and  sold  his  prisoners 
for  the  benefit  of  the  treasury,  apparently®.  Then,  leaving  his  brother  in 
command  for  the  winter,  he  went  to  Laodicea.  He  rejected  all  ^®  offers 
of  statues  and  temples  to  be  raised  in  his  honour. 

The  dreaded  Parthian  invasion  had  taken  place,  but  with  little  result. 
Surenas,  the  victor  of  Charrae,  had  incurred  the  suspicion  of  King 
Orodes,  who  ordered  his  execution ;  and  Pacorus,  son  of  Orodes,  ad- 
vised by  a  chief  named  Osaces,  now  commanded.  The  Parthians  were 
repulsed  near  Antioch  by  Cassius,  and  Osaces  was  mortally  wounded  ^^ 
But  Cicero  did  not  think  much  of  the  success,  and  Bibulus,  who  pre- 
sently arrived  in  Syria,  suffered  some  losses.  He  was  successful,  however, 
in  fomenting  discord  in  the  Parthian  royal  family ^^^ 

Cicero  was  kept  well  informed  about  the  course  of  events  at  Rome  by 
his  correspondents   there,  especially  by  M.  Caelius,  who  was   elected 

*  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  2  and  3.  a  ^d  Att.  5.  18,  2. 

Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  3.  *  lb.  15.  4,  4.  « 

'  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  3.  «  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  10. 

Att.  5.  21,  7.  11  lb.  5.  20,  3  ;  Ac 

Merivale  (i.  520)  thinks  that  Surenas  *  was  a  title,  not  an  appellative' :   Mommsen '(4.''2, 
329-3.^7)  speaks  simply  of  •  the  vizier.*  '^  ^d  Fam.  8.  6,  4;  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  4 ; 

Dion  Cassius  40.  30. 


^  lb.  5.  18,  I  ; 
lb.  15.4,  7.  «  lb.  15.  2,  6-8. 

»  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  5.  10  Ad 

5.  20,  3  ;  Ad  Fam.  2.  10,  2  ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  339. 


bi  « 


curule  aedile  ^  for  50  B.C.  Cicero  complained  ^,  however,  that  Caelius 
did  not  write  enough  on  serious  subjects.  He  was  very  anxious  that  the 
confusion  caused  by  the  debates  on  the  consular  provinces  should  not 
lead  to  a  prolongation  of  his  own  government;  and  the  letters  of 
Caelius  ^  and  Atticus  did  not  remove  this  apprehension.  He  wrote  to 
congratulate*  L.  Paulus  and  C.  Marcellus  on  their  election  as  consuls — 
though  his  real  opinion  ^  of  Paulus  was  not  favourable — and  C.  Curio  * 
on  his  election  as  tribune. 

§  21.  On  Sept.  29  an  important  discussion  took  place  in  the  senate  as 
to  the  recall  of  Caesar  from  his  provinces ;  but  the  interposition  of  two 
tribunes,  C.  Caelius  and  C.  Vibius  Pansa,  prevented  the  adoption  of  any 
decisive  resolution.  The  question  was  to  be  resumed  in  50  b.c,  after 
March  i  '^.  The  estrangement  of  Pompey  from  Caesar  was  no  secret, 
and  was  attested  by  various  remarks  ^  of  the  former.  Curio  had  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  attacking  Caesar,  but  the  first  days  of  his 
tribunate  were  not  marked  by  any  active  steps  ^.  M.  Caelius  complained ^^ 
that  both  consuls  shewed  little  energy,  and  that  Paulus  was  anxious  for 
a  provincial  government.  Cicero  urged  all  his  correspondents  to  do 
their  best  to  prevent  his  being  detained  in  Cilicia.  He  was  importuned 
by  Caelius  to  send  '^  him  panthers  for  his  shows  as  aedile,  but  did  not 
like  to  impose  on  the  provincials  the  burden  of  providing  them  '^'^. 

His  long  correspondence  ^^  with  Appius  Claudius,  already  alluded  to, 
must  have  been  annoying.  Appius  had  shewn  little  consideration  for 
him  ",  in  avoiding  an  interview  which  Cicero  desired,  and  in  detaining 
some  of  his  forces.     Yet  he  afterwards  spoke  like  an  injured  man  ^^. 

P.  Lentulus  Spinther  triumphed  this  year  for  successes  in  Cilicia  ^^ 

§  22.  Caesar  had  to  subdue  many  desultory  risings  in  Gaul.  He 
brought  the  Carnutes  and  Bituriges  to  submission  with  litde  difficulty, 
but  had  to  wage  a  more  obstinate  struggle  with  the  tribes  of  the  north- 
east. There  the  Atrebates  under  Commius,  and  the  Bellovaci  under 
Correus,  took  up  arms  and  were  aided  by  Ambiorix  with  the  remnant 
of  the  Eburones.  Correus,  however,  fell,  and  the  Bellovaci  submitted ; 
whereon  Caesar,  sending  Labienus  against  the  Treviri,  himself  marched 
to  the  West,  where  the  Carnutes  and  others  were  again  in  arms.  They 
soon,  however,  submitted ;   and  the  last  resistance  in  the  West  was 


1  Ad  Fam.  2.  9,  i.  »  j^^  j.  8,  I.  '  lb.  8.  5,  2  ;  Ad  Att.  5.  21,  3. 

*  Ad  Fam.  15.  7;   15.  12.  'Ad  Att.  6.  i,  7.  •  Ad  Fam.  2.  7. 

^  lb.  8.  8,  5  :  cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigr.  2.  208-2 1 1. 
8.  8,  9.  »  lb.  8.  4,  2  ;  8.  6,  3 ;  8.  8,  10;  8.  10,  3. 

"  lb.  8.  4,  5  ;  8.  6,  5,  alib.  »2  ^j  ^tt.  6.  I,  2 1, 

esp.  6  and  8.  "  above,  §  17;  Ad  Fam.  3.  6,  4. 

3.  8,4.  1«  Ad  Att.  5.  21,  4. 


*  Ad  Fam.  8.  4,  4  ; 

1«  lb.  8.  10,  3. 

13  Ad  Fam.  3.  1-8, 

^  above,  §  19;  Ad  Fam. 


V 


154 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART 


-^55 


, 


!l 


offered  by  a  mixed  crowd  collected  at  Uxellodunum,  probably  on  the 
Oltis  (Lot),  under  Drappes  and  Lucterius.  Caesar,  however,  forced  the 
place  to  surrender,  and  treated  his  prisoners  with  great  severity.  Mean- 
while Labienus  had  subdued  the  Treviri,  and  Caesar  wintered  at  Neme- 
tocenna  (Arras)  in  the  country  of  the  Atrebates.  There  he  received 
promises  of  submission  from  Commius,  against  whom  he  had  sent 
M.  Antonius^ 

In  the  summer  Caesar  had  sent  back  one  legion  to  North  Italy,  per- 
haps to  shew  that  he  did  not  want  all  his  men  north  of  the  Alps  ^ 

50  B.C. 

§  23.  The  consuls  for  this  year  were  C.  MarceUus,  cousin  of  the 
consul  of  the  preceding  year,  and  L.  Aemilius  Paulus.  Both  were 
reputed  stanch  optimates. 

Cicero  left  Tarsus  on  Jan.  5^  for  his  northern  districts,  where  his 
arrival  was  eagerly  looked  for.  A  frequent  mode  of  extortion  practised 
by  previous  governors  had  been  to  require  money  for  exempting  cities 
from  the  burden  of  receiving  soldiers  during  winter ;  this  practice  was 
discontinued  by  Cicero.  He  continued  to  provide  for  the  interests  of  the 
Roman  publicani,  and,  by  expostulation  with  the  magistrates  of  various 
towns,  enabled  those  communities  to  made  good  some  arrears  of  taxes 
which  had  been  left  unpaid,  owing  to  gross  peculation  *. 

He  occupied  the  greater  part  of  the  spring^  in  administering  justice 
at  Laodicea  to  his  northern  and  western  districts,  and  declares  that  he 
shewed  patience,  lenity,  and  aifability,  both  on  the  bench  and  in  his 
own  house. 

His  temperate  representations  to  the  corn  dealers  caused  them  to 
bring  out  their  hoards,  and  so  to  relieve  the  distress  which  a  failure  of 
the  harvest  had  brought  about  ® ;  and  he  shewed  such  respect  for  the 
laws  of  the  different  communities  that  they  thought,  he  says,  that  they 
had  regained  their  independence ''. 

Various  circumstances,  however,  disquieted  him.  He  was  uneasy 
about  the  provision  made  for  a  successor  in  his  province,  especially  as 
one  of  his  best  officers,  Pomptinus,  left  him  ^  about  this  time.  M.  Caelius 
was  still  teasing  him  to  send  panthers  to  Rome ;  and  he  was  compelled 
by  his  sense  of  justice  to  refuse  M.  Brutus  ^  a  favour.  To  a  modern 
reader  Cicero  will  seem  rather  to  have  erred  on  the  side  of  indulgence  in 


1  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  1-48  ;  Mommsen  4.  I,  282. 
5  Ad  Att.  5   21,  7.  *  lb.  6.  2,  5. 

5.  21,  9  ;  6.  2,  4  and  5.  ^  lb.  5.  21,  8. 

»  lb.  5.  21,  10-13;  6.  2,  7-9. 


2  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  24. 
*  Feb.  13  to  May  l.     Ad  Att. 


'  lb.  6.  2,  4. 


«lb.  5.  21,9. 


the  last-mentioned  affair ;  but  perhaps  few  of  his  contemporaries  would 
have  shewn  so  much  firmness  as  he  did.  He  was  again  alarmed  by  the 
prospect  of  a  Parthian  invasion,  and  had  little  confidence  in  his  neigh- 
bour Bibulus,  but  seems  to  have  had  some  hope  ^  that  Pompey  might 
take  the  command  in  the  East.  The  rumour  of  invasion,  however,  died 
away ;  and  he  was  thus  relieved  of  some  of  his  difficulty  in  selecting  a 
temporary  successor.  He  chose  his  quaestor  \  C.  Caelius  Caldus,  though 
with  some  hesitation  on  account  of  his  youth  and  want  of  firmness. 

§  24.  On  May  7,  Cicero  set  out  for  Cilicia  proper,  and  seems  to  have 
spent  the  month  of  June  there,  arriving  at  Tarsus  on  the  5th  ^  He 
found  brigandage  prevalent  in  the  province,  but  there  was  nothing  to 
hinder  his  return  to  Rome,  and  he  made  up  two  copies  of  his  accounts 
to  be  deposited  at  Apamea  and  Laodicea,  as  he  was  required  by  the 
Julian  law  *  to  deposit  them  at  two  towns  in  his  province.  He  seems  to 
have  amassed  a  considerable  sum  of  money  during  his  proconsulship, 
but  his  officers  were  offended  by  his  paying  into  the  treasury  the  surplus 
of  his  year's  allowance  for  expenses  *. 

He  was  still  at  Tarsus  on  July  I'7^  and  seems  to  have  embarked  at 
Sida '  in  Pamphylia  on  Aug.  3.  Thence  he  sailed  to  Rhodes «,  to  enable 
his  son  and  nephew  to  see  the  island,  and  was  much  distressed  there  by 
hearing  of  the  death  of  Q.  Hortensius.  From  Rhodes  he  sailed  to 
Ephesus,  where,  on  Sept.  29»,  he  received  very  alarming  political  reports 
from  Rome,  and  embarked  next  day.     He  landed  at  the  Piraeus  on 

Oct.  14^«. 

From  Athens,  where  he  made  no  long  stay,  he  wrote  to  Terentia, 
begging  her  to  come  as  far  as  she  could  without  injury  to  her  health  to 
meet  him".  He  then  went  to  Patrae,  where  he  arrived  early  in 
November,  and  left  Tiro,  his  favourite  freedman  ^^  there.  After  visiting 
Alyzial^  near  Leucas,  he  reached  Actium  in  Corcyra^*  Nov.  7,  and 
Corcyra  two  days  later.  He  spent  about  a  week  there,  and  after  being 
much  detained  by  storms,  landed  at  Brundisium  on  Nov.  24.  Terentia 
arrived  there  by  land  the  same  day^l  He  was  very  anxious  about 
Tiro's  health  ^\  also  about  political  prospects  ^'  at  Rome ;  and  was  eager 
to  urge  his  claim  to  a  triumph  ^^ 

§  25.  At  Brundisium  he  learned  ^^  that  Atticus  was  convalescent  from 

'  Ad  Att.  6.  I,  14.  '  lb  6  6,  3.  »  lb.  6.  4,  i.  *  Ad  Fam. 

5.20,2.  »  Ad  Att.  7.  1,6;  II.  I,  2;  Ad  Fam.  5.  20,  9.  V^\\'V'\' 

'  lb.  3.  12,  4.  «  lb.  2.  17,  I  ;  Ad  Att.  6.  7,  2;  Brut.  1,1.  »  Ad  Att.  6. 

8,  2.  i<>  lb.  6.  9,  I.  "  Ad  Fam.  14.  5,  i-  *'  I^.  16.  6,  2  ;  16.  9,  I. 

13  lb,  16.  2.  "  lb.  16.  6,  2  ;   16.  9,  I— This  was,  I  now  think,  the  well-known 

Actium  in  Acamania,  not  the  '  Actium  Corcyrae'  mentioned  ad  Att.  7.  2.  3.  "  Ad 

An.  7.  2,  2.  1«  Ad  Fam.  16.  I-15.  "  Ad  Att.  7.  I.  "  lb.  7.  I,  5  ; 

Ad  Fam.  16.  1,1.  "  Ad  Att.  7.  2,  2. 


^5^ 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  SECOND  PART 


157 


a  serious  illness.  Political  news  became  more  and  more  alarming'^;  and 
Cicero  seems  to  have  wished  for  vigorous  war  with  Parthia,  to  divert 
men's  minds  from  domestic  troubles.  From  Brundisium  he  went  to 
Aeculanum^  in  Samnium  on  Dec.  6;  and  thence  to  an  estate^  of 
L.  Pontius  in  northern  Campania,  where,  probably,  he  had  a  conver- 
sation* on  political  affairs  with  Pompey,  who  spoke  of  civil  war  as 
inevitable.  They  met  again  near  Formiae,  when  Pompey  again  ex- 
pressed his  apprehensions,  and  spoke  of  a  violent  attack  made  upon 
himself  on  Dec.  2 1  by  M.  Antonius,  one  of  the  new  tribunes  ^ 

Cicero  asked  Atticus  his^  opinion  on  the  crisis;  denounced "^  the  short- 
sightedness which  had  allowed  Caesar  to  grow  so  powerful ;  expressed 
his  longing  for  peace ;  but  said  ®  that  if  war  began  he  should  probably 
side  with  Pompey,  rather  against  his  reasonable  convictions.  He  was 
anxious®  therefore  to  pay  his  debts  to  Caesar  before  taking  up  arms 
against  him.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  year  he  was  probably  at 
Tarracina  ^°. 

§  26.  The  affairs  at  Rome  in  which  Cicero  had  taken  most  interest 
during  this  year  were : — 

(i.)  The  marriage  of  his  daughter.  He  thought  of  Tiberius  Claudius" 
Nero  for  her,  but  heard  that  she  and  Terentia  both  preferred  P.  Cor- 
nelius Dolabella — a  dissipated  man  who  had  just  divorced  his  own 
wife,  but  of  good  family  and  agreeable  manners  ^^.  This  match  was 
rather  embarrassing  to  Cicero ;  for  he  had  recently  been  reconciled  to 
Appius  Claudius,  and  was  now  doing  his  best  to  serve  him;  whereas 
Dolabella  accused  ^^  Appius  of  treasonable  conduct. 

Dolabella  had  been  elected^*  one  of  the  * quindecimviri  sacris  faci- 
undis,'  defeating  L.  Lentulus  Crus,  contrary  to  general  expectation. 

(2.)  The  discussion  on  the  honours  due  to  his  successes  in  Cilicia. 
The  senate  voted  him  *  supplicationes'  early  in  this  year  ^^ ;  both  the 
consuls ",  with  M.  Caelius  and  Curio,  supported  the  grant,  but  Cato  ^^ 
opposed  it ;  and  his  artful  defence  of  his  conduct  naturally  excited 
Cicero's  indignation,  when  he  learned  that  Cato  had  supported  the 
claims  of  Bibulus  to  a  like  honour.  Caesar  ^^  seems  to  have  been  pleased 
at  the  estrangement  of  Cicero  and  Cato. 

Cicero  seems  to  have  hoped  that  the  vote  would  be  followed  by  an 

»  Ad  Att.  7.  2,  8.  2  lb.  7.  3,  I.  '  lb.  7.  3,  13.  *  lb.  7.  4,  2 ;  cp. 

7.3,12.  Mb.  7.  8,  4  and  5.  Mb.  7.  9.  "^  lb.  7.  i,  3-4;  7.  7,  6. 

«  lb.  7.  3,  4-5  ;  7.  6,  2 ;  7.  7,  7.  •  lb.  7.  8,  5.  *«  lb.  7.  5,  3.  "  lb.  6.  6,  i. 
"  Ad  Att.  6.  6,  I ;  Ad  Fam.  8.  6,  i  and  2.  "  cp.  Ad  Att.  and  Ad  Fam.  11.  cc, 

with  Ad  Fam.  3.  1 1,  2  and  3;  3.  12,  I.  "  lb.  8.  4,  i  ;  it  was  in  51  B.C.  "  Perhaps 
not  before  May  or  June.  Cicero  knew  of  the  vote  before  he  left  his  province  at  the  end  of 
July  or  beginning  of  August ;  cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  7,  2  ;  Ad  Fam.  3.  12,  4.  ^*  Ad  Fam., 

2.  15,  I ;  15.  II,  I ;  8.  II,  I.  "  lb.  15.  5 ;  Ad  Att.  7.  2,  7.  "  lb.  1.  c. 


acknowledgment  of  his  claims  to  a  triumph.  His  exploits  may  hardly 
seem  to  have  justified  such  a  hope,  but  very  likely  they  were  as  great  as 
those  of  Lentulus  Spinther,  who  triumphed^  in  51  b.c.  Cicero  was 
especially  anxious  for  a  triumph,  as  a  means  of  restoring  him  to  the 
dignity  he  enjoyed  before  his  exile  ^. 

§  27.  (3.)  The  progress  of  the  discussion  in  the  senate  about  the 
measures  to  be  taken  against  Caesar. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  both  consuls  and  the  tribune  Curio 
passed  for  decided  enemies  ^  of  Caesar ;  but  he  managed  to  secure  at 
least  the  neutrality  of  the  consul  Paulus  by  a  bribe  of  1500  talents,  and 
the  active  support  of  Curio  by  a  still  larger  one.  Hence,  when  it  was 
proposed  in  the  senate  *  that  Caesar  should  be  required  to  lay  down  his 
command,  Curio  praised  the  proposal,  but  suggested,  amid  great  ap- 
plause, that  a  similar  demand  should  be  addressed  to  Pompey  ^  The 
discussion  began,  apparently,  on  or  soon  after  March  i  ®,  but,  owing  to 
the  interposition  of  Curio,  the  senate  came  to  no  decision  ^  Nor  were 
the  optimates  more  successful  when  the  measures  to  be  adopted  against 
Curio  were  discussed  soon  afterwards  ^.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year, 
shortly  before  the  tribunes  went  out  of  office,  the  senate  adopted,  by  an 
immense  majority.  Curio's  proposal  that  both  Pompey  and  Caesar  should 
be  required  to  lay  down  their  commands;  but  the  consul  Marcellus 
angrily  declared  the  sitting  at  an  end — apparently  before  a  formal  decree 
had  been  passed  ^  Presently  afterwards  a  rumour  reached  Rome  "  that 
a  large  part  of  Caesar's  army  had  crossed  the  Alps.  Such  a  movement 
might  have  been  lawfully  carried  out  by  Caesar  as  proconsul ;  but  with- 
out even  waiting  to  ascertain  the  truth,  the  consul  Marcellus  hastened  " 
out  of  the  city  with  Lentulus,  consul  elect,  to  Pompey,  who  was  in  the 
suburbs ;  placed  a  sword  in  his  hand,  and  bid  him  levy  troops  for  the 
defence  of  the  constitution. 

Under  the  pretext  that  men  were  wanted  for  the  Parthian  war,  the 
senate  required  Caesar  and  Pompey  to  furnish  one  legion  each  for  that 
service.  Pompey  required  the  15th,  which  he  had  lent  to  Caesar.  Thus 
Caesar  was  rather  unfairly  deprived  of  two  legions.  He  obeyed,  how- 
ever, the  senate's  orders.  The  two  legions  were  stationed  at  Capua,  but 
were  not  well  satisfied  with  the  transfer  ^^.  Pompey  now  left  Rome 
for  a  tour  in  central  and  southern  Italy ;  during  which,  as  before  men- 
tioned ",  he  met  Cicero. 

^  Ad  Att.  5.  21,  4.  ^  lb.  6.  6,  4.  '  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  26  ;  Ad  Fam.  8.  6,  5; 

8.  II,  I.  *  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  27.  »  lb.  «  Ad  Fam.  8.  8,  5. 

■^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  29.  *  Ad  Fam.  8.  13,  2.  •  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  30. 

'"  lb.  2.  31  ;  Ad  Att.  6.  9,  5.  "  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  31 ;  Plut.  Pomp.  58,  59. 

"  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  29 ;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  54,  55 ;  Ad  Att.  7.  13,  2.  ^^  above,  §  25. 


^ 


I 


158         INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  SECOND  PART, 

Curio,  after  the  close  of  his  tribunate,  hastened  to  Caesar  at  Ravenna, 
to  lay  before  him  an  account  of  the  state  of  affairs,  and  returned  to 
Rome,  bearing  Caesar's  final  proposals,  on  Jan.  i  *,  49  b-c-  Among 
the  new  tribunes,  Q.  Cassius  Longinus  and  M.  Antonius  were  devoted 
to  Caesar;  Antonius  had  been  chosen  augur  in  the  room  of  Q.  Hor- 
tensius  in  50  '^. 

§  28.  (4.)  The  trials  of  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  Cicero's  predecessor 
in  CiHcia.  Appius  was  acquitted  both  of  treason  ^  and  of  corruption  *, 
and  presently  afterwards  was  elected  censor.  He  exercised  his  functions 
with  great  vigour  ^,  expelling  the  historian  Sallust,  among  others,  from 
the  senate. 

Caesar  was  able  to  devote  much  time  this  year  to  the  work  of  pacify- 
ing Transalpine  Gaul,  which  he  effected  in  great  measure  by  indulgence ^ 
He  visited  Cisalpine  Gaul,  however,  to  recommend  M.  Antonius  to  the 
inhabitants  as  a  candidate  for  the  augurship,  and  himself  for  the  consul- 
ship "^  in  48  B.C.  His  progress  through  the  different  towns  was  trium- 
phant. He  then  returned  to  Nemetocenna,  and  concentrated  ten 
legions^  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Treviri.  The  15th  he  had  left  south  of 
the  Alps,  and  when  Pompey  required  it,  Caesar  replaced  it  by  the  13th®. 
Of  the  rest  of  his  army,  four  legions  under  C.  Fabius  wintered  among 
the  Aedui,  and  four  under  C.  Trebonius  among  the  Belgae.  Caesar 
himself  went  to  Ravenna  ^^  for  the  winter.  Labienus  had  been  in  charge 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  Caesar  would  not"  Hsten  to  rumours  of  his 
intended  desertion. 

The  result  of  the  election  of  consuls  for  49  B.C.  had  disappointed 
Caesar.  He  had  hoped  that  Ser.  Sulpicius  Galba  ^'^,  one  of  his  officers, 
would  be  chosen ;  but  the  two  successful  candidates  were  L.  Lentulus 
Cms  and  C.  Claudius  Marcellus,  both  decidedly  hostile  to  Caesar. 
Marcellus  was  cousin  of  his  namesake,  the  consul  of  the  previous  year^ 
and  brother  of  M.  Marcellus,  the  consul  of  5 1  ". 

'  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  31  and  32.  *  Ad  Fam.  8.  13,  I  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  50 ; 

Cic.  Philipp.  2.  2,  4.  '  Ad  Fam.  3.  11,  2.  *  lb.  3.  12,  I. 

5  lb.  8.  14,  4;  Dion  Cassius  40.  63:  cp.  Hor.  Satt.  i.  6,  20  'censorque  moveret  Appius.' 
*  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  49.  '^  lb.  8.  50.  '  He  had  all  his  army  except  one 

legion,  which  was  south  of  the  Alps.  Now  he  subsequently  furnished  two  legions  to 
Pompey,  and  had  still  nine  in  all.  9  +  2  =  il  —  I  =  lo :  cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  52  and  54. 
9  lb.  8.  54.  '*  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  5.  "  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  52. 

*'  lb.  8.  50.  *^  Mommsen  4.  2.  p.  358  ;  Fasti  Consulates  sub  ann. ;  Druniann  2.  398. 


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SELECT    LETTERS 


OF 


M.    TULLIUS    CICERO. 


PART    II. 

20.    To    ATTICUS    (AD   ATT.  IV.  i). 

Rome,  September,  57  b.c.  (697  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  write  immediately  after  my  return,  to  say  that,  while  I  think  I  had  previously 
some  reason  to  complain,  your  late  services  have  made  me  ample  amends;  2.  and  I 
wish  you  were  here  to  share  my  satisfaction.   In  future  I  will  make  up  for  past  neglect. 
3.  I  have  regained  my  old  position  to  a  greater  extent  than  I  could  have  hoped,  but 
my  property  has  been  seriously  impaired.     4.  I  left  Dyrrhachium  on  August  4,  and 
arrived  next  day  at  Brundisium,  where  Tullia  met  me,  and  I  presently  learned  that  the 
law  for  my  recall  had  been  carried.     Both  at  Brundisium  and  along  the  road  to  Rome 
I  received  the  warmest  congratulations  from  every  one,  5.  and  on  my  arrival  literally 
every  one  of  the  slightest  importance  came  to  meet  me,  while  the  parts  of  the  city 
through  which  I  passed  to  the  Capitol  were  thronged  by  a  vast  multitude.    Next  day, 
Sept.  5,  I  returned  thanks  to  the  senate.   6.  Two  days  afterwards  there  were  disorders] 
caused  by  the  dearness  of  com.     I  suggested,  in  accordance  with  Pompey's  known 
wishes,  that  he  should  be  entrusted  with  a  commission  to  supply  it ;  and  the  senate 
passed  a  decree  to  that  effect.     I  then  addressed  the  people.     7.  Next  day,  in  a  foU 
senate,  a  bill  was  drawn  up  giving  Pompey  the  management  of  the  supply  of  corn  for 
five  years,  with  power  to  name  fifteen  legates,  of  whom  he  named  me  first.     Messius 
proposed  that  he  should  have  still  more  ample  powers.     The  way  in  which  I  shall  re- 
ceive compensation  for  my  house  will  depend  on  the  judgment  of  the  pontifices.   8.  You 
see  my  position.    I  am  in  difficulties,  as  you  know,  about  my  property,  and  have  some 
family  troubles  which  I  do  not  mention.     My  brother  is  most  devoted  to  me.     Pray 
come  speedily;    some  of  those  who  lately  served  me  are  already  beginning  to  fall 
away. 


i6o 


M.  TULLII   CICERONIS 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 


[part  n. 


CUM  primum  Rotnam  veni,  fuitque  cui  recte  ad  te  htteras 
darem,  nihil  prius  faciendum  mihi  putavi,  quam  ut  tibi  absent, 
de  reditu  nostro  gratularer ;  cognoram  enim-ut  vera  scnbam- 
te  in  consiliis  mihi  dandis  nee  fortiorem  nee  prudentiorem  quam 
5  me  ipsum,  me  etiam  propter  meam  in  ^e  «bservant.am  mrnmm 
in  custodia  salutis  meae  diligentem,  eundemque  te,  qui  pr.m.s 
temporibus  erroris  nostri   aut  potius  furoris   part.ceps  et  falsi 
timoris   socius  fuisses,   acerbissime    discidium    nostrum    tuhsse 
plurimumque  operae.  studii,  diligentiae,  laboris  ad  confic.endum 
.oreditum   meum   contulisse :    itaque  hoc    tibi   vere    adfirmo,   m2 
maxima  laetitia  et  exoptatissima  gratulatione  unum  ad  cumu- 
landum  gaudium  conspectum  aut  potius  complexum  m.ht  tuum 
defuisse ;  quem  semel  nactus  si  umquam  dimisero,  ac  nisi  etiam 
praetermissos  fructus  tuae  suavitatis  praeteriti  temporis  omnes 
«exegero,  profecto  hac  restitutione  fortunae  me  'P^f  "«"f  ^ 
dignum  iudicabo.     Nos  adhuc  in  nostro  statu,  quod  d.fficilhme  3 
recuperari  posse  arbitrati  sumus,  splendorem  nostrum  lUum  foren- 
sem  et  in  senatu  auctoritatem  et  apud  viros  bonos  grat.am  magis, 
quam  optaramus,  consecuti  sumus ;  in  re  autem  famil.an,  quae 


I.  Recte,  'with  prudence.'     See  Ep.  6, 

I,  note.  ,  ,   .    f 

3.  Cognoram.  «I  had   known     before 

my  exile.  ,,^^    , 

c  Me  etiam.  Most  MSS.  have  ap- 
parently '  nee  etiam/  which  Wesenb.  retams. 
Propter  meam  in  te  observantiam, 
«on  account  of  my  regard  for  your  advice. 
Cicero  had  complied  with  Atticus  advice 
not  to  risk  a  struggle  with  Clodius  m  58  b.c, 
and  thought  afterwards  that  his  compliance 

shewed  timidity. 

6.  Eundemque  te,  'but  that  you  not- 
withstanding.'    See  Madv.  488.  ,    . 

7  Erroris  nostri,  *  my  mistake  in 
retiring  from  Rome.  See  Intr.  to  Part  I, 
§1  20;  22.  The  whole  passage  is  a  delicate 
reproof  of  Atticus  for  the  want  of  penetra- 
tion and  zeal  which  he  had  shewn,  m 
Cicero's  opinion,  early  in  58  B.C.  A  similar 
mixture  of  praise  and  blame  may  be  found, 

Ep.  16.  7«  ,  .  »   c 

13.  Quem  = '  te,'  implied  m  «tuum.    See 

Madv.  317  a.  .  , 

Si  umquam.  This  is  a  conjecture  adopted 

by  Baiter.    *  Numquam  '  seems  to  have  some 

MS.  authority. 


Nisi  .  .  exegero,  *  unless  I  shall  reclaim 
and  enjoy  even  those  delights  from  your 
friendliness,  which  I  failed  to  grasp  in  past 

time.*  .    . 

14.  Praetermissos  suggests  a  fault  on 
Cicero's  part,  and  is  not  therefore  superfluous. 
On  the  double  genitive,  '  suavitatis,  tempo- 
ris,' see  Madv.  288,  and  cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  8, 
2  «supenorum  temporum  fortuna  reipubli- 
cae.'  *  Exigere '  is  a  word  used  for  the  ex- 
action of  arrears  of  taxes,  frequent  in  the 
writings  of  Cicero  and  Caesar. 

16.  In  nostro  statu,  'with  regard  to  my 
political  position.*     Billerb. 

Quod  .  .  sumus.  There  seems  to  be  a 
confusion  between  '  quod  difficillimum  arbi- 
trati sumus,'  and  *  quae  difficillime  recuperari 
arbitrati  sumus.' 

17.  Forensem.  In  foro  partam,  miil- 
torum  causis  defendendis.     Manut. 

'iQ.  In  re  .  .  familiari,  *  with  regard  to 
my  property.'  It  had  suffered  mainly  from 
the  demolition  of  his  house  at  Rome,  and 
the  plunder  of  his  villas.  His  losses  must 
have  amounted  to  at  least  £20,000.  *  Vicies 
DCCL  millia  H.S.'  Ad  Att.  4.  2,  5. 


1^ 
i 


I 


h. 


't 


EP.  ?,o,'\        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM IV,  i. 


i5i 


r/^ 


r 


I 


( 

< 


quem  ad  modum  fracta,  dissipata,  direpta  sit,  non  ignoras,  valde 
laboramus  tuarumque  non  tarn  facultatum,  quas  ego  nostras  esse 
iudico,  quam  consiliorum  ad  colligendas  et  constituendas  reli- 

4  quias  nostras  indigemus.     Nunc,  etsi  omnia  aut  scripta  esse  a 
tuis  arbitror  aut   etiam   nuntiis   ac   rumore   perlata,  tamen  ea  5 
scribam  brevi,  quae  te  puto  potissimum  ex  meis  litteris  velle 
cognoscere.     Pr.  Nonas  Sextiles  Dyrrhachio  sum  profectus,  ipso 
illo  die,  quo   lex    est   lata   de  nobis ;    Brundisium   veni  Nonis 
Sextilibus :  ibi  mihi  Tulliola  mea  fuit  praesto  natali  suo  ipso 
die,  qui  casu  idem  natalis  erat  et  Brundisinae  coloniae  et  tuae  lo 
vicinae  Salutis ;    quae  res   animadversa  a  multitudine   summa 
Brundisinorum  gratulatione  celebrata  est.     Ante  diem  VI.  Idus 
Sextiles  cognovi,  [cum  Brundisii  essem,]  litteris  Quinti,  mirifico 
studio   omnium   aetatum    atque   ordinum,    incredibili   concursu 
Italiae  legem  comitiis  centuriatis  esse  perlatam :  inde  a  Brun-  15 
disinis  honestissimis   ornatus   iter  ita   feci,   ut   undique  ad   me 

5  cum  gratulatione  legati  convenerint.  Ad  urbem  ita  veni,  ut 
nemo  ullius  ordinis  homo  nomenclatori  notus  fuerit,  qui  mihi 
obviam  non  venerit,  praeter  eos  inimicos,  quibus  id  ipsum  [se 
inimicos  esse]  non  liceret  aut  dissimulare  aut  negare.  Cum  20 
venissem  ad  portam  Capenam,  gradus  templorum  ab  infima 
plebe  completi  erant,  a  qua  plausu  maximo  cum  esset  mihi 
gratulatio  significata,  similis  et  frequentia  et  plausus  me  usque 
ad  Capitol ium  celebravit,  in  foroque  et  in  ipso  Capitolio 
miranda    multitudo    fuit.      Postridie   in    senatu,   qui   fuit    dies  25 


3.  Constituendas,  *  setting  in  order.* 

4.  Omnia,  *  all  Roman  news.' 

8.  Lex,  the  law  for  his  recill.  See  Intr. 
to  Part  I,  §  23. 

10.  Natalis.  The  colony  of  Brundisium 
was  founded  244  B.C.  Boot,  however,  re- 
ferring to  A.  W.  Zumpt  (Comment.  Epigraph. 
I.  239),  thinks  that  the  date  of  its  reconsti- 
tution  by  Drusus,  the  rival  of  C.  Gracchus, 
in  122  B.C.,  is  referred  to. 

11.  Salutis.  The  temple  of  Salus,  on  the 
Quirinal,  and  near  the  house  of  Atticus,  was 
vowed  by  C.  lunius,  consul,  in  311,  built 
307,  and  dedicated  303  B.C.     See  Livy  10.  I. 

13.  Cum  Brundisii  essem.  If  these 
words  are  genuine  I  think,  with  Mr.  Jeans, 
that  they  mean  *  being,'  or,  *  as  I  was,'  *  still 
at  Brundisium,'  and  so  did  not  miss  the 
letter. 

16.  Ornatus.  Orell.  proposes  to  add 
*  decretis.'     But  may  not  the  words  mean. 


*  having  received  attentions  from  the  most 
respectable  men  of  Brundisium?'  Cp.  Pro 
Reg.  Deiot.  I,  2  'regem  quem  omare  antea 
cuncto  cum  senatu  solebam.* 

17.  Legati,  *  deputies  from  the  various 
towns.* 

Ita  .  .  ut,  •  in  such  style  that.' 

18.  Nomenclatori:  see  Ep.  15,9,  note. 

19.  Id  ipsum,  *  that  very  fact'  of  their 
hostility.     Hofm.,  Billerb. 

21.  Templorum.  Among  the  temples 
near  that  gate  were  two,  or  one  with  two 
'  cellae '  of  Honos  and  Virtus.  The  cele- 
brated M.  Claudius  Marcellus  ordered  the 
building  in  208  B.C.;  having  originally  vowed 
one  temple  in  the  Gallic  wars,  222  b.c.  Cp. 
Livy  27,  25;  Smith's  Diet,  of  Geogr.  2. 
819. 

Ab  infima  plebe,  on  the  force  of  the 
preposition  cp,  Ep.  104,  I,  note. 

24.  Celebravit,  •  attended.'     Metzg. 


M 


l62 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  ii: 


EP.  20.]         EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM IV.  i. 


163 


Nonarum  Septembr.,  senatui  gratias  egimus.  Eo  biduo  cum  6 
esset  annonae  summa  caritas  et  homines  ad  theatrum  primo, 
deinde  ad  senatum  concurrissent,  impulsu  Clodii  mea  opera 
frumenti  inopiam  esse  clamarent,  cum  per  eos  dies  senatus 
5  de  annona  haberetur  et  ad  eius  procurationem  sermone  non 
solum  plebis,  verum  etiam  bonorum  Pompeius  vocaretur  idque 
ipse  cuperet,  multitudoque  a  me  nominatim,  ut  id  decernerem, 
postularet,  feci  et  accurate  sententiam  dixi.  Cum  abessent 
consulares,  quod  tuto  se  negarent  posse  sententiam  dicere,  prae- 

10  ter  Mesallam  et  Afranium,  factum  est  senatus  consultum  in 
meam  sententiam,  ut  cum  Pompeio  ageretur  ut  eam  rem  susci- 
peret  lexque  ferretur ;  quo  senatus  consulto  recitato  continue 
cum  more  hoc  insulso  et  novo  plausum  meo  nomine  recitaiido 
dedissent,  habui  contionem  ;  omnes  magistratus  praesentes  prae- 

15  ter  unum  praetorem  et  duos  tribunos  pi.  dederunt.     Postridie  7 


1.  Gratias  egimus:  see  Intr.  to  Part 
IT,  §  I.  On  the  plural  •egimus'  after  ve- 
nissem,  cp.  Ep.  17,  i,  note. 

Eo  biduo,  'two  days  afterwards/  Cp. 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i,  41  'eo  biduo  Caesar  cum 
equitibus  in  castra  pervenit.' 

2.  Ad  theatrum.  The  Ludi  Magni 
were  celebrated  Sept.  4-10.     Siipfle. 

3.  Ad  senatum, 'before  the  senate  house.' 

Concurrissent    .    .    clamarent.     For 

the  omission  of  a  conjunction,  cp.  Ep.  54,  7 

*  etsi  Scipionem  cum  cohortibus  duabus  prae- 
miserat,  legionem  a  Fausto  conscriptam  in 
Siciliam  sibi  placere  a  consule  duci  scripse- 
rat.'  More  curious  is  the  want  of  a  conjunc- 
tion between  cum  esset  and  cum  .  .  ha- 
beretur, with  which,  cp.Philipp.  2.  43,  110, 

•  supplicationes  .  .  .  contaminari  passus  es, 
pulvinaria  noluisti?* 

Mea  opera,  'by  my  fault.'  Perhaps 
Clodius  meant,  '  owing  to  the  crowds  that 
had  come  to  greet  Cicero.'     Boot. 

7.  Ut  id  decernerem,  'that  I  should 
vote  for  that  measure.'    Cp.  In  Cat.  4.  5,  10. 

F.  Feci, 'I  complied,' 

Accurate, '  elaborately.' 

9.  Quod  .  .  negarent  .  .  dicere,  'be- 
cause, as  they  said,  they  could  not  express 
their  opinions  in  safety.'  See  Mad  v.  357  a, 
and  Obs.  2.  On  Afranius,  see  Ep.  i,  1, 
note;  on  Messalla,  Ep.  6,  2,  note. 

11.  Ut  .  .  ageretur  .  .  ferretur,  '  that 
Pompey  should  be  entreated  to  undertake 
the  business,  and  that  a  law  should  be  pro- 
posed.'    See  Madv.  372  a. 

12.  Recitato,  *  having  been  read  to  the 
assembly.'     The  names  of  the  senators  who 


unnecessarily, 
dem  in  fori 
Philipp.  6.  6, 


suggested  or  approved   the  course  adopted 
would  be  read  (to  the  assembly)  probably. 

13.  Meo  nomine  recitando,  'while 
my  name  was  being  read.'  The  gerundive 
in  passages  like  this  seems  to  supply  the 
place  of  a  present  passive  participle.  Hofm. 
Baiter  inserts  *in'  before  'meo,'  but  perhaps 

Cp.    'partis   honoribus   eos- 
gessi   labores   quos   petendis' 
17;    also  Ep.  23,  I  ;   Madv. 
416,  Obs.  I  ;  Nagelsb.  96,  260. 

14.  Dedissent,  sc. 'qui adstabant.*  The 
MSS.  have  '  dedisset,'  and  Siipfle  suggests 
*  cum  contio '  for  '  continuo.'  Wesenb.  sug- 
gests the  insertion  of  '  quam '  before  '  omnes.' 

Contionem.  Perhaps  the  Oratio  Post 
Red.  ad  Quirites. 

Omnes  magistratus  .  .  dederunt,  sc. 
'  contionem,'  '  all  the  magistrates  were  pre- 
sent, and  agreed  in  inviting  me  to  speak, 
with  the  exception  of  one  praetor  and  two 
tribunes  of  the  plebs.'  '  Contionem  dare,'  = 
'  in  contionem  producere.'  on  which  phrase 
cp.  p.  47,  note  on  1.  6.  The  praetor  referred 
to  is  supposed  to  have  been  Ap.  Claudius 
Pulcher,  the  tribunes  Q^  Numerius  Rufus 
and  Sex.  Atilius  Serranus.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
4.  2,  4;  Pro  Sestio  33,  72  ;  34,  74;  In  Pison. 
^5'  35;  Ascon.  in  Pisonian.,  p.  126.  Livy 
(2.  56)  makes  Appius  Claudius  refuse  to  the 
tribunes  of  the  commons  the  title  of  *  magis- 
tratus populi ; '  cp.  Mommsen,  Staatsrecht, 
I.  46-48  and  notes.  But  the  present  pas- 
sage agrees  with  one  in  De  Orat.  i.  7,  25  ; 
and  the  distinction  between  'populus'  and 
'  plebs '  had  lost  much  of  its  importance  in 
Cicero's  time.     See  the  notes  of  Manutius 


1 


i^f^ 


I 


i 


\\\ 


senatus  frequens ;  et  omnes  consulares  nihil  Pompeio  postu- 
lanti  negarunt ;  ille  legatos  quindecim  cum  postularet,  me  prin- 
cipem  nominavit  et  ad  omnia  me  alterum  se  fore  dixit.  Legem 
consules  conscripserunt,  qua  Pompeio  per  quinquennium  omnis 
potestas  rei  frumentariae  toto  orbe  terrarum  daretur ;  alteram  5 
MessiuSj  qui  omnis  pecuniae  dat  potestatem  et  adiungit  classem 
et  exercitum  et  maius  imperium  in  provinciis,  quam  sit  eorum, 
qui  eas  obtineant :  ilia  nostra  lex  consularis  nunc  modesta  vide- 
tur,  haec  Messii  non  ferenda.  Pompeius  illam  velle  se  dicit, 
familiares  hanc.  Consulares  duce  Favonio  fremunt ;  nos  tacemus,  lo 
et  eo  magis,  quod  de  domo  nostra  nihil  adhuc  pontifices  respon- 
derunt :  qui  si  sustulerint  religionem,  aream  praeclaram  habe- 
bimus ;  superficiem  consules  ex  senatus  consulto  aestimabunt : 
sin  aliter,  demolientur,  suo  nomine  locabunt,  rem  totam  aesti- 
8  mabunt.  Ita  sunt  res  nostrae,  ut  in  secundis,  fluxae,  ut  in  15 
adversis,  bonae.  In  re  familiari  valde  sumus,  ut  sc/s,  pertur- 
bati.      Praeterea  sunt    quaedam   domestica,   quae   litteris   non 


and  of  Mr.  J.  E.  Yonge  on  Ad  Fam.  I.  7,  2  ; 
and  my  own  on  Ep.  34,  5. 

1.  Senatus  frequens,  sc.  *fuit,'  'there 
was  a  full  meeting  of  the  senate.'  On  the 
ellipse,  see  Madv.  479  a.  Wesenb.  suggests 
the  insertion  of  '  fuit.' 

2.  Me  principem  .  .  .  dixit,  'named 
me  first,  and  said  I  should  be  a  second  self 
to  him  in  everything.' 

5.  Toto  orbe  terrarum,  *  throughout 
the  world.*     See  Madv.  273  c. 

6.  C.  Messius  was  now  tribune.  For 
another  notice  of  him,  cp.  Epp.  28,  9.  His 
proposal  would  have  given  Pompey  enormous 
power,  and  would  have  placed  Caesar  under 
his  command. 

8.  Nostra  .  .  .  consularis,  'that  law 
proposed  by  the  consuls,  and  based  on  my 
suggestion.'    Boot. 

10.  Hanc,  sc.  '  eum  velle.* 

Duce  Favonio.  Favonius,  for  an  ac- 
count of  whom  see  notes  on  Ep.  7,  5,  had 
only  been  quaestor,  but  his  energ)'  probably 
induced  men  of  higher  position  to  accept  his 
guidance. 

Fremunt, '  raise  an  outcry.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  2. 
7i  3  '  Arrius  consulatum  sibi  ereptum  fremit.' 

11.  Pontifices.  Cicero  pleaded  before 
them  on  Sept.  29  (cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  2,  2),  and 
on  the  two  following  days  the  senate  passed 
decrees  for  the  restitution  of  his  property. 
His  uncertainty  as  to  the  decision  of  the 
pontifices  made  him  unwilling  to  offend  any 

M 


powerful  party  that  might  be  represented  in 
their  body. 

12.  Sustulerint  religionem,  'declare 
against  the  religious  character  of  the  place,' 
'declare  the  consecration  by  Clodius  null.' 

13.  Superficiem,  'the  building  which 
had  stood  there.'  The  consuls  would  make 
an  estimate  how  much  Cicero  ought  to  have 
for  rebuilding  what  had  been  destroyed.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  4.  2,  5  'nobis  superficiem  aedium 
consules  de  consilii  sententia  aestimarunt 
H.  S.  vicies.' 

14.  Sin  aliter  .  .  aestimabunt,  'but 
if  they  decide  otherwise,  the  consuls  will 
demolish  Clodius'  buildings,  contract  for  a 
new  temple  in  their  own  names,  and  fix  the 
amount  of  my  whole  losses,'  i.e.  provide  me 
with  a  site,  as  well  as  with  compensation 
for  the  buildings.  Hofm.  This  proceeding 
would  inflict  a  slight  on  Clodius  ;  for,  while 
recognizing  the  validity  of  his  dedication  of 
the  site,  the  consuls  would  pull  down  his 
temple  of  Liberty. 

15.  Ita  sunt  .  .  bonae,  'such  is  my 
position:  shaken,  for  a  prosperous  man; 
good,  for  one  who  has  suffered  reverses.' 

16.  In  re  .  .  perturbati,  'my property, 
as  you  know,  is  in  great  disorder.' 

17.  Quaedam  domestica.  These  words 
refer,  perhaps,  to  disputes  with  Terentia.  In 
another  letter  he  mentions  the  affection  of 
his  brother  and  daughter,  but  says  nothing 
of  his  wife.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  2,  7. 


^*T.- 


164 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


committo.  Q.  fratrem  insigni  pietate,  virtute,  fide  praeditum 
sic  amo,  ut  debeo.  Te  exspecto  et  oro  ut  matures  venire 
eoque  animo  venias,  ut  me  tuo  consilio  egere  non  sinas.  Alte- 
rius  vitae  quoddam  initium  ordimur.  lam  quidam,  qui  nos 
5  absentes  defenderunt,  incipiunt  praesentibus  occulte  irasci,  aperte 
invidere  :  vehementer  te  requirimus. 

21.    To  P.  LENTULUS  SPINTHER  (AD  FAM.  I.    i). 
Rome,  Jan.  13,  ^d  b.c.  (698  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  wish  I  could  serve  you  as  effectively  as  you  served  me ;  but  the  money  of  the 
king's  envoys,  the  hypocritical  plea  of  a  religious  difficulty,  and  the  eagerness  of  the 
king's  friends  to  serve  Pompey  are  obstacles  in  my  way.  2.  I  am  always  warning 
Pompey  to  have  regard  to  his  own  honour,  but  indeed  he  hardly  seems  to  need  any 
warnings,  and  serves  you  zealously.  Marcellinus,  you  know,  has  a  quarrel  with  you ; 
but,  except  on  this  question,  promises  you  his  support.  3.  On  Jan.  13  the  subject  was 
discussed  in  the  senate.  Hortensius,  Lucullus,  and  I,  advised  that  you  should  be  em- 
powered to  restore  the  king,  but  not  by  force  of  arms.  Crassus  and  others  proposed 
in  substance  that  Pompey  should  restore  him ;  Bibulus  desires  to  exclude  Pompey  from 
the  commission  ;  Servilius  thinks  there  ought  to  be  no  restoration  at  all.  There  is  a 
general  impression  that  Pompey  would  like  to  be  employed.  4.  My  opinion  carries 
the  less  weight  with  the  public,  because  of  my  obligations  to  you,  which  are  thought 
to  prejudice  me  in  your  favour. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  P.  LENTULO  PROCOS. 

Ego  omni  officio  ac  potius  pietate  erga  te  ceteris  satis  facio  i 

omnibus,  mihi  ipse  numquam  satis  facio ;  tanta  enim  magnitudo 

est  tuorum  erga  me  meritorum,  ut,  quia  tu  nisi  perfecta  re  de  me 

10  non  conquiesti,  ego,  quia  non  idem  in  tua  causa  efficio,  vitam 

mihi  esse  acerbam  putem.      In  causa  haec  sunt:  Hammonius, 


3.  Eoque  animo  .  .  .  sinas.  Perhaps 
a  fresh  allusion  to  Atticus'  alleged  indiffer- 
ence just  before  Cicero's  exile.     Cp.  §  i. 

Alterius  vitae  .  .  ordimur,  'I  am  now 
beginning,  in  a  certain  sense,  a  second  life,* 
*  a  new  career.'  Cicero  means,  either  (i) 
that  he  has  to  build  up  his  fortunes  again 
(cp.  Ep.  42, 4,  where  he  speaks  of  his  trnXi'^- 
'f€V(aia),  or  (2)  that  he  intends  to  act  in 
concert  with  Pompey  and  Caesar,  or  (3)  that 
he  will  henceforth  renounce  politics.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  4.  6,  2.  Boot  prefers  the  first  of  these 
three  explanations,  I  think  with  reason,  for 
Cicero  does  not  seem  to  have  given  up  an 
independent  political  career  yet.  Cp.  Epp. 
25 ;  29,  5-20. 

4.  Quidam  probably  refers  to  some  of 
the  leaders  of  the  optimates,  who   might 


regard  Cicero's  approaches  to  Pompey  with 
suspicion. 

7.  Omni  .  .  pietate,  *in  the  satisfaction 
of  every  claim  of  duty — I  might  say  of 
affection.' 

9.  Meritorum,  i.e.  in  promoting  Cicero's 
restoration  from  exile.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I, 
§§  21-23;  Pro  Sest.  33,  72. 

Nisi  perfecta  re,  'till  my  restoration 
had  been  effected.' 

10.  In  tua  causa,  in  tuo  negotio,  in  re- 
ductione  regis.     Manut. 

11.  In  causa  haec  sunt,  'the  causes  of 
my  ill-success  are  as  follows.' 

Hammonius  seems  not  to  be  elsewhere 
mentioned. 


« 


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5k 


II 


> 


EP.  21.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  I.  i. 


165 


regis  legatus,  aperte  pecunia  nos  oppugnat ;  res  agitur  per  eosdem 
creditores,  per  quos,  cum  tu  aderas,  agebatur.  Regis  causa  si  qui 
sunt  qui  velint,  qui  pauci  sunt,  omnes  rem  ad  Pompeium  deferri 
volunt;  senatus  religionis  calumniam  non  religione,  sed  male- 

2  volentia  et  illius  regiae  largitionis  invidia  comprobat.  Pompeium  5 
et  hortari  et  orare,  etiam  liberius  accusare  et  monere,  ut  magnam 
infamiam  fugiat,  non  desistimus  ;  sed  plane  nee  precibus  nostris 
nee  admonitionibus  relinquit  locum  :  nam  cum  in  sermone  quoti- 
diano,  tum  in  senatu  palam  sic  egit  causam  tuam,  ut  neque 
eloquentia  maiore  quisquam  nee  gravitate  nee  studio  nee  conten-  10 
tione  agere  potuerit,  cum  summa  testificatione  tuorum  in  se 
officiorum  et  amoris  erga  te  sui.  Marcellinum  tibi  esse  iratum 
scis :  is  hac  regia  causa  excepta  ceteris  in  rebus  se  acerrimum 
tui  defensorem  fore  ostendit.  Quod  dat,  accipimus :  quod  in- 
stituit  referre  de  religione  et  saepe  iam  retulit,  ab  eo  deduci  15 

3  non  potest.  Res  ante  Idus  acta  sic  est ; — nam  haec  Idibus  mane 
scripsi : — Hortensii  et  mea  et  Luculli  sententia  cedit  religioni  de 
exercitu — teneri  enim  res  aliter  non  potest — ,  sed  ex  illo  senatus 


1.  Regis.  Ptolemy  XII.  Auletes  is 
the  king  referred  to.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 

§  2. 

2.  Creditores :  men  who  perhaps  were 
hostile  to  Lentulus,  and  furnished  Hammo- 
nius with  the  money  which  he  employed  in 
bribing  senators.  Cicero  makes  a  similar 
statement.  Ad  Q^F.  2.  2,  3.  His  client,  C. 
Rabirius  Postumus  (cp.  sup.  p.  144),  seems 
to  have  been  one  of  the  '  creditores.'  Cp. 
Pro  Rab.  Post.  2  ;  3. 

Regis  causa  .  .  velint,  'those  who 
may  be  interested  in  the  king's  cause.'  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  7.  17,  2  '  si  me  aut  sapere  aliquid 
aut  velle  tua  causa  putas.' 

4.  Calumniam,  'the  plea  maliciously 
set  up.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  i.  4,  2  '  nomen  in- 
ductum  fictae  religionis,'  Ad  CL  ^*  2.  2,  3 
'  calumnia  extracta  res  est.' 

Non  religione  .  .  invidia,  'not  from 
religious  feeling,  but  from  ill-will  to  the 
king,  and  under  the  influence  of  the  odium 
which  his  largesses  have  aroused.' 

7.  Infamiam.  Pompey  would  be  charged 
both  with  ingratitude  and  ambition  if  he 
opposed  the  claims  of  Lentulus.  Cp.  '  tuo- 
rum in  se  officiorum  '  a  few  lines  below. 

12.  Officiorum.  Cp.  Epp.  20,  7;  26, 
3,  note. 

Marcellinum.  Cn.  Cornelius  Lentulus 
Marcellinus  is  thought  to  have  been  the  son 
of  a  P.  Lentulus  who  had  passed  by  adoption 


from  the  family  of  the  Marcelli  into  that  of 
the  Lentuli.  The  paternal  grandfather  of 
the  Marcellinus  here  mentioned  seems  to 
have  been  M.  Marcellus  iEserninus  (cp. 
Cic.  Brut.  36,  136),  who  commanded  at 
Aesemia  in  the  Marsic  war,  and  was  forced 
to  surrender  that  place  to  the  revolted  allies. 
Cp.  Livy,  Epit.  73;  Drumann  2,  404;  405. 
The  grandson  had  .supported,  as  patron  of 
Sicily,  the  prosecution  of  Verres  (Div.  in 
Caec.  4.  13).  He  was  consul  in  56  B.C. 
with  L.  Marcius  Philippus,  and  showed  a 
decided  hostility  to  Clodius. 

14.  (^od  instituit  .  .  non  potest, 
'he  cannot  be  diverted  from  his  intention 
of  bringing  the  religious  question  before  the 
senate.'  On  this  use  of  the  pronouns,  see 
Madv.  398  b. 

17.  Hortensii  . .  exercitu,  'Hortensius, 
Lucullus,  and  I  are  for  respecting  people's 
scruples  as  to  the  employment  of  an  army, 
otherwise  our  end  [the  restoration  of  Pto- 
lemy by  you]  cannot  be  obtained  at  all.' 
For  this  sense  of  *  tenere '  see  Forcell.  The 
Lucullus  here  referred  to  was  M.  Lucullus, 
adopted  by  M.  Terentius  Varro.  He  was 
consul  73  B.C. ;  did  good  service  as  governor 
of  Macedonia,  and  supported  Cicero's  mea- 
sures in  63  B.C.  In  Pis.  19,  44 ;  Philipp.  2. 
5,  12.  His  more  celebrated  brother  Lucius 
seems  to  have  died  in  57  or  56  b.c. 

18.  Ex  illo  senatus  consulto.    Appa- 


/. 


i66 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


r 


V 


consulto,  quod  te  referente  factum  est,  tibi  decernit,  ut  regem 
reducas,  quod  commodo  rei  publicae  facere  possis ;  ut  exercitum 
religio  tollat,  te  auctorem  senatus  retineat.  Crassus  tres  legates 
decernit,  nee  excludit  Pompeium ;  censet  enim  etiam  ex  iis,  qui 

5  cum  imperio  sint ;  Bibulus  tres  legatos,  ex  iis,  qui  privati  sunt. 
Huic  adsentiuntur  reliqui  consulares  praeter  Servilium,  qui  om- 
nino  reduci  negat  oportere,  et  Volcatium,  qui,  Lupo  referente, 
Pompeio  decernit,  et  Afranium,  qui  adsentitur  Volcatio.  Quae  res 
auget  suspitionem  Pompeii  voluntatis,  animadvertebatur  Pompeir 

10  familiares  adsentiri  Volcatio.  Laboratur  vehementer ;  inclinata 
res  est :  Libonis  et  Hypsaei  non  obscura  concursatio  et  contentio- 


rently  a  decree  providing  that  the  proconsul 
of  Cilicia  should  restore  Ptolemy. 

2.  Quod  .  .  .  possis,  'so  far  as  you  can 
do  it  without  injury  to  the  state.'  On  the 
mood,  cp.  Madv.  364,  Obs.  2,  and  for  the 
abl.  commodo,  Ad  Fam.  4.  2,  4  *quod  tuo 
commodo  fiat.' 

Ut  exercitum  .  .  retineat,  *  so  that 
while  we  do  whhout  an  army,  in  obedience 
to  religious  scruples,  the  senate  should  retain 
you  as  manager  of  the  business.'  For  the 
omission  of  an  adversative  conjunction  be- 
fore '  retineat,'  see  Madv.  437  d,  Obs. 

3.  Legatos,  *  commissioners/  for  the 
restoration  of  Ptolemy. 

4.  Ex  iis  qui  .  .  sint  .  .  sunt.  The 
change  of  mood  is  curious.  In  the  first 
clause  Cicero  probably  intends  to  describe  a 
class,  in  the  second  to  state  a  fact.  '  From 
such  as  may  be  invested  with  "  imperium"  .  . 
from  men  in  a  private  station.*  Wesenb. 
reads  *  sint '  in  both  clauses.  Mr.  J.  E. 
Yonge  follows  Kleyn  in  preferring  '  sunt '  in 
both.  Pompey  was  now  chief  commissioner 
for  supplying  the  capital  with  corn.  Cp.  Ep. 
20,  7,  and  Mommsen  4.  2,  pp.303,  304. 

6.  Servilium.  P.  Servilius  Vatia  Isau- 
ricus  supported  the  government  against  the 
insurrection  of  Saturninus  in  the  year  100 
B.C. ;  was  consul  in  79  B.C.,  and  served  with 
distinction  against  the  pirates.  He  generally 
acted  with  the  optimates,  but  voted  for  the 
Manilian  law.  He  reconciled  Q^  Metellus 
Nepos  to  Cicero  in  57  B.C.,  and  is  often 
mentioned  in  Cicero's  letters.  Cp.  Pro  Rab. 
7,  21 ;  Pro  Leg.  Man.  23,68  ;  Post  Red.  in 
Sen.  10,  25. 

7.  Volcatium.  L.  Volcatius  Tullus,  con- 
sul in  66  B.C.,  is  said  to  have  ititended  to 
refuse  any  votes  which  should  be  offered  for 
Catiline  as  candidate  for  the  consulship.  He 
remained  neutral  in  the  civil  war  between 
Caesar  and  Pompey.     Cp.  Fragm.  Orat.  in 


Tog.  Cand.  11  ;  Ad  Att.  7.  3,  3  ;  9.  10,  7  ; 
9.  19,  2. 

Lupo.  P.  Rutilius  Lupus,  one  of  the 
tribunes  for  this  year,  is  mentioned  Ad  Q^F. 
2.  I,  I.  He  was  praetor  in  49  B.C.,  and  at 
first  supported  Pompey,  but  afterwards  went 
over  to  Caesar.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  1,2. 

Referente.  It  seems  doubtful  if  a  tri- 
bune could  force  a  question  to  a  division  in 
the  senate  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  the 
consuls  or  other  presiding  magistrates.  From 
§  2  of  the  following  letter,  from  Ad  Fam.  10. 
16,  I ;  and  from  Pro  Best.  11,  26;  31,  68; 
32,  70,  we  might  infer  the  affirmative — but 
the  statement  in  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i,  i  seems 
inconsistent  with  such  a  supposition.  The 
last  passage  refers,  however,  to  a  session  in 
which  great  irregularities  were  certainly 
tolerated,  and,  on  the  whole,  the  affirmative 
appears  most  probable.  For  the  date  of  the 
motion  of  Lupus,  cp.  §§  i,  2  of  the  follow- 
ing letter. 

8.  Quae  res.  periphrastic  for  'quod.'  On 
the  relative  referring  to  the  contents  of  a 
sentence,  see  Madv.  315  b,  Zumpt  L.  G.  678. 
With  the  account  here  given  of  Pompey's 
behaviour,  cp.  Cicero's  remarks  in  Ep.  20,  7. 
He  seems  to  have  expected  people  to  divine 
his  thoughts  when  not  expressed,  and  to  have 
been  disappointed  when  they  took  his  words 
literally.     See  below. 

10.  Laboratur  .  .  res  est.  I  am  now, 
having  regard  to  the  word  '  laboraremus  *  at 
the  end  of  the  letter,  inclined  to  agree  with 
Manutius,  who  says  of  laboratur,'  'difficultas 
negotii  non  sine  quadam  animi  sollicitudine 
ostenditur,'  and  of  '  inclinata  res  est'  that 
the  expression  is  used  when  things  •  aliter 
se  habent  ac  volumis.'  Prof.  Nettleship  treats 
both  words  as  military  expressions,  and  would 
I  think  nearly  agree  with  Manutius. 

11.  Libonis.  L.  Scribonius  Libo,  now 
tribune,  and  consul  in  34  b.c,  was  intimate 


V, 


tJ^ 


• 


V) 


EP.  2%.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  /.  2.  167 

omniumque  Pompeii  familiarium  studium  in  eam  opinionem  rem 
adduxerunt,  ut  Pompeius  cupere  videatur ;  cui  qui  nolunt,  idem 
4  tibi,  quod  eum  ornasti,  non  sunt  amici.  Nos  in  causa  auctori- 
tatem  eo  minorem  habemus,  quod  tibi  debemus ;  gratiam  autem 
nostram  exstinguit  hominum  suspitio,  quod  Pompeio  se  gratificari  5 
putant.  Ut  in  rebus  multo  ante,  quam  profectus  es,  ab  ipso  rege 
et  ab  intimis  ac  domesticis  Pompeii  clam  exulceratis,  deinde 
palam  a  consularibus  exagitatis  et  in  summam  invidiam  adductis, 
ita  versamur.  Nostram  fidem  omnes,  amorem  tui  absentis  prae- 
sentes  tui  cognoscent.  Si  esset  in  iis  fides,  in  quibus  summa  esse  10 
debebat,  non  laboraremus. 

22.    To  P.  LENTULUS  SPINTHER  (AD  FAM.  I.    2). 
Rome,  Jan.  15,  56  b.c.  (698  a.u.c.) 

I.  A  dispute  between  Marcellinus  and  Caninius  prevented  the  senate  from  coming 
to  any  decision  on  the  13th,  but  a  speech  of  mine  made  a  great  impression  in  your 
favour.  Next  day  part  of  the  proposal  of  Bibulus  was  approved;  2.  that  of  Hortensius 


W'- 


with  Cicero,  M.  Varro,  and  M.  Brutus,  but 
Cicero  does  not  seem  to  have  thought  well 
of  him.  His  daughter  married  Sextus  Pom- 
peius, and  he  commanded  a  fleet  in  the 
Adriatic  against  Caesar  in  the  civil  war.  He 
is  afterwards  mentioned  as  corresponding 
with  his  son-in-law  Sextus  Pompeius.  Cp. 
Acad.  Post  I.  I,  3;  Ad  Att.  8.  ii  B,  2  ; 
9.  1 1,  4 ;  16.  4,  2  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  16 ; 

Hypsaei.  P.  Plautius  Hypsaeus,  quaestor 
to  Pompey  in  the  Mithridatic  war,  had  pro- 
moted Cicero's  restoration  from  exile.  Cp. 
Pro  Flacco  9;  Ad  Att.  3.  8,  3.  He  was 
subsequently  a  candidate  for  the  consulship 
in  52  B.C. ;  but  was  convicted  of  bribery 
and*  exiled :  cp.  sup.  p.  147 ;  App.  Bell. 
Civ.   2.  24. 

Concursatio.  Forcell  gives  as  an  equi- 
valent for  this  word  'discursio  petendi 
causa,'  '  canvassing.' 

2.  Cui  qui  nolunt, 'and  those  who  do 
not  wish  him  well,'  that  is,  Bibulus  and  his 
friends.  Cp.  above,  §  3.  Forcell.  explains 
•  nolunt  *  by  *  non  favent :  *   cp.  p.  98,  1.  7, 

note. 

3.  Ornasti, 'honoured.'  Cp.  Ep.  20,  4, 
note.  Lentulus  had  proposed  that  Pompey 
should  be  at  the  head  of  a  commission  for 
supplying  corn.     Cp.  Ep.  20,  6  and  7. 

4.  Debemus,  absol.  'are  indebted  to.* 
Cp.  Pro  Plane.  28,  68. 

5.  Suspitio,  'people's  suspicion  that 
Pompey  wants  to   undertake  the  business 


himself.'  Cicero's  influence  would  be  prin- 
cipally with  men  who  would  be  unwilling  to 
offend  Pompey. 

Quod  .  .  .  putant.  I  had  thought  that 
these  words  meant,  '  do  Pompey  a  favour  by 
declining  to  support  me.'  But  Metzger  and 
Mr.  J.  E.  Yonge  understand  the  whole  pas- 
sage as  referring  to  the  unpopularity  of 
Pompey.  *  People  suspect  that  Pompey 
would  be  pleased  if  they  supported  my  pro- 
posal on  your  behalf,  and  therefore  decline 
to  support  it.'  Mr.  Jeans  seems  to  take  the 
same  view. 

6.  Ut  in  rebus  .  .  ita  versamur,  'we 
have  to  deal  with  a  case  embittered  long 
before  your  departure  by  the  king  himself, 
and  by  the  intimate  associates  of  Pompey, 
and  afterwards  thrown  into  confusion 
("openly  opposed,"  J.  E.  Y.)  and  put  in 
an  odious  light  by  men  of  consular  rank.* 
Wiel.  explains  '  exagitatis '  by  *  pushed  on,* 
'hitzig  betrieben;'  Forcell.  by  '  tractatis.* 
With  the  general  structure  of  the  sentence 
Nagelsbach,    156,   440,   compares   us   ovv 

TOIOVTOV   TOV    TTpdyfJUlTOS    OVTOS   OlOV OVTOt 

5^  «pa»  K.T.\.  Cicero  gives  a  slightly  dif- 
ferent account  of  his  conduct  in  this  matter 
to  his  brother  Quintus.  Cp.  Ad  CL  ^-  '^-  a, 
3  ♦  nos  et  officio  erga  Lentulum  mirifice  et 
voluntati  Pompeii  praeclare  satis  fecimus.* 

10.  In  iis.  In  some  of  Pompey's  friends? 
or  in  Bibulus  and  his  associates  ?  Manutius 
says  'videtur  consulares  indicare.*  On  the 
indie. '  debebat,'  cp.  Ep.  4.  i,  note. 


I 


1 68 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  ii. 


■>.\ 


never  went  to  a  division,  owing  to  the  difficulties  interposed  by  Lnpus.  3.  I  spent  the 
evening  with  Pompey ;  nothing  could  sound  fairer  than  his  own  language ;  but  when 
I  hear  what  his  friends  say,  I  suspect  some  underhand  dealing.  4. 1  write  on  January  15  ; 
the  senate  meets  to-day,  and  I  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  maintain  a  good  position  there, 
and  also  to  prevent  any  resolution  unfavourable  to  you  being  legally  taken  by  the 
people.  I  will  write  you  word  how  things  go  on,  and  will  do  my  best  to  secure  that 
they  shall  go  on  well. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  P.  LENTULO  PROCOS. 

Idibus  lanuariis  in  senatu  nihil  est  confectum,  propterea  quod  1 
dies  magna  ex  parte  consumptus  est  altercatione  Lentuli  consulis 
et  Caninii  tribuni  pi.     Eo  die  nos  quoque  multa  verba  fecimus. 
maximeque  visi  sumus  senatum  commemoratione  tuae  voluntatis 

5  erga  ilium  ordinem  permovere.  Itaque  postridie  placuit,  ut  bret- 
viter  sententias  diceremus ;  videbatur  enim  reconciliata  nobis 
voluntas  esse  senatus,  quod  cum  dicendo,  tum  singulis  appellandis 
rogandisque  perspexeram.  Itaque  cum  sententia  prima  Bibuli 
pronuntiata  esset,  ut  tres  legati  regem  reducerent,  secunda  Hor- 

10  tensii,  ut  tu  sine  exercitu  reduceres,  tertia  Volcatii,  ut  Pompeius 
reduceret,  postulatum  est,  ut  Bibuli  sententia  divideretur.  Qua- 
tenus  de  religione'dicebat,  cui  quidem  rei  iam  obsisti  non  poterat, 
Bibulo  adsensum  est ;  de  tribus  legatis  frequentes  ierunt  in  alia 

•in  addressing  and  making  requests  to  indi- 
viduals.'    Cp.  Forcell.  sub  voce. 

8.  Prima  ;  used  adverbially.  Cp.  Madv. 
300  b. 

9.  Pronuntiata  esset,  *  had  been  read 
out  for  discussion.*     Cp.  Forcell. 

II.  Divideretur,  *  should  be  submitted 
in  separate  votes.'  In  this  case  the  questions 
would  be:  (i)  Are  religious  scruples  to  pre- 
vent the  employment  of  an  armed  force? 
and,  (2)  Are  three  commissioners  chosen 
from  men  not  invested  with  *  imperium,'  to 
restore  Ptolemy?  Cp.  Pro  Milon.  6.  14, 
and  Asconius'  note. 

13.  Frequentes  ierunt  in  alia  om- 
nia, '  rejected  the  motion  in  a  full  house,'  or 
perhaps,  '  by  a  large  majority.'  The  pre- 
siding officer  in  submitting  a  motion  to  the 
senate,  used,  according  to  Pliny  (Ep.  8.  14, 
19),  the  following  words,  'qui  haec  sentitis 
in  hanc  partem  ;  qui  alia  omnia,  in  illam 
partem  ite,  qua  sentitis.'  Those  who  were 
in  favour  of  the  motion  went  to  the  side  of 
the  mover  ;  those  who  were  against  it,  to  the 
other  side :  thus  *  in  alia  omnia  ire '  became 
a  technical  expression  for  voting  against  a 
motion.  Cp.  Forcell.  sub  voc.  '  eo'  and 
Festus,  261,  Miiller, 


I.  Confectum,  •  settled.'     Cp.  Ad  Att. 
12.  19,  I  *  tu  .  .  confice  de  columnis,' 

3.  Caninii.  L.  Caninius  Gallus  was 
one  of  the  tribunes  for  this  year.  He  was  a 
friend  of  M.  Varro  and  of  M.  Marius.  Cicero 
pleaded  for  him  in  55  B.C.,  but  does  not  seem 
to  have  approved  his  conduct  as  tribune.  He 
was  praetor  in  53  B.C.,  governed  Achaia,  per- 
haps combined  with  Macedonia,  next  year, 
and  died  in  44  B.C.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  2,  i  ; 
7.  I,  4 ;  Ad  CL  F.  2  2,  3 ;  Ad  Att.  16.  14, 
4.     A.  W.  Zumpt,  C.  E.  2.  201-202. 

Nos  quoque.  Cicero  here  means  him- 
self alone,  but  'diceremus'  in  the  next  clause 
seems  to  refer  to  the  senate  at  large. 

5.  Itaque  .  .  diceremus,  *and  so  next 
day  it  was  resolved  that  our  opinions  should 
be  expressed  briefly.'  This  would  be  in 
favour  of  Lentulus,  whose  friends  desired  a 
speedy  decision.  It  does  not  appear  whether 
a  formal  vote  is  implied  in  placuit. 

6.  Nobis,  *  to  you  and  me.' 

7.  Dicendo,  'during  my  speech.*  Cp. 
Ep.  20,  6,  note.  But  Madvig  (Advers. 
Crit.  II.  233)  thinks  that  the  sense  here  re- 
quires that  *  in  *  should  be  prefixed  to  *  di- 
cendo.' 

Singulis    appellandis    rogandisque, 


4 


i 


\ 


EP.  22.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES I.  2. 


169 


»v 


I 


I 


■■^■ 


h 


2  omnia.  Proxima  erat  Hortensii  sententia,  cum  Lupus,  tribunus 
pi.,  quod  ipse  de  Pompeio  retulisset,  intendere  coepit,  ante  se 
oportere  discessionem  facere  quam  consules.  Eius  orationi  vehe- 
menter  ab  omnibus  reclamatum  est ;  erat  enim  et  iniqua  et  nova. 
Consules  neque  concedebant  neque  valde  repugnabant,  diem  con-  5 
sumi  volebant ;  id  quod  est  factum :  perspiciebant  enim  in 
Hortensii  sententiam  muitis  partibus  plures  ituros,  quamquam 
aperte  Volcatio  adsentirentiH*.  Multi  rogabantur,  atque  id  ipsum 
consulibus  invitis ;   nam  ii  Bibuli  sententiam  valere  cupierunt. 

3  Hac  controversia  usque  ad  noctem  ducta  senatus  dimissus  est.  lo 
Ego  eo  die  casu  apud  Pompeium  cenavi  nactusque  tempus  hoc 
magis  idoneum  quam  umquam  antea,  quod  post  tuum  discessum 

is  dies  honestissimus  nobis  fuerat  in  senatu,  ita  sum  cum  illo 
locutus,  ut  mihi  viderer  animum  hominis  ab  omni  alia  cogitatione 
ad  tuam  dignitatem  tuendam  traducere :  quem  ego  ipsum  cum  15 
audio,  prorsus  eum  libero  omni  suspitione  cupiditatis  ;  cum  autem 
eius  familiares  omnium  ordinum  video,  perspicio,  id  quod  iam 
omnibus  est  apertum,  totam  rem  istam  iam  pridem  a  certis  homi- 


I  M< 


1.  Proxima  erat,  'stood  next  for  dis- 
cussion.' For  its  substance,  see  §  3  of  the 
preceding  letter. 

2.  Quod  ipse  .  .  .  retulisset, '  because 
he  had  himself  opened  a  debate  on  the  ques- 
tion whether  Pompey  should  go.'  Perhaps 
Lupus  had  taken  this  step  towards  the  close 
of  57  B.C.,  after  the  consuls  for  that  year 
had  departed  for  their  provinces,  when  we 
know  that  he  was  active  in  the  senate.  He 
might  on  this  ground  claim  priority  for  the 
motion  of  Volcatius,  as  having  been  first 
brought  before  the  senate.  Cp.  §  3  of  the 
preceding  letter;  Ad  Q,  F.  2.  I,  i.  Ross  in 
his  note  on  the  present  passage  says,  'Lupus 
claimed  the  privilege  of  dividing  the  house 
upon  his  question,  because  he  was  a  magis- 
trate, before  the  consuls  divided  it  upon  that 
of  Hortensius,  who  was  a  private  senator.' 

Intendere  coepit,  *  began  to  maintain 
strongly,'  =  *  contendere.'     Forcell. 

3.  Discessionem  facere,  'to  divide 
the  house,'  said  of  the  presiding  officer.  Cp. 
Philipp.  14.  7,  21. 

4.  Nova,  'unprecedented.' 

5.  Diem  consumi  volebant.  On  the 
constr..  cp.  Madv.  389,  Obs.  4.  The  con- 
suls wished  the  day  to  be  spent  in  a  debate, 
not  concluded  by  a  fresh  division. 

6.  Enim  refers  to  *  volebant.' 

8.  Adsentirentur.  The  conjunctive  is 
used  because  the  words  express  the  view  of 
the  consuls.     Cp.  Madv.  369. 


Rogabantur,  'were  asked  their  opi- 
nion.' 

Id  ipsum  introduces  an  addition  to  the 
previous  proposition,  'and  that  too.'  Cp. 
Madv.  484  c;  Zumpt  L.G,  698-9.  Wesenb. 
inserts  '  non '  before  *  invitis,'  supposing,  I 
presume,  that  the  consuls  were  glad  of  the 
delay  caused  by  the  debate  on  Lupus'  motion. 

9.  Valere  cupierunt,  'were  eager  for 
the  success  of.'  As  part  of  the  motion  of 
Bibulus  had  been  rejected  (sup.  §  i,  note), 
Madvig.  (Advers.  Crit.  11.  233)  thinks  that 
the  sense  here  requires  '  cupierant.'  So,  too, 
Wesenb.  The  powers  of  the  consuls  and 
tribunes  in  controlling  the  debates  of  the 
senate  do  not  seem  to  have  been  accurately 
defined.  See  a  previous  note  on  this  section, 
and  one  on  §  3  of  the  preceding  letter. 

11.  Hoc  magis:  '  hoc '  is  here  the  abla- 
tive, 'so  much  the  more.'  It  corresponds  to 
quod  .  .  fuerat  a  few  lines  below. 

12.  Umquam,  =  *ullum.* 
Discessum,    'your    departure   for   your 

province,'  which  seems  to  have  taken  place 
towards  the  close  of  57  B.C.,  for  Cicero, 
writing  to  his  brother  in  the  December  of 
that  year,  mentions  a  meeting  of  the  senate, 
in  terms  implying  that  no  consuls  were 
present  at  it.     Ad  Q^F.  2.  i,  i. 

16.  Cupiditatis,  '  of  selfish  ambition.* 
18.  Totam   rem  .  .  corruptam,   *that 
the  whole  affair  has  been  ruined  by  certain 
people.'    Cp.  Sail.  lugurth.  64  'res  familiares 


M,  TULLII  CICERONI S 


[part  II. 


170 

nibus,  non  invito  rege  ipso  consiliariisque  eius,  esse  corruptam. 
Haec  scripsi  a.  d.  XVI.  Kal.  Februarias  ante  lucem  :  eo  die  senatus  4 
erat  futurus.     Nos  in  senatu,  quern  ad  modum  spero,  dignitatem 
nostram,  ut  potest  in  tanta  hominum  perfidia  et  iniquitate,  retine- 
5  bimus ;  quod  ad  popularem  rationem  attinet,  hoc  videmur  esse 
'  consecuti,  ut  ne  quid  agi  cum  populo  aut  salvis  auspiciis  aut  salvis 
legibus  aut  denique  sine  vi  posset.     De  his  rebus  pridie,  quam 
haec  scripsi,  senatus  auctoritas  gravissima  intercessit ;  cui  cum 
Cato  et  Caninius  intercessissent,  tamen  est  perscripta :  eam  ad 
10  te  missam  esse  arbitror.     De  ceteris  rebus,  quicquid  erit  actum, 
scribam  ad  te,  et,  ut  quam  rectissime  agatur,  omni  mea  cura, 
opera,  diligentia,  gratia  providebo. 

23.    To  HIS  BROTHER  QUINTUS  (AD  Q.  F.  II.  3). 

Rome,  Feb.  15,  $6  b.c.  (698  a.u.c.) 

I.  The  audiences  to  foreign  envoys  have  been  postponed,  and  C.  Cato  has  proposed 
to  put  an  end  to  the  government  of  Lentulus.  2.  Milo  appeared  on  the  2nd,  and  again 
on  the  7th;  Pompey  wished  to  speak  in  his  defence,  but  the  uproar  raised  by  Clodius 
partisans  drowned  his  voice,  and  a  scene  of  riot  and  confusion  followed.  3.  On  the  9th 
the  senate  passed  a  resolution  censuring  some  of  these  proceedings.  C.  Cato  praised 
me,  while  inveighing  against  Pompey ;  and  the  latter,  in  replying  to  him,  attacked 
Crassus  and  said  he  would  take  care  of  his  own  life.  4.  I  understand  from  Pompey 
that  Crassus  and  others  are  supporting  Clodius  and  C.  Cato  agamst  him.  He  is  pre- 
paring  for  defence,  and  many  people  will  come  from  the  country,  both  to  support  him 
and  to  oppose  C.  Cato's  attacks  upon  Lentulus  and  Milo.  5-  I  have  promised  my 
support  to  Sestius,  who  has  been  indicted  both  for  bribery  and  riot.     The  senate  is 


corruperat.'  76 'praeda  corrupta.'  Cicero  in- 
sinuates that  Pompey  was  playing  an  under- 
hand game  by  means  of  his  friends.  Cp.  §  3 
of  the  previous  letter. 

I.  Consiliariis.     Cp.  Ep.  29,  2. 

3.  Erat,  epistolary  tense,  =  *  est.* 

4.  Ut  potest,  sc.  'fieri,'  *  as  far  as  is 
possible.'     Forcell. 

Perfidia  et  iniquitate.  Is  the  doubt- 
ful policy  of  Pompey's  friends  referred  to  ? 
Cp.  §  4  of  the  preceding  letter,  and  note. 

5.  Popularem  ration.era,  'the  plan  of 
bringing  the  question  before  the  people/ 
entertained  probably  by  Pompey's  adherents. 
Caninius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  was  hostile  to 
Lentulus  (cp.  infr.  §  4 ;  Ep.  26,  3,  note), 
and  C.  Cato  proposed  to  deprive  Lentulus 
of  his  'imperium.'  Ep.  23,  i,  note.  The 
latter,  however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
a  friend  of  Pompey. 

Hoc  videmur  .  .  posset,  'I  think  we 
secured  that  no  measure  should  be  brought 
before  the  people  without  violation  of  the 


laws  or  disregard  of  the  auspices,  nor  even 
without  a  breach  of  the  peace.'  Cicero 
means  that  he  and  his  friends  had  secured 
tribunes  to  veto  any  such  measure,  and  other 
magistrates  to  declare  '  se  servaturos  de 
caelo  '—on  which  p(  wer  cp.  Ep.  10,  2,  note. 
The  tribunes  on  whom  he  most  relied  were, 
apparently,  L.  Racilius,  Cn.  Plancius,  and 
Antistius  Vetus.  Cp.  Ad  Ch  F.  3.  I,  3.  On 
the  pleonastic  use  of  ut  ne,  cp.  Madv. 
372  b;   see  also  p.  51,  2,  note. 

7.  De  his  rebus,  'on  these  points,*  i.e. 
possible  irregular  proceedings  in  the  assembly. 

8.  Auctoritas,  '  a  resolution  of  the 
senate.'  The  term  was  used  when  a  tri- 
bune's veto  had  prevented  a  regular  decree, 
'consultum,'  from  being   passed.     Cp.  Ep. 

26,  4.  , 

Intercessit,  merely 'was  passed.      Cp. 

Ep.  29,  21. 

9.  Cato,  C.  Porcius  Cato.     Cp.  p.  lOl, 

I.  8,  note.  J 

Est  perscripta,  *was  regularly  drawn  up. 


'  \ 


'f:« 


!l 


I 


\ 


EP.  23.]    EPISTCLARUM  AD  QUINT.  FRAT.  IL  3.  171 

trying  to  check  popular  corruption.  6.  On  Feb.  ii,  I  defended  Bestia,  and  took  the 
opportunity  of  saying  something  in  praise  of  Sestius.  7.  Thus  far  I  wrote  on  Feb.  12. 
My  position  is  influential,  and  I  owe  it  in  great  measure  to  your  devotion.  I  have  hired 
you  a  house,  but  hope  your  own  will  be  ready  in  a  few  months.  Good  tenants  have 
taken  that  in  the  Carinae.  I  have  not  had  a  letter  since  that  you  wrote  from  Olbia- 
Be  careful  of  your  health,  and  remember  that  you  are  in  Sardinia. 

MARCUS  QUINTO  FRATRI  SALUTEM. 

1  Scripsi  ad  te  antea  superiora  ;  nunc  cognosce,  postea  quae  sint 
acta :  a  Kal.  Febr.  legationes  in  Idus  Febr.  reiiciebantur ;  eo  die 
res  confecta  non  est.  A.  d.  IIII.  Non.  Febr.  Milo  adfuit ;  ei  Pom- 
peius  advocatus  venit ;  dixit  Marcellus,  a  me  rogatus ;  honeste 
discessimus.  Prodicta  dies  est  in  Vil.  Idus  Febr.  Interim  reiectis  5 
legationibus  in  Idus  referebatur  de  provinciis  quaestorum  et  de 
ornandis  praetoribus ;  sed  res  multis  querelis  de  re  publica  inter- 
ponendis  nulla   transacta  est.      C.  Cato  legem  promulgavit  de 

2  imperio  Lentuli  abrogando :  vestitum  filius  mutavit.     A.  d.  Vll. 


\r 


1.  Superiora,  the  events  of  Dec,  57^-^' 
and  Jan.,  56  b.c.  Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  I ;  2.  2,  and 
Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  i  ;  2. 

2.  Legationes,  '  the  audiences  given  to 
foreign  envoys,  and  discussion  of  their  re- 
quests.' 

Reiiciebantur  =  *  differebantur  *  (For- 
cell.), '  were  put  off.'  The  imperfect  is  used 
to  describe  what  was  actually  passing  on 
that  day.     Cp.  Madv.  337. 

Eo  die,  *  on  the  first  of  February.* 

3.  Res,  'the  question  who  should  restore 
Ptolemy.'     Cp.  Epp.  21;  22. 

Adfuit,  =  'comparuit  in  iudicio'  (For- 
cell.), 'appeared  to  stand  his  trial.*  Cp.  sup. 
p.  136;  and  for  other  notices  of  Milo,  see 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  23;  to  Part  II,  §§  14; 
15  ;  and  to  Part  III,  §  12. 

4.  Advocatus,  *as  a  supporter,' one  who 
aided  by  his  presence  or  by  his  counsel  on 
points  of  law,  differing  from  the  '  patronus ' 
who  pleaded.  Cp.  Forcell.  and  Pseudo 
Ascon.  ad  Div.  in  Caec.  sect.  1 1 . 

Dixit,  'spoke  in  his  defence.*  It  does  not 
appear  to  which  of  the  Marcelli  Cicero  refers. 

Honeste  discessimus,  'we  got  honour- 
ably out  of  the  affair.'  Manutius  thinks  the 
words  mean  '  left  the  place  of  trial  without 
suffering  insult:'  whereas  on  the  next  day  of 
the  court's  sitting  there  was  much  disorder. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  21,  6;  Ad  d.  F.  2.  4,  i.  As 
proceedings  in  a  criminal  trial,  and  not  in  the 
senate,  are  referred  to,  the  technical  meaning 
of  •  discedere '  seems  out  of  place  here. 

5.  Prodicta  dies  est,  'the  trial  was  ad- 
journed.'    Cp.  the  expression  '  diem  dicere/ 


which  is  frequent  in  Livy,  for  giving  notice 
of  a  trial. 

6.  De  provinciis  quaestorum,  'to 
which  provinces  the  quaestors  should  be 
assigned.'  We  read  elsewhere  of  an  allot" 
ment  of  provinces  among  the  quaestors,  but 
perhaps  the  arrangement  depended  very 
much  upon  the  senate.  Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act. 
I.  13,  34;  Pro  Muren.  8.  18;  Philipp.  2. 
20,  50.  According  to  Mommsen  and  Mar- 
quardt  it  is  not  strictly  accurate  to  speak  of 
the  'provinces'  of  the  quaestors  as  they  had 
no  '  imperium.'     Cp.  note  B.  p.  1 20. 

De  ornandis  praetoribus.  '  Provin- 
ciam  ornare '  is  a  more  common  expression, 
meaning,  to  supply  with  the  proper  officers 
and  forces.  The  meaning  appears  to  be  the 
same  as  if  Cicero  had  written  '  de  provinciis 
praetorum  ornandis.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  3.  24,  I 
'  de  consulibus  ornandis.*  The  praetors  seem 
to  have  had  their  provinces  allotted  early  in 
the  year.     Cp.  Ep.  6,  5 ;  Ad  Att.  I.  15,  i. 

7.  Multis  querelis  . .  interponendis, 
*as  many  complaints  on  the  position  of 
affairs  intervened  :  *  abl.  caus. 

8.  Legem  promulgavit ..  abrogando, 
'  gav  e  notice  of  a  proposal  to  put  an  end  to 
the  command  of  Lentulus.'  This  proposal 
is  called  '  nefaria  Catonis  promulgatio '  Ad 
Fam.  I.  5  a,  2.  The  consul  MarcelHnus  in- 
terposed to  prevent  its  being  carried  out. 

9.  Lentuli.  So  the  MS.  Baiter  sub- 
stitutes Lentulo.  The  dative  of  the  person 
is  certainly  more  common  after  '  abrogare,* 
but  cp.  Livy  22.  25. 

Filius.      His    namesake,    P.    Lentulus 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


I 


Id.  Febr.  Milo  adfuit ;  dixit  Pompeius,  sive  voluit :  nam,  ut  sur- 
rexit,  operae  Clodianae  clamorem  sustulerunt,  idque  ei  perpetua 
oratione  contigit,  non  modo  ut  adclamatione,  sed  ut  convitio  et 
maledictis  impediretur.     Qui  ut  peroravit^nam  in  eo  sane  fortis 

5  fuit,  non  est  deterritus,  dixit  omnia  atque  interdum  etiam  silentio, 
cum  auctoritate  t  peregerat^,  sed  ut  peroravit,  surrexit  Clodius  : 
ei  tantus  clamor  a  nostris— placuerat  enim  referre  gratiam— ,  ut 
neque  mente  nee  lingua  neque  ore  consisteret.  Ea  res  acta  est, 
cum  hora  sexta  vix  Pompeius  perorasset,  usque  ad  horam^  VIII., 

lo  cum  omnia  maledicta,  versus  denique  obscenissimi  in  Clodium  et 
Clodiam  dicerentur.  Ille  furens  et  exsangui^mterrogabat  suos  m 
clamore  ipso,  quis  esset,  qui  plebem  fame  necaret.  Respondebant 
operae  :  '  Pompeius.'  Quis  Alexandriam  ire  cuperet.  Responde- 
bant: ^Pompeius.'  Quem  ire  vellent.   Respondebant:  ^  Crassum.^ 

15  Is  aderat  tum,  Miloni  animo  non  amico.  Hora  fere  nona  quasi 
signo  dato  Clodiani  nostros  consputare  coeperunt :  exarsit  dolor. 
Urgere  illi,  ut  loco  nos  moverent ;  factus  est  a  nostris  impetus ; 
fuga  operarum ;  eiectus  de  rostris  Clodius ;  ac  nos  quoque  tum 


Spinther,  who  was  augur  in  57  B.C.,  and 
after  Caesar's  murder  supported  the  party  of 
Brutus  and  Cassius.  Cp.  Pro  Sest.  69,  144; 
Ad  Fam.  12.  14;  12.  15.  He  is  said  by 
Dion  Cassius  (39,  17)  to  have  been  adopted 
by  a  Torquatus.     Manut. 

Mutavit  :    i.e.  as  a  sign  of  mourning. 

Manut. 

1.  Sive    voluit,  'or  rather,  wished   to 
speak.'       On  the  ellipse,   cp.    Madv.  478, 

Obs.  3. 

2.  Operae  Clodianae,  'the  hired  par- 
tisans of  Clodius.'     See  Ep.  6.  3,  note. 

Perpetua  oratione,  '  during  his  whole 
speech;     Cp.  Madv.  276,  Obs.  2. 

3.  Non  modo  ut.  On  the  position  of 
*  ut,'  cp.  Madv.  465  b,  Obs.  ^ 

Adclamatione,  'outcry.'  Cp.  Ad  Q.  F. 
2.  1,2,  where  the  words  ♦  maxima  adclama- 
tione senatus'  are  used  of  the  reception  given 
to  an  unpopular  motion. 

4.  Peroravit,   'concluded  his    speech.' 

Forcell.  ^ 

5.  Dixit.,  peregerat,  either 'dixit    or 

'peregerat'  seems  superfluous.  Lambinus 
would  insert  'semper*  before  'peregerat,' 
which  does  not  mend  the  construction,  but 
makes  the  sense  plainer. 

Silentio, '  without  interruption.* 

6.  Sed  ut,  resumptive,  'when,  I^say.* 

7.  A  nostris,  •  by  c^r  partisans.' 


Referre  gratiam,  iron,  'to  return  his 
favours,'  '  to  pay  him  out.'  Cp.  De  Amic. 
15,  53. 

lit  neque  . .  consisteret.  *  that  he  was 
master  neither  of  his  senses,  his  voice,  nor 
his  countenance.' 

8.  Ea  res  acta  est,  'that  scene  lasted.'^ 

9.  Ad  horam  vm, '  till  nearly  two  o'clock.* 
See  Ep.  loi,  2,  note. 

10.  Cum  omnia  .  .  dicerentur.  On 
the  mood,  cp.  Madv.  358,  Obs.  3. 

11.  Clodiam:  cp.  Epp.  5,  6,  note ;  9,5; 

29.15- 

Exsanguis,  'pale. 

In  clamore^lpso, 'in  the  midst  of  the 
outcries  against  him.' 

12.  Fame  necaret,  i.e.  by  keeping  back 
supplies  of  corn^  or  by  neglecting  his  duties 
as  commissioner  for  supplying  it.  Cp.  Ep. 
20,  6-7,  note  5. 

16.  Consputare.  This  word  seems  only 
to  be  found  here. 

18.  Fuga  operarum,  so. 'facta  est.*   Cp. 

Madv.  479  d. 

De  rostris.  It  would  seem  then  that  the 
forum  had  been  the  scene  of  the  previous 
occurrences.  Cp.  infr.  §  6  ;  sup.  p.  136;  and 
Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  2.  503,  who  thinks  that 
Clodius,  as  aedile,  prosecuted  Milo  before 
the  comitia  tributa. 


V 


^»l 


EP.23.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT.  FRAT.    IL  j,.        173 

fugimus,  ne  quid  in  turba.  Senatus  vocatus  in  curiam  ;  Pompeius 
domum :  neque  ego  tamen  in  senatum,  ne  aut  de  tantis  rebus 
tacerem  aut  in  Pompeio  defendendo — nam  is  carpebatur  a  Bibulo, 
Curione,  Favonio,  Servilio  filio — animos  bonorum  virorum  ofifen- 
derem.  Res  in  posterum  dilata  est ;  Clodius  in  Quirinalia  pro-  5 
3  dixit  diem.  A.  d.  VI.  Id.  Febr.  senatus  ad  Apollinis  fuit,  ut 
Pompeius  adesset.  Acta  res  est  graviter  a  Pompeio.  Eo  die 
nihil  perfectum  est.  A.  d.  v.  Id.  Febr.  ad  Apollinis  senatus  con- 
sultum  factum  est,  ea,  quae  facta  essent  a.  d.  vi.  Id.  Febr.,  contra 
rem  publicam  esse  facta.  Eo  die  Cato  vehementer  est  in  Pom-  10 
peium  invectus  et  eum  oratione  perpetua  tamquam  reum  ac- 
cusavit ;  de  me  multa  me  invito  cum  mea  summa  laude  dixit : 
cum  illius  in  me  perfidiam  increparet,  auditus  est  magno  silentio 
malevolorum.  Respondit  ei  vehementer  Pompeius  Crassumque 
descripsit,  dixitque  aperte  se  munitiorem  ad  custodiendam  vitam  15 


I.  Ne  quid  in  turba,  sc.  '  pateremur.* 
Pompeius  domum,  sc.'ivit.'  Cp.Madv. 

479  d. 

3.  Carpebatur,  'was  attacked,  pro- 
bably for  his  inconsistency  in  having  formerly 
patronized  Clodius,  and  for  his  ambition  and 
dissimulation.     Cp.  Ep.  22,  3,  note. 

4.  Bonorum  virorum,  'of  the  opti- 
mates.*     Cp.  Ep.  6,  3. 

5.  Res,  'the  discussion  of  these  outrages 
in  the  senate.* 

Quirinalia,  a  festival  in  honour  of  the 
deified  Romulus,  celebrated  on  Feb.  17. 
Prodixit  diem  :  see  note  on  §  i. 

6.  Ad  Apollinis.  This  temple  of  Apollo 
was  built  in  430  B.C.,  and  stood  near  the  Cir- 
cus Flaminius  and  Forum  Olitorium  (cp.  Livy, 
4.  29;  Smith,  Diet. 'of  Geogr.  2,  833),  and 
may  have  been  near  Pompey's  house  also. 
As  it  was  outside  the  walls,  Pompey  could 
attend  a  meeting  there  without  laying  down 
his  military  '  imperium ;  *  but  he  had  en- 
tered the  city  to  speak  on  behalf  of  Milo  in 
the  forum  (sup.  §  2),  and  did  so  after- 
wards to  bear  testimony  on  behalf  of  Sestius 
(cp.  Ep.  29,  7) ;  it  seems  probable  therefore 
tiiat  the  senate  was  now  convoked  outside 
the  walls  because  Pompey  was  anxious  that 
the  senate  should  meet  near  a  house  which 
he  had  lately  built  for  himself  in  the  Campus 
Martius,  and  was  reluctant  to  enter  the 
*  urbs '  on  account  of  the  prevailing  disorder. 
Cp.  Manutius  ad  loc  ;  on  the  general  consti- 
tutional question  involved.  Notes,  E.  p.  123; 
and  F. ;  Epp.  5,  4,  note;  35,  l,  note; 
44,  4,  note;    and  as  to  Pompey's  house, 


Plut.  Pomp.  40,  and  Long's  note ;  Smith 
Diet,  of  Geogr.  2.  834,  Roma  ;  Becker  and 
Marquardt,  i,  616,  note  1302.  Manutius 
thinks  that  Pompey  was  '  legibus  solutus ' 
released  from  ordinary  restrictions.  See  his 
note  on  Ad  Fam.  8.  4.  4. 

7.  Acta  res  .  .  a  Pompeio,  'Pompey 
spoke  with  weight.* 

9.  Ea,  quae  facta  essent:  cp.  §  2  of 
this  letter.  But  we  should  expect  '  vii.  Id.' 
here,  having  no  notice  of  any  disturbances  as 
having  taken  place  on  '  vi.  Id.* 

Contra  rem  publicam  facta  esse. 
The  usual  form  adopted  by  the  senate  in 
censuring  any  proceedings  as  seditious  or 
treasonable. 

10.  Cato.  Apparently  C.  Cato,  now  tri- 
bune.    Cp.  Drumann  5.  204. 

13.  Cum  .  .  increparet:  cp.  §  2,  note. 

Illius,  'of  Pompey,'  who  had  betrayed 
Cicero  to  Clodius  in  58  b  c. 

Magno  silentio  malevolorum, 'amid 
deep  silence  on  the  part  of  my  ill-wishers.* 
Cp.  on  the  ablat.,  Madv.  257.  Those  who 
wished  to  estrange  Pompey  from  Cicero 
would  naturally  abstain  from  interrupting 
a  speech  which  seemed  likely  to  serve  their 
ends. 

15.  Descripsit,  *gave  a  description  of 
without  naming,*  *  alluded  to.'     Nagelsbach 

137»  397. 

Munitiorem, 'better  secured,  or  'pro- 
vided.' Forcell.  gives  '  firmatus/  '  armatus,* 
among  synonymes.  On  the  addition  of 
fuisset  to  mark  difference  of  time,  cp. 
Madv.  303  b,  Obs.  3. 


) 


174 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


suam  fore,  quam  Africanus  fuisset,  quem  C.  Carbo  interemisset. 
Itaque  magnae  mihi  res  iam  moveri  videbantur :  nam  Pompeius  4 
haec  intellegit  nobiscumque  communicat,  insidias  vitae  suae  fieri, 
C.  Catonem  a  Crasso  sustentari,  Clodio  pecuniam  suppeditari, 

5  utrumque  et  ab  eo  et  a  Curione,  Bibulo  ceterisque  suis  obtrecta- 
toribus  confirmari,  vehementer  esse  providendum  ne  opprimatur 
contionario  illo  populo  a  se  prope  alienate,  nobilitate  inimica, 
non  aequo  senatu,  iuventute  improba.  Itaque  se  comparat,  ho- 
mines ex  agris  arcessit ;  operas  autem  suas  Clodius  confirmat : 

lo  manus  ad  Quirinalia  paratur ;  in  eo  multo  sumus  superiores  ipsius 
copiis;   et   magna  manus  ex  Piceno  et  Gallia  exspectatur,  ut 
etiam   Catonis  rogationibus  de  Milone  et   Lentulo  resistamus. 
A.  d.  nil.  Idus  Febr.  Sestius  ab  indice  Cn.  Nerio  Pupinia  ambitus  5 
est  postulatus  et  eodem  die  a  quodam  M.  Tullio  de  vi.     Is  erat 

15  aeger :  domum,  ut  debuimus,  ad  eum  statim  venimus  eique  nos 
totos  tradidimus,  idque  fecimus  praeter  hominum  opinionem,  qui 


1.  Africanus,  the  younger.  Cp.  Ep.  3, 
3,  note.  He  was  son  of  L.  Aemilius  Paulus, 
the  conqueror  of  Pydna,  and  was  adopted 
by  a  son  of  the  elder  Africanus.  For  an  ac- 
count of  his  death,  cp.  Mommsen  3.  pp.  104, 

105- 

C.  Papirius  Carbo  was  tribune  m  131 

B.c ,  and  succeeded  Ti.  Gracchus  as  one  of 

the  leaders  of  the   popular  party.  He  is 

often  mentioned  by  Cicero. 

Interemisset,  orat.    obi.     Cp.  Madv. 

369. 

2.  Videbantur  is,  I  think,  the  epistolary 

imperfect. 

3.  Haec:  pleonastic,  referring  to  what 
follows.  Cp.  Madv.  485  b,Zumpt  L.G.  744. 

5.  Ab  eo,  sc  Crasso. 

A  Curione,  by  the  elder  Curio,  whom 
Cicero  had  denounced  in  61  b.c.  for  sup- 
porting Clodius.     Cp.  Ep.  7,  5,  note. 

6.  Confirmari, 'are  being  encouraged.' 

Forcell. 

Ne  opprimatur,  sc.  Pompeius. 

7.  Contionario,  'frequenting  the  as- 
sembHes.'  The  word  seems  not  to  occur 
elsewhere,  but  cp.  Ep.  8,  li,  ♦contionalis 
hirudo  aerarii.' 

8.  Iuventute  improba,  'while  the 
young  are  so  reckless.'  See  Merivale  I. 
pp.  97,  98,  and  the  references  there  given. 

Se  comparat:  a  rare  expression,  with- 
out mention  of  the  object  for  which  pre- 
parations are  made.  ♦  Copias  comparare '  is 
more  common. 

9.  Ex  agris.  Especially  from  Picenum, 
which  was  devoted  to  Pompey.    See  below. 


Confirmat,  'is  increasing/ 

10.  In  eo,  '  as  regards  that  affair,'  the 
trial  of  Milo. 

Ipsius,  sc.  Clodii.  Cicero  seems  to  mean 
that  he  and  Pompey  could  oppose  Clodius 
successfully,  without  any  unusual  exertions, 
but  that  to  oppose  C.  Cato  it  was  desirable 
to  summon  some  of  the  country  people  to 
Rome. 

11.  Et.  Wesenb.  has  *sed,'  which  is  also 
the  reading  of  the  best  MS. 

Gallia,  Cispadana  probably.     Cp.  Ep.  1, 

2,  note.  Cicero  perhaps  means  to  include 
in  it  the  *  ager  Gallicus '  between  Ancona 
and  the  Rubicon,  which  is  often  mentioned 
in  connection  with  Picenum.     Cp.  In  Cat.  2. 

3,  5;  DeSenect.  4,  11;  Livy  23. 14;  Polyb. 
2.  21. 

12.  Rogationibus.  That  about  Milo 
seems  to  be  only  mentioned  here ;  that 
about  Lentulus  has  been  mentioned  in  §  i 
of  this  letter. 

13.  Sestius.  P.  Sestius,  tribune  for 
58-57  B.C.,  had  been  most  active  in  pro- 
moting Cicero's  restoration  from  exile,  and 
Cicero  afterwards  defended  him.  Cp.  §  i  of 
the  following  letter,  and  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  2. 

Indice,  'the informer.'  Cp.Ep.  13, 2,note. 

Pupinia,  *  of  the  Pupinian  tribe.'  It  was 
one  of  the  16  or  17  original  'tribus  rusticae.' 
On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Madv.  275,  Obs.  3. 

14.  Postulatus.     Cp.  Ep.  35,  I,  note. 
M .  Tullio  Albinovano.    Cp.  In  Vat.  1 ,  3. 
Is,  Sestius. 

15.  Ei . .  nos  totos  tradidimus,  'placed 
my  services  altogether  at  his  disposal.' 


V 


i 


te 


ci 


EP.  23.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT.  FRAT.   II.  ^.         175 

nos  ei  iure  succensere  putabant,  ut  humanissimi  gratissimique  et 
ipsi  et  omnibus  videremur,  itaque  faciemus.  Sed  idem  Nerius 
index  edidit  ad  adligatos  Cn.  Lentulum  Vatiam  et  C.  Corne- 
lium :  t  ista  ei.  Eodem  die  senatus  consultum  factum  est,  ut 
sodalitates  decuriatique  discederent,  lexque  de  iis  ferretur,  ut,  5 
qui    non    discessissent,   ea   poena,   quae   est   de    vi,  tenerentur. 

6  A.  d.  III.  Idus  P'ebr.  dixi  pro  Bestia  de  ambitu  apud  praetorem 
Cn.  Domitium  in  foro  medio,  maximo  conventu,  incidique  in 
eum  locum  in  dicendo,  cum  Sestius  multis  in  templo  Castoris 
volneribus  acceptis  subsidio  Bestiae  servatus  esset.  Hie  Trpow/co-  10 
voixr](Tonxr]v  quiddam  cvKatpo)?  de  iis,  quae  in  Sestium  adparabantur 
crimina,  et  eum  ornavi  veris  laudibus,  magno  adsensu  omnium. 
Res  homini  fuit  vehementer  grata :  quae  tibi  eo  scribo,  quod  me 
de  retinenda  Sestii  gratia  litteris  saepe  monuisti. 

7  Pridie  Idus  Febr.  haec  scripsi  ante  lucem ;  eo  die  apud  Pom-  15 


1.  lure  succensere.  Perhaps  Sestius 
had  shown  some  of  his  ill-temper  (see  §  I  of 
the  following  letter)  in  his  behaviour  to 
Cicero.  Or  perhaps  Cicero  thought  that  he, 
like  the  consuls  for  57  b.c,  had  been  luke- 
warm (cp.  sup.  p  134)  in  securing  him  re- 
imbursement for  his  losses. 

Ut  .  .  videremur.  The  conjunctive  here 
expresses  consequence  rather  than  design, 
and  depends  on  '  fecimus  praeter  opinionem.* 
Cp.  Madv.  355. 

2.  Itaque  faciemus,  ' and  so  will  I  be- 
have myself.'  '  I  will  do  as  I  said '  (Manut.). 
For  •  itaque,'  meaning  not  '  therefore,'  but 
'and  so,'  cp.  Pro  Cluent.  19,  51  ;  Pro  Reg. 
Deiot.  7,  19. 

3.  Ad  adligatos,  'in  addition  to  the 
other  accused.'  Metzg.  'Ad'  seems  rarely 
to  have  quite  this  sense  in  Cicero's  writings  : 
cp.  however,  in  Vat.  8,  20 :  also  Livy  24. 
45.  For  this  sense  of  'adligati,*  cp.  Pro 
Cluentio  13,  39,  and  Prof.  Ramsay's  note, 
i '  '  adlegatos*  be  read,  it  may  mean  *  to  the 
'kv)uties  appointed  to  receive  informations.' 
K<  icell.    Wesenb.  sug2:ests  *  edidit  alligatos,' 

rted  as  implicated.' 

Ca.  Lentulus  Vatia  seems  not  to  be 
memioned  elsewhere. 

'"  Cornelius  was  tribune  in  68-67  B.C. 
Lou^ht  in  bills  for  removing  abuses  in 
tb«  procedure  of  the  senate  and  of  the  prae- 
tors' courts,  which  were  carried,  and  others 
which  were  not.  Thus  he  incurred  the 
.enmity'  of  the  optimates,  was  accused  in 
65  B.C.,  and  defended  by  Cicero.  Cp.  Ascon. 
iu  Cornel,  93. 

4.  ista  ei.  Orell.  suggests  'itaque  rei 
facd  sun  I.* 


5.  Sodalitates,  clubs  formed  for  influ- 
encing elections,  probably.  Cp.  Qi  Cic.  de 
Pet.  Cons.  5.  19;  Pro  Plancio  18;  19;  De 
Senect.  13.  45  ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  317.  They 
were  originally  religious  or  social  clubs.  Cp. 
p.  105,  note  on  I.  17,  on  collegia. 

Decuriati.  Men  organized — perhaps  in 
companies  of  ten — for  corruption  and  inti- 
midation. Cp.Pro  Sest.  15, 34 ;  Pro  Plancio 
18. 

Discederent,  sc.  'de  campo.'     Billerb. 

6.  Tenerentur,    =    '  obnoxii    essent,* 

*  should  be  liable  to  the  penalties  of.'   Forcell. 

7.  Bestia.  L.  Calpurnius  Bestia  is  men- 
tioned, Philipp.  II,  5,  II. 

8.  Cn.  Domitium.  Cn.  Domitius  Cal- 
vinus  was  consul  53  b.c.  He  commanded 
one  wing  of  Caesar's  army  at  Pharsalus,  and 
was  afterwards,  at  the  head  of  a  rather  mis- 
cellaneous army,  defeated  by  Pharnaces.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Parts  III,  §11;  IV,  §  3,  and  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  89. 

Maximo  conventu, 'amid  a  great  con- 
course.' On  the  abl.,  cp.  §  3  of  this  letter, 
and  note. 

Incidique  in  eum  .  .  cum,  'I  came  in 
my  speech  to  the  topic  of  Sestius'  escape.* 
'  Cum '  =  •  quod.'  Cp.  De  Fni.  3.  2,  9.  The 
aflfair  to  which  Cicero  refers  took  place  on 
Jan.  23,  57  B.C.     See  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  23. 

10.  irpoqfKovofxrjad/jirjv,  not  a  classical 
word.  The  sense  seems  to  require  '  dealt 
with   beforehand;'    or    as    Manutius   says, 

•  tanquam  bonus  causae  Sestianae  gubemator 
praemunivi  quiddam  opportune.' 

15.  Haec,  'thus  far.'  The  postscript  ap- 
pears to  begin  with  'cetera  sunt.*  But 
Wesenb.  thinks  that  all  the   passage  from 


176 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II.  S 


ponium  in  eius  nuptiis  eram  cenaturus.  Cetera  sunt  in  rebus 
nostris  huius  modi,  ut  tu  mihi  fere  diffidenti  praedicabas,  plena 
dignitatis  et  gratiae ;  quae  quidem  tua,  mi  frater,  patientia,  vir- 
tute,  pietate,  suavitate  etiam,  tibi  mihique  sunt  restituta.   Domus 

5  tibi  ad  lucum  Pisonis  Luciniana  conducta  est ;  sed,  ut  spero, 
paucis  mensibus  post  K.  Quintiles  in  tuam  commigrabis.  Tuam 
in  Carinis  mundi  habitatores  Lamiae  conduxerunt.  A  te  post 
illam  Olbiensem  epistolam  nullas  litteras  accepi.  Quid  agas  et  ut 
te  oblectes,  scire  cupio  maximeque  te  ipsum  videre  quam  primum. 

10  Cura,  mi  frater,  ut  valeas  et,  quamquam  est  hiems,  tamen  Sardi- 
niam  istam  esse  cogites.    XV.  K.  Martias. 

24.    To  HIS  BROTHER  QUINTUS  (AD  O.  F.  II.    4). 
Rome,  March,  56  b.c.  (698  a.u.c.) 

I.  Sestius  has  been  unanimously  acquitted,  and  during  the  trial  I  inveighed  bitteriy 
against  his  enemy  Vatinius,  amid  general  applause.  I  think  Sestius  must  be  quite 
satisfied  with  me.  2.  Your  son  Quintus  is  pursuing  his  studies,  as  well  as  I. could 
wish,  under  Tyrannio.  I  hope  I  have  formed  a  satisfactory  engagement  for  TuUia 
withCrassipes.  The '  feriae  Latinae'  are  at  an  end,  but  to-day  and  to-morrow  are 
still  considered  holidays. 


'Pridie*  to  'cogites*  was  written  on  the 
12th,  and  that  Cicero  did  not  find  a  mes- 
senger till  the  14th. 

Pomponium.  Atticus  should  properly 
have  been  called  Caecilius  now.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  3.  20.  He  married  Pilia,  who  is  not 
unfrequently  referred   to  in  Cicero's   later 

letters. 

I.  Cetera  sunt  ..  praedicabas,  *  my 
position  in  all  particulars  not  here  referred 
to  is  one  of  the  same  dignity  and  influence 
(huiusmodi)  as  you  often  told  me  it  would 
be  when  1  was  inclined  to  distrust  your 
statements.'  Cp.  Zumpt.  531,  L.  G.,  note. 
*  Huiusmodi '  refers  to  the  account  given  of 
his  position  earUer  in  the  letter.    Cp.  Madv. 

485. 

4.  Suavitate  etiam.  *  Etiam  expresses 
surprise;  Quintus  was  naturally  harsh  and 
passionate.  The  good  qualities  here  praised 
were  probably  shown  in  negotiations  with 
various  political  leaders  for  his  brother's 
recall  from  exile. 

Domus  .  .  conducta  est.  The  house 
of  Q.  Cicero  on  the  Palatine  was  now  being 
rebuilt.     Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  2,  2 ;   2.  4,  2. 

5.  Ad  lucum  Pisonis, 'near  the  plea- 
sure grounds  (?)  of  Piso.'  It  does  not  appear 
who  the  Piso  was  who  gave  his  name  to  the 


spot,  nor  can  I  discover  the  meaning  of  Luci- 
niana, for  which  Lucceiana  and  Liciniana 
have  been  suggested  as  emendations. 

6.  Paucis  mensibus.  It  does  not  ap- 
pear whether  these  months  were  calculated 
from  the  date  of  the  letter,  or  from  July  I, 
which  seems  to  have  been  an  usual  term  for 
house-letting.  Cp.  Suet.  Tib.  35.  Perhaps 
Baiter's  punctuation  is  in  favour  of  the  latter 
date,  and  so  are  the  words  '  ante  hiemem '  in 
§  2  of  the  next  letter. 

In  tuam,  'to  your  own  on  the  Palatine/ 
cp.  ep.  24,  2. 

7.  In  Carinis.  The  Carinae  was  one 
of  the  finest  situations  in  Rome,  on  the  slope 
of  the  Esquiline. 

Mundi  habitatores  Lamiae,  respect- 
able tenants  of  the  family  of  the  Lamiae.* 

8.  Olbiensem,  'fromOlbia'  in  Sardinia. 
This  place  was  situated  on  the  east  coast  of 
the  island,  not  far  from  its  north-east  corne  , 
and  had  a  good  harbour.  It  is  now  ca'ied 
Terranova. 

10.  Quamquam  .  .  cogites,  'though  it 
is  winter,  and  therefore  the  least  dar.gerous 
season,  remember  that  your  (istam)  resi- 
dence is  in  Sardinia,'  a  notoriously  unhealthy 
island. 


'.-^ 


^<. 


w 


I 


} 


v! 


EP.  24.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  QUINT,  FRAT.    //.  4.  l^f 

MARCUS  QUINTO  FRATRI  SALUTEM. 

1  Sestius  noster  absolutus  est  a.  d.  V.  Idus  Martias,  et,  quod 
vehementer  interfuit  rei  publicae,  nullam  videri  in  eius  modi 
causa  dissensionem  esse,  omnibus  sententiis  absolutus  est.  Illud, 
quod  tibi  curae  saepe  esse  intellexeram,  ne  cui  iniquo  relin- 
queremus  vituperandi  locum,  qui  nos  ingratos  esse  diceret,  nisi  5 
illius  perversitatem  quibusdam  in  rebus  quam  humanissime  ferre- 
mus,  scito  hoc  nos  in  eo  iudicio  consecutos  esse,  ut  omnium 
gratissimi  iudicaremur ;  nam  defendendo  moroso  homini  cumu- 
latissime  satis  fecimus,  et,  id  quod  ille  maxime  cupiebat,  Vati- 
nium,  a  quo  palam  oppugnabatur,  arbitratu  nostro  concidimus  10 
dis  hominibusque  plaudentibus.  Quin  etiam  Paulus  noster  cum 
testis  productus  esset  in  Sestium,  confirmavit  se  nomen  Vatinif 
delaturum,  si  Macer  Licinius  cunctaretur,  et  Macer  ab  Sestii 
subselliis  surrexit  ac  se  illi  non  defuturum  adfirmavit.  Quid 
quaeris?  homo  petulans  et  audax  [Vatinius]  valde  perturbatus  15 

2  debilitatusque  discessit.     Quintus  tuus,   puer  optimus,  eruditur 
egregie :  hoc  nunc  magis  animum  adverto,  quod  Tyrannio  docet 


I.  Q.uod  refers  to  the  following  sentence, 
nullam  .  .  esse.  Cp.  Madv.  449,  last 
example. 

3.  Dissensionem,  '  difference  of  opinion 
among  the  judges.' 

I  Hud  refers  to  the  sentence  ne  cui  .  . 
locum. 

4,  Ne  cui  .  .  ferremus, 'lest  I  should 
leave  ill-natured  people  an  opportunity  of 
blaming  me  as  ungrateful,  unless  in  some 
things  I  put  up  with  Sestius'  perversity  as 
good  humouredly  as  possible.' 

8.  Defendendo,  '  in  my  defence  of  him.* 
Cp.  Ep.  20,  6,  note. 

Moroso:  •  morosus '  =  Sutr/foAos  (For- 
cell.),  '  peevish,'  *  cross-grained.* 

Cumulatissime,  *most  abundantly.' 
The  word  recurs  in  the  same  sense,  Ad  Fani. 
10.  29. 

9.  Ille,  Sestius. 

Vatinium.  P.  Vatinius  appeared  as  a 
witness  against  Sestius,  and  Cicero  took 
advantage  of  his  appearance  to  attack  him 
in  an  invective,  which  takes  its  place  among 
Cicero's  speeches  as  the  '  Interrogatio  in 
P.  Vatinium  testem.'     Cp.  Intr,  to  Part  II, 

§2. 

10.  Arbitratu    nostro,  'as  one  could 

wish.' 

Concidimus.  Forcgll.  explains  'conci- 
dere '  as  =  *  evertere.* 


II.  Paulus.    L.  Aemilius,  consul  50  B.C. 

13.  Licinius  Macer  seems  to  be  only 
mentioned  here. 

Ab  Sestii  subselliis, 'from  the  benches 
where  the  friends  of  Sestius  were  seated.* 
Billerb.  Cp.  Ep.  34,  i,  note  ;  Pro  Cluent. 
19,  54  ;  24,  65. 

14.  Illi  non  defuturum, 'would satisfy 
the  wishes  of  Paulus.' 

16.  Discessit,  'left  the  court,*  or  'got 
out  of  the  affair.'  Cp.  §  i  of  the  preceding 
letter. 

Quintus  tuus.  The  younger  Q.Cicero, 
a  youth  of  good  abilities,  but  passionate  and 
changeable.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  2,  2  ;  10.  4,  5 
and  6. 

17.  Tyrannio.  Usually  identified  with 
a  teacher  of  Amisus  named  Theophrastus, 
and  surnamed  Tyrannio  for  his  overbearing 
demeanour  to  his  fellow  pupils  :  cp.  Suidas 
(Gaisford,  3639) ;  Smith,  Diet,  of  Biogr* 
3.  1196;  Strab.  12.  3,  17;  13.  I,  54.  He 
was  brought  prisoner  to  Rome  by  L.  Lucul- 
lus,  where  he  taught  in  noble  families,  and 
became  rich.  He  is  often  mentioned  ia 
Cicero's  letters  to  Atticus.  According  to 
Suidas,  as  corrected  by  Kuster,  be  died  in 
58  B.C.,  but  Clinton,  Fasti  Hell.  Ill  on  71 
B.C.,  p.  165,  and  on  58  B.C.,  p.  185  ha$ 
pointed  out  that  the  one  htre  mentioned 
probably  lived  till  46  B.C. 


N 


•    1 


I 


178 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


apud  me.  Domus  utriusque  nostrum  aedificatur  strenue.  Re- 
demptori  tuo  dimidium  pecuniae  curavi.  Spero  nos  ante  hiemem 
contubernales  fore.  De  nostra  Tullia,  tui  mehercule  amantissima, 
spero  cum  Crassipede  nos  confecisse.  Dies  erant  duo,  qui  post 
5  Latinas  habentur  religiosi ;  ceterum  confectum  Latiar  erat. 

25.     To    ATTICUS    (AD   ATT.  IV.  5). 
Near  Antium,  April  (?),  56  b.c.  (698  a.u.c.) 

I.  Do  not  suppose  I  value  any  one's  criticism  more  than  yours.  If  you  must  know 
why  I  did  not  send  you  my  recantation,  I  was  rather  ashamed  of  it,  but  the  perfidy  of 
iry  political  associates  left  me  no  choice.  2.  You  advised  me  to  take  my  present 
course,  and  I  wish  by  this  open  avowal  to  pledge  myself  for  the  future.  The  jealousy 
of  the  leaders  of  the  optimates,  and  their  evident  exultation  over  any  misunderstanding 
between  Pompey  and  me,  really  absolves  me  from  any  further  obligation  to  them.  I 
will  choose  more  powerful  protectors  in  future.  3.  You  will  say, '  I  wish  you  had  done 
so  long  ago/  I  acknowledge  my  folly.  Tullia's  dowry  exhausts  money  I  might  have 
spent  on  travelling.  I  hope  to  visit  you  soon.  Your  slaves  have  made  themselves 
useful  in  my  library. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Ain  tu?  an  me  existim^s  ab  ullo  malle  mea  legi  probanque  1 
quam  a  te.?    Cur  igitur  cuiquam  misi  prius.J^    Urgebar  ab  eo,  ad 


1.  Domus.  The  houses  of  both  brothers 
Were,  apparently,  contiguous  on  the  Palatine, 
and  were  now  being  rebuilt ;  hence  Cicero's 
hope  that  he  and  his  brother  would  soon  be 
•contubernales'  under  one  roof. 

Redemptori  tuo,  'your  contractor  for 
the  building.* 

2.  Dimidium  pecuniae, 'half  the  sum 
agreed  on.'  On  the  neut.  adj.  '  dimidium  * 
with  '  pecuniae,'  cp.  Madv.  284,  Obs.  5. 

Curavi,  sc.  'solvendum.'     Cp.  Forcell. 

Spero  .  .  confecisse,  *  I  hope  we  have 
settled  her  betrothal  with  Furius  Crassipes.' 
It  seems  doubtful  if  a  marriage  ever  took 
place.  Cp.  Ascon.  in  Pisonian.  p.  1 22  ;  Plut. 
Cic.  41.  Cicero,  however,  calls  Furius 
*gener.'  Ep.  29,  20.  On  the  betrothal, 
cp.  Ep.  25,  3,  note.  Crassipes  was  an  ad- 
herent of  Caesar. 

4.  Dies  erant  .  .  Latiar  erat,  'to-day 
and  to-morrow  are  still  considered  holidays, 
but  the  Latin  festival  ended'  yesterday.  The 
pres.  habentur  is  used  because  the  time 
of  composing  the  letter  is  not  specially 
referred  to  in  that  word.  Cp.  Madv. 
345. 

5.  Latiar,  sc.  *  solenne.'  The  festival 
originally  consisted   only  of  one   day,  but 


three  others  were  added  after  the  expulsion 
of  the  kings,  the  first  secession  of  the  plebs, 
and  the  Licinian  legislation  respectively.  The 
Latinae  were  '  conceptivae,'  fixed  by  the 
consuls  every  year  (cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of 
Antiq.  sub  voc.  '  Feriae,'  p.  529),  and  were 
probably  held  early,  as  the  consuls  could 
not  leave  Rome  till  after  they  had  been  cele- 
brated (cp.  Livy  21.63;  22.1;  25.12).  In 
this  year  the  festival  was  celebrated  twice. 
Cp.  Ad  Qi  F.  2.  6,  4.  The  letter  ends 
abruptly ;  but  I  have  not  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  follow  Baiter  in  adding  a  portion  of 
Ad'  d,  F.  2.  6  to  complete  it.  The  MS. 
has  '  certero  confectum  erat  Latiar  erat 
exiturus,'  which  is  hardly  explicable.  Wesenb. 
doubts  the  use  of  '  Latiar '  as  an  adjective 
and  thinks  that  '  confectum  erat '  refers  to 
the  betrothal. 

6.  Ain  tu  ?  *do  you  speak  in  earnest?' 
referring,  apparently,  to  a  letter  in  which 
Atticus  had  complained  of  Cicero's  not 
sending  him  a  copy  of  the  traXivwhia  after- 
wards mentioned.  Wesenb.  and  Boot  omit 
*  an.' 

7.  Cur  igitur  .  .  prius?  Atticus'  ques- 
tion is  anticipated. 


>- 


i: 


if 


r 


EP.:j5.]      EPISTOLARUM  AB  ATTICUM  IV.  5.  179 

quem  misi,  et  non  habebam  exemplar.  Quid?  etiam — dudum 
enim  circumrodo,  quod  devorandum  est— subturpicula  mihi  vide- 
batur  esse  iiaKivMa,  Sed  valeant  recta,  vera,  honesta  consilia  : 
non  est  credibile,  quae  sit  perfidia  in  istis  principibus,  ut  volunt 
esse  et  ut  essent,  si  quicquam  haberent  fidei.  Senseram,  noram  5 
inductus,  reli'ctus,  proiectus  ab  iis ;  tamen  hoc  eram  animo,  ut 
cum  iis  in  re  publica  consentirem :  iidem  erant,  qui  fuerant. 
2yix  aliquando  te  auctore  resipui.  Dices  ea.tenus  te  suasisse, 
qua  facerem,  non  etiam  ut  scriberem.  Ego  mehercule  mihi 
necessitatem  volui  imponere  huius  novae  coniunctionis,  ne  qua  to 
mihi  liceret  labi  ad  illos,  qui  etiam  tum,  cum  misereri  mei 
debent,  non  desinunt  invidere.  Sed  tamen  modici  fuimus  vno- 
^eVet,  ut  scripsi:  erimus  uberiores,  si  et  ille  libenter  accipiet 
et  ii  subringentur,  qui  villam'  me  moleste  ferunt  habere,  quae 
Catuli  fuerat,  a  Vettio  me  emisse   non  cogitant;   qui  domum  15 


v 


Ab  eo.  Billerb.  thinks  'by  Pompey,' 
who  was  to  transmit  the  document,  whatever 
its  nature,  to  Caesar. 

I.  Exemplar,  '  a  copy.' 

Quid?  etiam  (cp.  Ep.  (i,^,  note), 'Is 
there  anything  more  to  say  ?  Yes.' 

1.  Circumrodo  quod  devorandum 
est,  'I  am  gnawing  round  the  morsel  I  shall 
have  to  swallow.' 

Subturpicula, 'rather  shameful.'  This 
word  seems  not  to  occur  elsewhere. 

3.  -naKivwhia.  Cicero  has  been  sup- 
posed by  various  scholars  to  apply  this  term 
to  (i)  an  address  to  Caesar  expressing  re- 
gret for  the  past,  and  wishes  for  a  better 
understanding  in  future;  (2)  a  poem  in 
three  b'ooks,  '  De  Temporibus  Suis '  (cp.  Ep. 
29,  23,  note)  ;  (3)  the  oration  'De  Provin- 
ciis  Consularibus ;  *  (4)  the  oration  '  Pro 
Balbo.' 

Valeant  .  .  consilia,  'I  bid  good-bye 
to  straightforward,  true,  and  honourable 
principles.^ 

4.  Principibus,  'chief  men  in  the  state.* 
Cicero  probably  refers  to  the  leaders  of  the 
optimates,  mentioned  as  *  quidam  '  in  Ep. 
20,  8.  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  M.  Bibu- 
lus,  and  M.  Cato,  were  prominent  among 
them. 

5.  Senseram  .  .  inductus  .  .  ab  iis. 
I  had  thought  that  the  nominative  might  be 
used  as  in  Virg.  Aen.  2.  377,  'sensit  medios 
delapsus  in  hostes,'  but  Mr.  Jeans  has  pointed 
out  that  there  seems  to  be  no  instance  in 
prose  of  this  usage  (cp.  Madv.  401,  Obs.  3) 
and  I  now  agree  with  Boot  in  thinking  that 
the   sentence  is   elliptical.     '  I  knew  what 

N 


their  honour  was  worth,  for  I  had  been 
cajoled  by  them.'  For  this  sense  of  'in- 
ductus,' cp.  Ep.  16,  7 ;  Philipp.  2.  32,  79. 

7.  Iidem  erant,  i.e.  *in  their  jealousy 
and  impracticability.*     Cp.  §  2. 

8.  Resipui,  '  returned  to  my  senses.' 
Dices  \  .  ut  scriberem,  *you  will  say 

that  your  advice  only  suggested  the  course 
of  conduct  I  should  pursue,  not  that  I 
should  make  a  formal  profession  of  it  in 
writing.' 

10.  Necessitatem  .  .  coniunctionis, 
•  a  necessity  of  adhering  to  this  new  con- 
nection' with  Caesar. 

11.  Illos:  the  'principes'  mentioned 
above. 

12.  viroOeffci,  'in  my  treatment  of  the 
subject,'  i.e.  in  my  praise  of  Caesar  and 
Pompey.  Isocrates  and  Xenopbon  seem  to 
use  the  word  in  this  sense.  Cp.  Liddell  and 
Scott's  Lexicon,  sub  voc. 

13.  Scripsi  probably  refers  to  a  lost 
letter. 

Erimus  uberiores, 'I  shall  treat  it  more 

fully.' 

Ille,  Caesar. 

14.  Subringentur,  'shall  be  annoyed.' 
The  word  seems  to  occur  here  only. 

15.  A  Vettio.  Perhaps  this  man  is  not 
elsewhere  mentioned. 

Domum  .  .  oportuisse,  *who  says  I 
ought  not  to  have  rebuilt  my  house,  but 
rather  to  have  sold  the  site,*  i.  e.  on  his 
return  from  exile,  to  relieve  himself  from 
his  money  difficulties.  On  the  jealousy 
excited  by  Cicero's  fine  house  at  Rome,  cp. 
Ep.  8,  10,  note. 


i8o 


3f,  TULLII  CICERONI S 


[part  II, 


negant  oportuisse  me  aedificare,  vendere  aiunt  oportuisse.  Sed 
quid  ad  hoc,  si,  quibus  sententiis  dixi  quod  et  ipsi  probarent, 
laetati  sunt  tamen  me  contra  Pompeii  voluntatem  dixisse  ?  Finis. 
Sed  quoniam,  qui   nihil   possunt,  ii  me   nolunt   artiare,  demus 

5  operam  ut  ab  iis,  qui   possunt,   diligamur.    Dices   '  vellem  iam  3 
pridem.'    Scio  te  voluisse  et  me  asinum  germanum  fuisse.    Sed 
iam  tempus  est  me  ipsum  a  me  amari,  quando  ab  illis  nullo 
modo   possum.     Domum    meam  quod  crebro  invisis,  est  mihi 
valde  gratum.    Viaticum  Crassipes  praeripit.     Tu  de  via  recta 

loin  hortos.  Videtur  commodius  ad  te :  postr^die  scilicet;  quid 
enim  tua?  sed  viderimus.  Bibliothecam  mihi  tui  pinxerunt 
constrictione  et  sittybis :  eos  velim  laudes. 


1.  Sed  quid  ad  hoc,  'what  do  you  say 
to  this?' 

2.  Si,  quibus  .  .  dixisse,  *if,  as  is 
true,  they  are  pleased  that  those  very  votes 
of  mine  which  they  approved  gave  offence 
to  Pompey?'  *Si'  =  *si  quidem.*  Billerb. 
For  the  facts,  cp.  Ep.  29,  10. 

3.  Finis,  'no  more  of  them,'  i.e.  such 
perversity  does  not  deserve  another  thought. 
Baiter  reads  *  finis  sit :  quoniam.'  But  per- 
haps a  verb  is  needless  after  'finis,'  con- 
sidering the  excitement  under  which  the 
letter  was  evidently  written. 

4.  Qui  nihil  possunt,  i.e.  the  leaders 
of  the  optimates. 

5.  Qui  possunt,  i.e.  Caesar  and  Pompey. 
Iam  pridem,  sc.  'operam  dedisses.' 

6.  Germanum, 'real,' 'genuine:'  often 
used  in  Cicero's  philosophical  works  in  this 
sense.     Cp.  De  Off.  3.  17,  69,  alib. 

8.  Invisis,  'visit  to  look  after  it.' 
Cicero  wrote  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
Antium  to  Atticus  at  Rome. 

9.  Viaticum  Crassipes  praeripit, 
*  the  expenses  of  Tullia's  betrothal  to 
Furius  Crassipes  will  require  all  the  money 
I  might  spend  on  travelling.'  Cicero  had 
thought  of  travelling  under  the  pretext  of  a 
«votiva  legatio.*     Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  2,  6.     On 


Tullia's  betrothal,  cp.  §  2  of  the  preceding 
letter. 

De  via  recta  in  hortos.  Boot  thinks 
the  words  are  a  quotation  from  a  letter  of 
Atticus  to  Cicero,  asking  him  on  his  arrival 
at  Rome  ('de  via')  to  come  at  once  ('recta ') 
to  the  gardens,  which  would  be  in  the 
suburbs.  Cicero  preferred  to  spend  the  first 
night  at  Atticus'  house  in  Rome  (videtur 
commodius  ad  te,  sc.  'me  ire'),  and  to 
visit  the  gardens  next  day  ('postridie'). 
For  the  expression  'recta,*  cp.  De  Off.  3.  20, 
80  '  Marius  a  subselliis  in  rostra  recta.* 

10.  Quid  enim  tua"?  sc.  'refert.' 

11.  Tui,  'your  slaves'  or  freedmen.  Dio- 
nysius  and  Menophilus  are  mentioned  as  en- 
gaged in  such  work.  Ad  Att.  4.  8  a,  2 — 
a  reference  which  I  owe  to  Manutius. 

Pinxerunt,  'have  ornamented.'    Forcell. 

12.  Constrictione,  'constrictio'  = 'actus 
constringendi.'  Forcell.  Perhaps  this  means 
•by  fastening  my  books  in  cases.* 

Sittybis,  'cases'  of  parchment,  for  keep- 
ing rolls  of  papyrus  or  parchment  clean. 
Cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc.  '  liber,' 
p.  704.  Boot  reads  'sillybis,'  'with  titles* 
printed  on  slips  of  parchment.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
4.  4  b,  I.  This  perhaps  makes  better  sense. 
The  best  MS.  has  *  sit  tybis.* 


I  /■ 


-H.J^ 


\ 


*«J" 


% 


.A 


r 


/ 


EP.  26.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  I,  7.  181 

26.    To  P.  LENTULUS  SPINTHER  (AD  FAM.  I.  7). 
Rome,  May  or  June  Q\  ^6  b.c.  (698  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  glad  you  are  satisfied  with  my  conduct  towards  you,  and  pleased  with  my 
letters.     2.  It  is  difficult  to  describe  how  individuals  behave  towards  you ;  but  you 
have  many  jealous  rivals,  as  I  had.     Hortensius,  LucuIIus,  and  L.  Racilius  are  among 
your  warmest  friends.     3.  Pompey  was  not  in  the  senate  when  your  affairs  were  under 
consideration ;  your  recent  letter  to  him  has  done  much  to  promote  a  good  under- 
standing between  you,  and  4.  you  may  consider  what  I  write  to  have  his  sanction.   We 
suggest,  then,  that  you  should  go  to  Alexandria  with  a  proper  force,  and  secure  and 
pacify  Egypt ;  the  king  could  then  return,  and  a  breach  of  the  senate's  decrees  would 
be  avoided.     5.  We  think,  however,  that  you  should  not  attempt  this  without  a  sure 
prospect  of  success  ;  and  you  can  judge  better  than  we  can  of  the  probabilities  of  the 
case.     6.  If  you  think  this  plan  dangerous,  there  may  be  another  way  ;  but  you  will  be 
best  able  to  judge.     7.  I  thank  you  for  your  congratulations  on  my  present  position, 
to  my  attainment  of  which  you  have  so  largely  contributed;  but  you  must  know  that 
the  perversity  of  certain  nobles  has  compelled  me  to  change  my  policy.      8.  They 
treat  you  no  better ;  and  this  shews  me  that  it  has  not  been  simply  as  an  upstart  that 
I  have  met  with  so  much  envy.     9.  I  entreat  you  to  devote  yourself  to  that  pursuit  of 
glory  which  you  have  so  long  followed  ;  great  things  are  expected  of  you,  and  I  hope 
that  in  your  provincial  administration  you  will  have  regard  to  your  future  position  at 
Rome.     10.  In  politics,  a  violent,  but  imequal,  struggle  is  going  on  ;  the  mistakes  of 
the  optimates  have  made  the  side  which  has  might  seem  to  have  right  also.     The 
senate  has  granted  Caesar  all  his  requests.     I  do  not  dwell  on  this  unpleasant  topic, 
but  mention  it,  that  you  may  combine  caution  with  independence.     11.  I  thank  you 
for  your  congratulations  on  my  daughter's  engagement.     Your  son  is  ever>'thing  you 
can  wish,  and  I  hope  you  will  train  him  to  resemble  his  father. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  P.  LENTULO  PROCOS. 

1  Leg!  tuas  litteras,  quibus  ad  me  scribis  gratum  tibi  esse, 
quod  crebro  certior  per  me  fias  de  omnibus  rebus  et  meam 
erga  te  benevolentiam  facile  perspicias:  quorum  alterum  mihi, 
ut  te  plurimum  diligam,  facere  necesse  est,  si  volo  is  esse, 
quem  tu  me  esse  voluisti ;  alterum  facio  libenter,  ut,  quoniam  5 
intervallo  locorum  et  temporum  diiuncti  sumus,  per  litteras  tecum 


May.  From  §  11  we  learn  that  Cicero 
had  already  received  Lentulus'  congratula- 
tions, sent  from  Cilicia  on  his  daughter's 
betrothal  to  Crassipes,  which  took  place  on 
April  4th.  Cp.  Ad  CL  F.  2.  5,  i,  and  see 
Guiraud,  Cesar  et  le  seiiat,  p.  83. 

3.  Alterum  .  .  facere  refers  rather  irre- 
gularly to  the  action  suggested  by  bene- 
volentiam; and  to  make  the  sense  clearer 
ut  te  plurimum  diligam  is  added  in 
explanation:  alterum  facio  refers  in  like 
manner  to  the  action  on  Cicero's  part  im- 
plied in  certior  .  .  fias,  and  the  following 


words  are  again  added  in  explanation. 
Perhaps  the  sense  of  the  whole  passage 
quorum  .  .  colloquar  may  be  given  as 
follows :  '  but  I  must  needs  love  you  if  I 
am  not  to  be  ungrateful,  and  it  is  a  pleasure 
to  converse  with  you  by  letter.  On  neither 
ground  can  I  claim  gratitude  from  you.' 

4.  Is  esse  .  .  voluisti,  'to  be  worthy 
of  the  position  which  I  owe  to  your  aid.' 
Manut. 

5.  Quem  tu  me  esse  voluisti, 'such 
as  you  wished  I  should  be '  when  you  pro- 
moled  my  recall  from  exile. 


iSz 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  ir. 


quam  saepissime  colloquar.  Quod  si  rarius  fiet  quam  tu  exspec- 
tabis,  id  erit  causae,  quod  non  eius  generis  meae  litterae  sunt, 
ut  eas  audeam  temere  committere:  quotiens  mihi  certorum 
hominum  potestas  erit,  quibus  recte  dem,  non    praetermittam. 

5  Quod  scire  vis,  qua  quisque  in  te  fide  sit  et  voluntate,  difficile  2 
dictu  est  de  singulis :  unum  illud  audeo,  quod  antea  tibi  saepe 
significavi,  nunc  quoque  re  perspecta  et  cognita  scribere,  vehe- 
menter  quosdam  homines  et  eos   maxime,  qui  te   et  maxime 
debuerunt    et    plurimum    iuvare   potuerunt,   invidisse   dignitati 

10  tuae,  simillimamque  in  re  dissimili  tui  temporis  nunc  et  nostri 
quondam  fuisse  rationem,  ut,  quos  tu  rei  publicae  causa  laeseras, 
palam  te  oppugnarent,  quorum  auctoritatem,  dignitatem  volun- 
tatemque  defenderas,  non  tam  memores  essent  virtutis  tuae  quam 
laudis  inimici.     Quo  quidem  tempore,  ut  perscripsi  ad  te  antea, 

15  cognovi  Hortensium  percupidum  tui,  studiosum  Lucullum,  ex 
magistratibus  autem  L.  Racilium  et  fide  et  animo  singulari. 
Nam  nostra  propugnatio  ac  defensio  dignitatis  tuae  propter  mag- 
nitudinem  beneficii  tui  fortasse  plerisque  officii  maiorem  auctori- 
tatem habere  videatur  quam  sententiae.    Praeterea  quidem  de  3 

10  consularibus  nemini  possum  aut  studii  erga  te  aut  officii  aut  amici 
animi  esse  testis  :  etenim  Pompeium,  qui  mecum  saepissime  non 
solum  a  me  provocatus,  sed  etiam  sua  sponte  de  te  communicare 


1.  Q.uod  =  *et  hoc*     Cp.  Madv.  448. 

2.  Id  .  .  causae  =  'ea  causa.*  Cp. 
Madv.  285  b. 

3.  Temere  =  *cuivis,'  'to  any  one  who 
offers.'  Cp.  pp.  41,  45  for  Cicero's  caution 
in  this  matter. 

Certorum, 'trustworthy.*     Forcell. 

4.  Potestas  erit,  'I  shall  have  at  my 
command."  Cp.  Ad  Att.  16.  16  E,  i  'potes- 
tas eius  rei;*  also  the  expression  '  potestattm 
sui  facere,'  of  magistrates  granting  access  to 
themselves,  p.  loi,  note  on  1.  11. 

Recte.     Cp.  Ep.  20,  i,  note. 
Praetermittam,  sc.  'dare'  or  'scribere.' 

5.  Quod  scire  vis,  '  as  to  your  wish  to 
know.'     Cp.  Madv.  398  b,  Obs.  2. 

7.  Significavi,  'pointed  out  to  you.' 

8.  Quosdam, 'consulares,  videtur  signi- 
ficare.*  Manut.  I  should  hardly  have  thought 
the  reference  so  general. 

Et  maxime  debuerunt,  sc.  'iuvare.* 
On  the  order  of  the  words,  cp.  Madv. 
472  a.  b. 

10.  In  re  dissimili.  Cp.  §  8,  ' gaudeo 
tuam  dissimilem  fuisse  fortunam.' 


Tui  temporis,  'your  time  of  need/ 
Cp.  Pro  Plane.  32,  79. 

Nunc,  sc.  '  esse.' 

12.  Quorum  auctoritatem,  'while 
those  whose  influence.'  For  the  omission  of 
a  conjunction,  cp.  Madv.  437,  d,  Obs. 

15.  Percupidum.  This  word  seems  not 
to  occur  elsewhere. 

16.  Magistratibus.  On  the  applica- 
tion of  this  term  to  the  tribunes  of  the  com- 
mons, cp.  Ep.  20,  6,  note. 

L.  Racilium.  One  of  the  tribunes  for 
this  year.     Cp.  Ep.  22,  4,  note. 

17.  Nam  introduces  and  answers  an  ob- 
jection :  '  I  say  nothing  of  myself,  for — .' 
Cp.  p.  70,  1.  2,  note. 

18.  Fortasse  .  .  .  sententiae,  'may 
seem  to  have  more  importance  as  a  dis- 
charge of  duty,  than  as  an  impartial  expres- 
sion of  opinion.'     Hofm. 

19.  Praeterea,  '  with  these  excep- 
tions.' 

22.  Provocatus,  'invited,'  'drawn  out.* 
Communicare.      More   usually   active 
than  neuter. 


I 


I 


\. 


EP.  !Z6.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  L  7.  183 

solet,  scis  temporibus  illis  non  saepe  in  senatu  fuisse  ;  cui  quidem 
litterae  tuae,  quas  proxime  miseras,  quod  facile  intellexerim, 
periucundae  fuerunt.  Mihi  quidem  humanitas  tua  vel  summa 
potius  sapientia  non  iucunda  solum,  sed  etiam  admirabilis  visa 
est:  virum  enim  excellentem  et  tibi  tua  praestanti  in  eum  5 
liberalitate  devinctum,  non  nihil  suspicantem  propter  aliquo- 
rum  opinionem  suae  cupiditatis  te  ab  se  abalienatum,  ilia  epis- 
tola  retinuisti ;  qui  mihi  cum  semper  tuae  laudi  favere  visus 
est,  etiam  ipso  suspitiosissimo  tempore  Caniniano,  tum  vero 
lectis  tuis  litteris  perspectus  est  a  me  toto  animo  de  te  ac  de  10 
4  tuis  ornamentis  et  commodis  cogitare.  Qua  re  ea,  quae  scribam, 
sic  habeto,  me  cum  illo  re  saepe  communicata  de  illius  ad  te 
sententia  atque  auctoritate  scribere  :  quoniam  senatus  consultum 
nullum  exstat,  quo  reductio  regis  [Alexandrini]  tibi  adempta 
sit,  eaque,  quae  de  ea  scripta  est,  auctoritas,  cui  scis  intercessum  15 
esse,  ut  ne  quis  omnino  regem  reduceret  tantam  vim  habet,  ut 
magis  iratorum  hominum  studium  quam  constantis  senatus  con- 


1.  Temporibus  illis:  cp.  Ep.  23,  2. 
Pompey  retired  to  his  house  for  some  time 
to  avoid  the  violence  of  the  followers  of 
Clodius,  and  had  also  to  attend  to  the  supply 
of  corn. 

2.  Quod  facile  intellexerim,  'as  I 
can  easily  understand,'  a  modest  expression. 
Cp.  Madv.  350  b.  Or  perhaps,  '  as  I  could 
easily  perceive.'  Metzg.  Pompey's  real 
feelings  were  not  always  easy  to  interpret : 
cp.  Ep.  28,  7,  note. 

3.  Humanitas,  'courtesy,'  'tact,' J.E.Y. 

6.  Liberalitate.  Lentulus  had  pro- 
posed that  Pompey  should  be  commissioned 
to  supply  Rome  with  corn.     Cp.  Ep.  20,  7« 

Non  nihil  .  .  abalienatum,  'enter- 
taining a  certain  suspicion  that  you  had 
been  estranged  from  him  because  some 
people  thought  him  grasping.'  Pompey 
might  fancy  that  Lentulus  had  heard  reports 
of  his  eagerness  to  be  employed  in  restoring 

Ptolemy. 

8.  Retinuisti.  The  word  is  rarely  used 
in  this  way  without  some  words  to  explain 
it.     Cp.  §  7  '  in  communi  causa  retinere.' 

Cum  semper  .  .  tum  vero,  'both 
always  .  .  and  especially.'  Cp.  Madv.  435  a, 
Obs.  3,  and  437  d. 

9.  Tempore  Caniniano,  'the  time 
when  Caninius  was  so  active.'  Cp.  Ep.  22,1 
and  4.  We  learn  from  Plutarch  (^Pomp.  49) 
that  Caninius  proposed  that  Pompey  should 
restore  Ptolemy,  but  without  an  army. 


10.  Perspectus  est.  The  impersonal 
construction  would  be  more  common.  Cp. 
Madv.  400  c. 

11.  Ea,  quae  scribam,  i.e.  the  whole 
passage  from  '  Quoniam  senatus'  to  *  placere 
dixerunt.* 

12.  Sic  habeto,  *  be  assured.'  Cp.  Ep. 
30,  5  ;  also  Ad  Fam.  2.  10,  i,  and  16.  4,  4 
•  sic  habeto  neminem  esse  qui  me  amet  quin 
idem  te  amet.'  For  the  order  of  the  words 
from  de  illius  to  scribere,  cp.  Madv.  467 
a,  and  469,  Obs.  2.  The  indicatives  exstat 
.  .  habet  are  curious,  taken  in  connection 
with  '  te  perspicere  posse.'  Perhaps  Cicero 
begins  by  using  the  actual  words  which 
Pompey  would  have  used  in  a  direct  address, 
and  then  passes  into  the  oratio  obliqua, 
writing  '  te  perspicere  posse '  instead  of  '  tu 
perspicere  potes.' 

15.  Auctoritas:  cp.  Ep.  22,  4,  note. 
The  proposal  of  Bibulus,  mentioned  above 
on  pp.  166,  168,  is  perhaps  referred  to;  but» 
in  neither  passage  is  there  mention  of  its 
having  been  vetoed  by  a  tribune,  interces- 
sum esse. 

16.  Ut  ne  quis  .  .  reduceret.  These 
words  depend  upon  •  auctoritas  scripta  est.* 

Tantam,  'only  so  much,'  'so  little.' 
Cp.  Ep.  15,  7,  note. 

Ut  magis  .  .  videatur,  'as  to  seem  to 
express  the  party  feelings  of  angry  men 
rather  than  the  fixed  purpose  of  a  consistent 
senate.' 


1 84 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


silium  esse  videatur,te  perspicere  posse,  qui  Ciciliam  Cyprumque 
teneas,  quid  efficere  et  quid  consequi  possis,  et,  si  res  facultatem 
habitura  videatur,  ut  Alexandriam  atque  Aegyptum  tenere  possis, 
esse  et  tuae  et  nostri  imperii  dignitatis,  Ptolemaide  aut  aliquo 

5  propinquo  loco  rege  conlocato  te  cum  classe  atque  exercitu  pro- 
ficisci  Alexandriam,  ut,  eam  cum  pace  praesidiisque  firmaris, 
Ptolemaeus  redeat  in  regnum ;  ita  fore,  ut  et  per  te  restituatur, 
quem  ad  modum  senatus  initio  censuit,  et  sine  multitudine 
reducatur,  quem  ad  modum  homines  religiosi  Sibyllae  placere 

10  dixerunt.     Sed  haec  sententia  sic  et  illi  et  nobis  probabatur,  ut  5 
ex  eventu  homines  de  tuo  consilio  existimaturos  videremus :  si 
cecidisset,  ut   volumus  et   optamus,  omnes   te    et  sapienter   et 
fortiter,  si   aliquid    esset   offensum,  eosdem    illos  et   cupide   et 
temere  fecisse  dicturos.     Qua  re  quid  adsequi  possis,  non  tarn 

15  facile  est  nobis  quam  tibi,  cuius  prope  in  conspectu  Aegyptus 
est,  iudicare.  Nos  quidem  hoc  sentimus,  si  exploratum  tibi 
sit  posse  te  illius  regni  potiri,  non  esse  cunctandum ;  si  dubium 
sit,  non  esse  conandum.  Illud  tibi  adfirmo,  si  rem  istam  ex 
sententia    gesseris,  fore   ut   absens   a   multis,  cum   redieris   ab 

^o  omnibus,  conlaudere.  Offensionem  esse  periculosam  propter  inter- 


1.  Te  perspicere  posse.  The  apo- 
dosis  of  the  sentence  begins  here,  and  its 
structure  changes  to  the  indirect  form, 
whence  the  conjunctive  mood  is  adopted  in 
its  dependent  clauses. 

Cyprum.  Cyprus  was  annexed  toCilicia 
in  58  B.C.  under  a  *  lex  Clodia/  Manut.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  p.  20. 

2.  Si  res  .  .  videatur  .  .  possis,  'if 
the  state  of  things  seems  likely  to  give  you 
an  opportunity  of  maintaining  Alexandria 
and  Egypt.' 

3.  Habitura  =  *adlatura.*  Forcell.  Cp. 
De  Prov.  Cons.  4,  9  '  adventus  in  Syriam 
primus  equitatus  habuit  interitum.' 

4.  Ptolemaide.  Either  Acre  in  Pales- 
tine or  a  city  of  Cyrenaica  is  referred  to. 
The  former  would  be  more  upon  Lentulus* 
route  to  Egypt ;  the  latter  nearer  to  Alex- 
andria. 

6.  Ut,  eam  cum  .  .  firmaris,  'that, 
when  you  have  restored  order  there,  and 
secured  the  place  with  garrisons.*  On  the 
position  of  '  cum,'  cp.  Madv.  465  b ;  and  for 
the  zeugma  '  pace  praesidiisque,'  lb.  478, 
Obs.  4,  and  Zumpt  775. 

8.  Initio.  Apparently  in  a  decree  passed 
57  B.C.,  providing  that  the  next  governor 


of  Cilicia  should  restore  Ptolemy.     Cp.  Ep 
21,  3,  note;  Dion  Cassius  39. 12-16;  Plut. 
Pomp.  49. 

9.  Religiosi,  'scrupulous,'  'supersti- 
tious.' The  king  would  not  appear  at 
Alexandria  till  after  the  army  had  done  its 
work,  and  so  the  oracle  forbidding  him  to 
be  brought  back  'multitudine,'  would  be 
obeyed  in  the  letter,  as  he  might  travel  to 
Alexandria  with  a  small  retinue. 

10.  Sic  .  .  ut  .  .  videremus,  'while  we 
approve  this  arrangement,  we  saw.'  *  Ita  ' 
is  more  common  in  this  sense.  Cp.  Zumpt, 
L.  G.,  726. 

11.  Si  cecidisset  .  .  optamus,  •  if  the 
issue  were  such  as  we  wish  and  pray  for.' 
On  the  plup.  '  cecidisset,'  cp.  Madv.  379. 

16.  Exploratum,  '  certain.'     Forcell. 

17.  Si  dubium  sit,  '  but  if  it  be  doubt- 
ful.'    '  Sin  *  would  be  more  common. 

19.  Cum  redieris.  On  the  omission  of 
a  conjunction,  cp.  Ep.  21,  3,  note. 

20.  Offensionem,  'any  mishap.*  Cp. 
*  si  aliquid  esset  offensum '  a  line  or  two 
above ;  also  '  offensionibus  belli '  Pro  Leg. 
Man.  10,  28. 

Propter  interp.  auctor.  religionem- 
que,  'on  account  of  the  expression  of  the 


A.L*' 


\y 


Ui 


EP.26.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILTARES  T.  7.  185 

positam  auctoritatem  religionemque  video ;  sed  ego  te,  ut  ad 
certam  laudem  adhortor,  sic  a  dimicatione  deterreo  redeoque  ad 
illud,  quod  initio  scripsi,  totius  facti  tui  indicium  non  tarn  ex 

6  consilio  tuo  quam  ex  eventu  homines  esse  facturos.  Quod  si 
haec  ratio  rei  gerendae  periculosa  tibi  esse  videbitur,  placebat  5 
illud,  ut,  si  rex  amicis  tuis,  qui  per  provinciam  atque  imperium 
tuum  pecunias  ei  credidissent,  fidem  suam  praestitisset,  et  auxiliis 
eum  tuis  et  copiis  adiuvares ;  eam  esse  naturam  et  regionem 
provinciae  tuae,  ut  illius  reditum  vel  adiuvando  confirmares  vel 
neglegendo  impedires.  In  hac  ratione  quid  res,  quid  causa,  quid  10 
tempus  ferat,  tu  facillime  optimeque  perspicies  ;  quid  nobis  placu- 

7  isset,  ex  me  potissimum  putavi  te  scire  oportere.     Quod    mihi 
de  nostro  statu,  de  Milonis   familiaritate,  de  levitate  et  imbe- 
cillitate  Clodii  gratularis,  minime  miramur  te  tuis  ut  egregium 
artificem  praeclaris  operibus  laetari :  quamquam  est  incredibilis  15 
hominum  perversitas— graviore  enim  verbo  uti  non  libet— ,  qui 


senate's  opinion,  and  the  religious  difficulty 
which  has  intervened.' 

I.  Ut  ad  certam  .  .  deterreo,  'while 
I  exhort  you  to  seize  any  safe  opportunity 
of  winning  fame,  1  dissuade  you  earnestly 
from  entering  on  a  dangerous  struggle.'  Cp. 
a  few  lines  above.  *  Si  exploratum  .  .  con- 
andum.'    For  this  sense  of  *  deterreo,'  cp. 

Ep.  5,  6. 

3.  Initio,  i.e.  in  the  beginning  of  this 

section.  ^ 

Ex  consilio,  'by  the  policy,  or  object. 
Cp.  Philipp.  I.  1,  I  'consilium  profectionis 
et  reversionis  meae.' 

5.  Placebat  makes  equally  good  sense 
if  understood  as  the  epistolary  or  as  the 
ordmary  imperfect. 

6.  Si  rex  .  .  praestitisset,  'if  the 
king  shall  have  fulfilled  his  promises  to  your 
fncnds.*  The  plup.  depends  on  '  placebat.' 
Cp.  Madv.  379. 

Per  provinciam  atque  imperium 
tuum,  'in  the  province  under  your  govern- 
ment.' Cp.  Ad  Fam.  13.  55,  2  '  in  tuo  toto 
imperio  atque  provincia.' 

7.  Auxiliis  eum  tuis.  For  the  posi- 
tion of  '  tuis,'  cp.  Livy  6.  26,  2  '  precibus 
eventum  vestris  senatus  quem  videbitur 
dabit;'  also  Madv.  467,  and  472  a. 

Auxiliis  .  .  adiuvares,  'place  men 
and  supplies  at  his  disposal.'  Lentulus  might 
connive  at  Ptolemy's  raising  men  in  his  pro- 
vince, without  being  personally  compromised. 

8.  Eam  esse  depends  on  some  verb  to 


be  supplied    from  'placebat,'  and   meaning 

•  we  thought.' 

Regionem,  'the  situation.'     The  word 
hardly  seems  to  be  used  elsewhere  in  quite 

this  sense. 

9.  Ut  illius  reditum  .  ,  impedires, 

•  that  your  aid  would  secure  his  return,  and 
your  neglect  hinder  it.'  The  imperfects 
seem  to  have  almost  the  force  of  '  con- 
firmare  vel  inipedire  posses. 

10.  Quid  res  .  .  ferat, 'what  the  nature 
of  the  case,  the  king's  interest  (cp.  Ep.21,  i), 
and  the  course  of  events  suggest.'  Siipfle 
proposes  to  render  res,  'the  case  in  itself;' 
causa,  '  its  relation  to  other  people  ;'  tem- 
pus, '  the  crisis.* 

13.  De  nostro  statu.  For  an  account 
of  Cicero's  position  at  this  time,  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  II,  §§  3-6. 

De  Milonis  familiaritate.  Milo  had 
exerted  himself  much  in  Cicero's  cause 
during  his  banishment,  and  Cicero  was  now 
doing  his  best  to  requite  him.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I.  §  23;  Ep.  23,  I,  note. 

Levitate  et  imbecillitate,  'the  un- 
principled, but  futile  efforts.'  On  the  mean- 
ing of  'levitas,'  cp,  supra,  p.  53,  note  on  I.  9. 

14.  Te  tuis  .  .  laetari  :  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  23,  for  Lentulus'  services  to  Cicero ; 
also  Ep.  18,  2. 

15.  Quamquam,  '  and  yet.'    Cp.  Madv. 

443. 

16.  Hominum  perversitas:  cp.  Epp. 
20,  8  ;  25,  I  for  similar  complaints. 


1 85 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  it. 


nos,  quos  favendo  in  communi  causa  retinere  potuerunt,  invi- 
dendo  abalienarunt ;  quorum  malevolentissiniis  obtrectationibus 
nos  scito  de  vetere  ilia  nostra  diuturnaque  sententia  prope  iam 
esse  depulsos,  non  nos  quidem  ut  nostrae  dignitatis  simus  obliti, 

5  sed  ut  habeamus  rationem  aliquando  etiam  salutis.  Poterat 
utrumque  praeclare,  si  esset  fides,  si  gravitas  in  hominibus  con- 
sularibus;  sed  tanta  est  in  plerisque  levitas,  ut  eos  non  tarn 
constantia  in  re  publica  nostra  delectet,  quam  splendor  ofifendat. 
Quod  eo  liberius  ad  te  scribo,  quia  non  solum  temporibus  his,  8 

10  quae  per  te  sum  adeptus,  sed  iam  olim  nascenti  prope  nostrae 
laudi  dignitatique  favisti,  simulque  quod  video,  non,  ut  antehac 
putabam,  novitati  esse  invisum  meae ;  in  te  enim,  homine  om- 
nium nobilissimo,  similia  invidorum  vitia  perspexi,  quem  tamen 
illi  esse   in    principibus   facile   sunt   passi,  evolare   altius   certe 

15  noluerunt.  Gaudeo  tuam  dissimilem  fuisse  fortunam ;  multum 
enim  interest,  utrum  laus  imminuatur  an  salus  deseratur.  Me 
meae  tamen  ne  nimis  paeniteret,  tua  virtute  perfectum  est; 
curasti  enim,  ut  plus  additum  ad  memoriam  nomlnis  nostri 
quam  demptum   de  fortuna   videretur.     Te  vero  emoneo   cum  9 

2obeneficiis  tuis,  tum  amore  incitatus  meo,  ut  omnem  gloriam, 
ad  quam  a  pueritia  inflammatus  fuisti,  omni  cura  atque  indus- 
tria  consequare  magnitudinemque  animi  tui,  quam  ego  semper 
sum  admiratus  semperque  amavi,  ne   umquam  inflectas  cuius- 


3.  Sententia,  'principle*  or  •maxim,' 
apparently. 

4.  Non  nos  quidem  .  .  obliti,  *  not 
indeed  so  far  as  to  have  forgotten  my  dig- 
nity.' For  the  position  of  '  quidem,'  cp. 
Madv.  489  b. 

5.  Poterat,  sc.  *  fieri,'  'both  objects 
might  have  been  secured  very  well.*  For 
the  ellipse,  cp.  Ep.  22,  4;  and  for  the  mood 
and  tense,  4,  i,  note. 

9.  Temporibus  his,  'my  present  for- 
tunes.' Cp.  Forcell.  Madvig  (Advers. 
Crit.  II.  233)  thinks  the  passage  unintel- 
ligible as  it  stands,  and  suggests  *  tempo- 
ribus iis  quum  per  te  salutem  sum  adeptus. 

10.  Iam  olim.  Our  notices  of  Cicero's 
life  do  not  inform  us  to  what  he  here  refers. 
Perhaps  to  services  rendered  him  before  his 
consulship. 

11.  Non  .  .  invisum  meae,  'that  it 
was  not  my  want  of  nobility  which  excited 
dislike.' 

13.  Quem  tamen  .  .  noluerunt,  'they 


did  not,  however,  object  to  your  being 
among  the  chief  men,  though  they  did  to 
your  being  pre-eminent  among  them.'  For 
evolare  in  this  sense,  cp.  De  Orat.  2.  52, 
209.  Cicero  means  that  Lentulus'  enemies 
had  been  more  moderate  than  his  own.' 

16.  Utrum  laus  .  .  deseratur.  Cicero 
had  been  allowed  to  go  into  exile ;  Lentulus 
was  merely  left  unsupported  in  his  desire  to 
win  fame  by  restoring  Ptolemy. 

17.  Meae,  sc.  *  fortunae.' 

18.  Curasti  enim  .  .  videretur.  The 
decrees  passed  for  Cicero's  recall  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  Lentulus  had  done  more  good  to 
his  reputation  than  his  exile  had  done  injury 
to  his  fortune. 

19.  Emoneo,  '  I  urgently  recommend.* 
The  word  only  occurs  here,  apparently,  and 
Wesenb.  suggests  either  '  et  moneo  et  rogo  * 
or  '  admoneo.' 

23.  Inflectas,  'change'  or  'renounce.' 
Cp.  Pro  Caec.  26,  73  '  ius  civile  .  .  quod 
Deque  inflecti  gratia  .  .  possit.' 


J 


K 


EP.26.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  /.  7.  187 

quam  iniuria.     Magna  est  hominum  opinio  de  te,  magna  com- 
mendatio    liberalitatis,    magna    memoria   consulatus    tui :   haec 
profecto  vides  quanto  expressiora  quan toque   illustriora   futura 
sint,  cum   aliquantum    ex    provincia   atque   ex   imperio   laudis 
accesserit.     Quamquam  te  ita  gerere  volo  quae  per  exercitum  5 
atque   imperium    gerenda    sunt,  ut  haec   multo  ante  meditere, 
hue  te  pares,  haec  cogites,  ad  haec  te  exerceas  sentiasque— id 
quod  quia  semper  sperasti,  non  dubito  quin  adeptus  intellegas 
— te  facillime  posse  obtinere  summum  atque  altissimum  gradum 
civitatis.     Quae  quidem  mea  cohortatio  ne  tibi  inanis  aut  sine  10 
causa  suscepta  videatur,  ilia  me  ratio   movit,  ut  te   ex  nostris 
eventis  communibus  admonendum  putarem,  ut  considerares,  in 
10  omni  reliqua  vita  quibus  crederes,  quos  caveres.     Quod  scribis 
te  velle  scire,  qui  sit  rei  publicae  status,  summa  dissensio  est, 
sed   contentio   dispar;    nam   qui    plus   opibus,  armis,    potentials 
valent,  profecisse  tantum  mihi  videntur  stultitia  et  inconstantia 
adversariorum,  ut  etiam  auctoritate  iam  plus  valerent.     Itaque 
perpaucis  adversantibus   omnia,  quae  ne  per  populum  quidem 
sine  seditione  se  adsequi  arbitrabantur,  per   senatum  consecuti 
sunt ;  nam  et  stipendium  Caesari  decretum  est  et  decem  legati,  20 
et  ne  lege  Sempronia  succederetur  facile  perfectum  est.     Quod 


Cuiusquam  iniuria, 'owing  to  any  one's 
wrong-doing.'     Ablat.  caus.,  cp.  Madv.  255. 

I.  Magna  .  .  commendatio  liberal- 
itatis, 'your  liberality  does  much  to  recom- 
mend you.'  Lentulus,  as  aedile,  had  given 
splendid  entertainments.     Cp.  Cic.  de  Off. 

2.  16,  57. 

3.  Expressiora,  'more  visible.  '  Ex- 
pressus '  = '  manifestus.'     Forcell. 

6.  Ut  haec  multo  ante  meditere, 
*  without  forgetting  to  reflect  on  the  impres- 
sion your  success  will  produce  here.'  See 
the  preceding  sentence.  Mr.  Jeans,  however, 
if  I  understand  him  rightly,  seems  to  refer 
*haec'  to  the  advice  given  above,  §§  4-6. 

7.  Hue  te  pares, 'make  your  prepara- 
tions with  a  view  to  this.'  Cicero  probably 
means,  ri^k  no  failure  which  may  endanger 
your  prospects  at  Rome. 

Sentiasque  .  .  intellegas,  '  and  feel 
what,  as  you  have  always  hoped  for  it,  I 
doubt  not  you  perceive  after  success,  that 
you  can  with  the  greatest  ease' — i.e.  without 
any  perilous  military  exploits — 'maintain  the 
highest  position  in  the  State.'  I  have  been 
reminded  of  the  usual  force  of  '  obtinere*  by 
a  note  in  Mr.  Yonge's  edition. 

10.  Cohortatio.     His  exhortation  that 


Lentulus  should  always  keep  Rome  in  view. 
II.  Ilia  me  ratio  movit,  foil.:  cp.  for 
the  constr.,  Ep.  11,  2,  note.  '  I  will  tell  you 
that  my  reason  was,  that  I  thought  you 
ought  to  be  warned  by  our  c«mmon  expe- 
rience to  be  wary  in  the  rest  of  your  life.' 
For  the  force  of  'ut*  in  the  clause  explaining 

•  ilia  ratio,'  cp.  Madv.  372  b,  Obs.  6,  and 
374  ;  also  Ad  Att.  i.  19,  4  '  unam  rationem 
non  reiiciebam,  ut  ager  .  .  .  emeretur.* 

15.  Contentio  dispar,  'the  dispute  is 
between  parties  unequally  matched.* 

Q_ui  plus  .  .  valent,  i.e.  the  triumvirs. 

19.  Adsequi  seems  to  have  the  force  of 

*  adsequi  posse '  or  '  adsecuturos.*  Cp.  '  ex- 
pediri '  Ep.  16,  6. 

20.  Stipendium,  'money  for  the  pay- 
ment of  his  troops.' 

Decem  legati,  the  power  of  naming  ten 
legates,  an  unusualy  large  number.  Perhaps 
this  was  connected  with  an  increase  of  Cae- 
sar's army  to  ten  legions.  Cicero  supported 
these  votes  in  favour  of  Caesar.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  II,  §  6. 

21.  Lege  Sempronia.  C.  Gracchus 
had  got  a  law  enacted,  providing  that  the 
senate  should  in  each  year  assign  provinces 
to  the  consuls  who  should  be  elected  for  th« 


i88 


M.   TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  II. 


eo  ad  te  brevius  scribo,  quia  me  status  hie  rei  publicae  non 
delectat :  scribo  tamen,  ut  te  admoneam,  quod  ipse,  litteris 
omnibus  a  pueritia  deditus,  experiendo  tamen  magis  quam  dis- 
cendo  cognovi,  tu  tit  tuis  rebus  integris  discas  neque  salutis 
5  nostrae  rationem  habendam  nobis  esse  sine  dignitate  neque 
dignitatis  sine  salute.  Quod  mihi  de  filia  et  de  Crassipede  n 
gratularis,  agnosco  humanitatem  tuam  speroque  et  opto  nobis 
banc  coniunctionem  voluptati  fore.  Lentulum  nostrum  eximia 
spe  summae  virtutis  adulescentem  cum  ceteris  artibus,  quibus 
10  studuisti  semper  ipse,  tum  in  primis  imitatione  tui  fac  erudias ; 
nulla  enim  erit  hac  praestantior  disciplina :  quem  nos,  et  quia 
tuus  et  quia  te  dignus  est  filius  et  quia  nos  diligit  semperque 
dilexit,  in  primis  amamus  carumque  habemus. 

27.    To  C.  lULIUS  CAESAR,  Proconsul  of  Gaul 

(AD  FAM.  VII.  5). 

Rome,  February  or  March,  54  b.c.  (700  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  going  to  give  you  a  proof  of  my  confidence,  by  recommending  Trebatius  to 
you,  whom  I  should  certainly  have  taken  with  me  had  any  foreign  service  been  assigned 
me.  2.  I  recommend  him  the  more  readily,  as  while  I  was  talking  over  the  matter 
with  Balbus,  a  letter  from  you  arrived,  inviting  me  to  recommend  any  friend  to  you. 
3.  I  can  assure  you  honestly,  that  you  will  find  him  a  man  of  blameless  character  and 
eminent  legal  attainments.  I  do  not  presume  to  suggest  what  you  should  do  for 
him  ;  only  admit  him  to  your  friendship. 

CICERO  CAESARI  IMP.  S.  D. 

VidCj  quam  mihi  persuaserim  te  me  esse  alterum  non  modo  1 
15  in  iis  rebus^  quae  ad  me  ipsum,  sed  etiam  in  iis,  quae  ad  meos 


next  year,  before  their  election.  Cp.  Pro 
Baibo  27,  61.  Hence,  in  this  case,  it  might 
provide  that  the  two  Gaulish  provinces  should 
be  given  to  the  consuls  for  55  b.c,  on  the 
conclusion  of  their  year  of  office  at  Rome. 
This  would  of  course  imply  Caesar's  recall 
at  the  end  of  55  b.c.  No  one  could  sup- 
pose from  Cicero's  language  here,  that  he 
had  actively  supported  Caesar's  claims.  Cp. 
Intr.  ubi  supra. 

Quod  .  .  brevius  .  .  .  salute,  'I  write 
on  this  topic  briefly,  because  of  my  discon- 
tent ;  but  I  do  write,  that  you  may  learn 
from  ray  warning  to  neglect  neither  dignity 
nor  safety  :  a  lesson  I,  with  all  my  reading, 
have  learned  more  from  experience  than 
from  books.' 


4.  Tuis  rebus  integris,  'before  you 
have  suffered  any  disaster.' 

6.  De  Crassipede:  cp.  Ep.  25,  3,  note; 
and  the  note  on  the  date  of  this  letter,  p.  181. 

8.  Lentulum,  son  of  Cicero's  present 
correspondent.     Cp.  Ep.  23,  i,  note. 

9.  Artibus,  '  accomplishments.'  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  I.  8,  3  'nostra  .  .  studia  . .  litterarum.' 

IMP.  Caesar  had  probably  been  greeted 
as  '  Imperator '  by  his  soldiers  in  Gaul,  and 
the  senate  may  have  confirmed  the  title.  Cp. 
De  Prov.  Cons.  13,  32  ;  note  E.  p.  123. 

14.  Te  me  esse  alterum, '  that  you  are 
a  second  self  to  me.'  Cp.  De  Amic.  21,  80 
'  tanquam  alter  idem,'  and  Aristot.  Elh.  Nic. 
9.  9,  10  iTcpos  avTos, 


I 


i 


}f 


r 


EP.27.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VII  5.       189 

pertinent :  C.  Trebatium  cogitaram,  quocumque  exirem,  mecum 
ducere,  ut  eum  meis  omnibus  studiis,  beneficiis  quam  ornatissi- 
mum  domum  reducerem.  Sed  postea  quam  et  Pompeii  commo- 
ratio  diuturntor  erat,  quam  putaram,  et  mea  quaedam  tibi  non 
ignota  dubitatio  aut  impedire  profectionem  meam  videbatur  aut  5 
certe  tardare,  vide,  quid  mihi  sumpserim  :  coepi  velle  ea  Treba- 
tium exspectare  a  te,  quae  sperasset  a  me,  neque  mehercule 
minus  ei  prolixe  de  tua  voluntate  promisi,  quam  eram  solitus 
2  de  mea  polliceri.  Casus  vero  mirificus  quidam  intervenit  quasi 
vel  testis  opinionis  meae  vel  sponsor  humanitatis  tuae :  nam  10 
cum  de  hoc  ipso  Trebatio  cum  Balbo  nostro  loquerer  accuratius 
domi  meae,  litterae  mihi  dantur  a  te,  quibus  in  extremis  scrip- 
tum  erat :  '  M.  f  itfiuium,  quem  mihi  commendas,  vel  regem 
Galliae  faciam,  vel  hunc  t  Leptae  delega,  si  vis :  tu  ad  me 
alium  mitte,  quem  ornem.'  Sustulimus  manus  et  ego  et  Balbus :  15 
tanta  fuit  opportunitas,  ut  illud  nescio  quid  non  fortuitum,  sed 


i 


V    •» 


1.  C.  Trebatium.  This  man  is  mentioned 
again  (Ep.62,  4;  Ad  Att.  9.  15,6;  9. 17,  i), 
and  there  are  several  letters  to  him  in  this 
seventh  book  Ad  Familiares.  During  the 
civil  war  between  Caesar  and  Pompey,  he 
seems  to  have  tried  to  induce  Cicero  to  be 
neutral. 

Q^uocumque  exirem.  Cicero  was  legate 
to  Pompey,  and  may  have  expected  to  have 
had  some  foreign  service  assigned  him. 
Pompey  still  held  his  commission  to  supply 
Rome  with  corn  (cp.  Ep.  20,  7),  and  had 
been  invested  with  the  government  of  the 
two  Spanish  provinces,  by  a  Lex  Trebonia 
of  this  year  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  i  ;  8). 

2.  Studiis,  beneficiis.  On  the  asyn- 
deton, cp.  Madv.  434. 

3.  Commoratio,'delayinleavingRome.' 

4.  Quaedam  .  .  dubitatio,  'a  certain 
hesitation,  of  which  you  know  the  grounds.* 
Cicero  was  unwilling  to  renounce  his  close 
observation  of  Clodius. 

5.  Videbatur, apparently,  'seemed  likely.* 

7.  Exspectare.  For  the  infin.  after 
*  velle '  and  similar  verbs,  cp.  Madv.  396. 

8.  Minus  .  .  prolixe,  *in  less  ample 
terms.'  Verbs  of  promising  are  not  uncom- 
monly used  intransitively  with  an  adverb,  or 
with  an  ablative  after  •  de,*  instead  of  tran- 
sitively, with  an  accusative.  Nagelsbach 
(116,  319;  145,  415)  gives  several  in- 
stances.    Cp.  also  Siipfle's  note. 

10.  Opinionis, 'my  opinion  of  your  feel- 
ings.' 

Humanitatis,  'friendliness.' 


II.  Balbo.  L.  Cornelius  Balbus  the 
elder  is  probably  meant.  He  was  a  native  of 
Gades,  and  acquired  Roman  citizenship  by 
an  act  of  Pompey,  the  validity  of  which 
Cicero  maintained  in  a  speech  still  extant. 
Balbus  acquired  great  wealth  in  Caesar's 
service,  and  was  now  his  financial  agent  at 
Rome.  He  was  afterwards,  in  40  b.c,  the 
first  consul  of  provincial  extraction. 

Accuratius,  'with  much  interest  and 
care.'     Forcell. 

13.  M.    itfiuium.      Wesenb,     suggests 

•  Titinium.'  A  letter  of  Cicero  to  M. 
Titinius  is  quoted  by  Suetonius  De  Clar. 
Rhet.  2.  Various  names  have  been  sug- 
gested— Furium,  Rufum,  Fulvium,  Orfium, 
but  it  is  difficult  to  identify  any  of  them. 

14.  Leptae  delega,  'refer  him  to  Lepta 
for  care  and  protection.'     Wesenb.  suggests 

•  delegabo,'  and  connects  *  si  vis  *  with  what 
follows.  Forcell.  Q.  Lepta  is  mentioned 
as  *  praefectus  fabrum '  to  Cicero  in  Cilicia 
(Ad  Fam.  5.  20,  4:  cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  17,  2), 
and  may  possibly  have  accompanied  Q^ 
Cicero  from  Caesar's  camp  to  his  brother's. 
Letters  from  Cicero  to  Lepta  are  found.  Ad 
Fam.  6.  18  and  19. 

15.  Sustulimus  manus,  i.e.  in  wonder. 

16.  Tanta  .  .  opportunitas  .  .  vide- 
retur,  *so  happy  was  the  coincidence,  that 
it  seemed,  shall  I  say  ?  the  proverbial  inter- 
vention of  Providence,  not  of  fortune.'  Cp. 
Philipp.  3.  10,  24  for  the  thought,  though 
the  expression  is  there  used  ironically.  For 
this  use  of  illud,  cp.  Madv.  485  b.  c. 


TQO 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  ii. 


divlnum   videretur.     Mitto   Igitur   ad    te  Trebatium   atque   ita 
mitto,  ut  initio  mea  sponte,  post  autem  invitatu  tuo  mittendum 
duxerim.     Hunc,  mi  Caesar,  sic  velim  omni  tua  comitate  com-  3 
plectare,  ut  omnia,  quae  per  me  possis  adduci  ut  in  meos  con- 

5  ferre  velis,  in  unum  hunc  conferas ;  de  quo  tibi  homine  haec 
spondeo,  non  illo  vetere  verbo  meo,  quod,  cum  ad  te  de  Milone 
scripsissem,  iure  lusisti,  sed  more  Romano,  quo  modo  homines 
non  inepti  loquuntur,  probiorem  hominem,  meliorem  virum, 
pudentiorem  esse  neminem  ;  accedit  etiam,  quod  familiam  ducit 

lo  in  iure  civili  singulari  memoria,  summa  scientia.  Huic  ego 
neque  tribunatum  neque  praefecturam  neque  ulHus  beneficii  cer- 
ium nomen  peto  ;  benevolentiam  tuam  et  h'beralitatem  peto, 
neque  impedio,  quo  minus,  si  tibi  ita  placuerit,  etiam  hisce 
eum  ornes  gloriolae  insignibus ;    totum  denique  hominem   tibi 

15  ita  trado,  de  manu,  ut  aiunt,  in  manum  tuam  istam  et  victoria 
et  fide  praestantem.  Simus  enim  putidiusculi,  quam  per  te  vix 
licet;  verum,  ut  video,  licebit.  Cura,  ut  valeas,  et  me,  ut 
amas,  ama. 


2.  Invitatu.     A  word  apparently  found 
here  only. 

4.  Possis.    For  the  mood,  cp.  onEp.  21, 

3- 

6.  Non  illo  .  .  sed  more  Romano, 

*not  with  that  old  form  which  you  rightly 
made  sport  of  in  Milo's  case,  but  with  Roman 
sincerity.'  Cicero  appears  to  have  tried  to 
reconcile  Caesar  to  Milo,  perhaps  with  a 
view  to  Milo's  pretensions  to  the  consulate. 
In  writing  to  Caesar  on  the  subject,  he  seems 
to  have  given  Milo  credit  for  qualities  he  did 
not  possess,  and  to  have  been  laughed  at  by 
Caesar  for  doing  so.  For  the  expression 
•more  Romano,'  cp.  Ad  Fam.  7.  16,  3;  7- 

18,  3. 

9.  Quod  familiam  ducit,  *  that  he  is 
the  head  of  his  profession,'  or  '  of  a  school.* 
Cp.  Philipp.  5.  II,  30.  With  a  different 
punctuation  the  words  might  mean,  *  which 
is  most  important.*  Cp.  de  Fin.  4.  16,  45 
*iilam   vestram    sententiam   quae   familiam 


ducit,'  and  Manutius  on  this  passage. 

II.  Tribunatum, 'the  post  of  military 
tribune.' 

Praefecturam,  sociorum,  castrorum, 
fabrorum. 

Ullius  beneficii  certum  nomen*= 
*  uUum  beneficium  certum,'  '  any  definite 
distinction.'  For  the  gen.  defin.  *  beneficii,* 
cp.  Madv.  286. 

14.  Gloriolae,  'of  a  little  glory.*  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  5.  12,  9. 

15.  De  manu  .  .  in  manum,  'from 
my  hand  direct  to  yours.*  '  Quod  in  iis  fit 
quae  cara  sunt  et  studiose  servamus.'  For- 
cell.     Cp.  Plant.  Trin.  4.  2,  57. 

16.  Simus  enim  .  .  licebit,  Met  me 
be  somewhat  exacting,  which  your  kind- 
ness ought  to  prevent,  but  will,  I  see,  tole- 
rate.' 

Putidiusculi  seems  only  to  be  found 
here.  'Putidum*  means,  *in  bad  taste.* 
Cp.  Ep.  7,  I. 


I 


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EP.  28.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IV.  15.  191 

28.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  IV.  15). 
Rome,  July,  54  e.g.  (700  a.u.c.) 

I.  T  am  glad  you  have  rewarded  Euty chides  with  his  freedom.  2.  I  approve  of 
your  journey  to  Asia,  but  be  sure  to  return  by  the  promised  day.  3.  I  have  written  to 
you  often  and  fully,  but  you  seem  not  to  have  received  all  my  letters,  and  I  write  so 
freely  that  this  makes  me  rather  uneasy.  4-  The  corruption  of  our  courts  has  been 
lately  shewn  on  the  trials  of  Sufenas,  Cato,  and  Procilius.  I  did  not  defend  Procilius, 
out  of  consideration  for  Tullia,  who  feared  a  fresh  breach  with  Clodius.  his  accuser. 
5.  A  dispute  between  the  citizens  of  Reate  and  Interamna  took  me  lately  to  the  former 
place  ;  6.  on  my  return  to  Rome  I  was  very  well  received  in  the  theatre.  7.  The  great 
demand  for  money  to  be  spent  in  bribery  has  actually  doubled  the  rate  of  interest,  and 
the  result  of  the  consular  elections  is  very  doubtful.  8.  I  will  inform  you  of  it  if  I  hear 
in  time.  9.  I  have  plenty  to  do  in  pleading  for  clients  of  distinction.  10.  Qumtus,  I 
suppose,  is  in  Britain,  and  I  feel  rather  anxious  on  his  account,  but  his  presence  m 
Caesar's  camp  assures  me  the  latter's  friendship.  Bid  Dionysius  come  to  me  as  soon 
as  he  can. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  De  Eutychide  gratum,  qui  vetere  praenomine,  novo  nomine 
T.  erit  Caecilius,  ut  est  ex  me  et  ex  te  iunctus  Dionysius  M. 
Pomponius.  Valde  mehercule  mihi  gratum  est  Eutychidem  tua 
erga  me  benevolentia  cognosse  suam  illam  in  meo  dolore  (ru/xTrd- 

2  0€tarneque  tum  mihi  obscuram  neque  post  ingratam  fuisse.  Iter  5 
Asiaticum  tuum  puto  tibi  suscipiendum  fuisse ;  numquam  enim 
tu  sine  iustissima  causa  tam  longe  a  tot  tuis  et  hominibus  et 
rebus  carissimis  et  suavissimis  abesse  voluis^es.  Sed  humanita- 
tem  tuam  amoremque  in  tuos  reditus  celeritas  declarabit ;  sed 
vereor  ne  lepore  suo  te  detineat  diutius  rhetor  Clodius  et  homo  10 
pereruditus,  ut  aiunt,  et  nunc  quidem  deditus  Graecis  Htteris 
Pituanius.     Sed,  si  vis  homo  esse,  recipe  te  ad  nos,  ad   quod 


I.  De  Eutychide.  Eutychides  was  a 
slave  emancipated  by  Atticus,  who  took  his 
master's  old  praenomen  Titus  with  the 
nomen  Caecilius  which  Atticus  received  on 
adoption  by  his  uncle. 

Gratum,  sc.  'est  quod  fecisti.' 

3.  Dionysius,  another  freedman  of  At- 
ticus (see  §  10,  note),  received  the  name 
Marcus  Pomponius  on  emancipation,  out 
of  compliment  to  Cicero. 

3.  Tua  .  .  benevolentia,  *by  your 
granting  him  his  freedom  as  a  favour  to  me.' 

^.  avfiirddfiav.  I  do  not  know  to  what 
Cicero  here  refers ;  perhaps  to  some  services 
of  Eutychides  at  the  time  of  his  exile. 

5.  Iter  Asiaticum.  Probably  a  journey 


to  look  after  some  money  owing  to  Atticus 

in  Asia. 

10.  Rhetor  Clodius:  soOrell.  The  best 
MS.,  which  Baiter  follows,  has  'praetor/ 
but  tbat  seems  unintelligible.  A  Sicilian 
rhetorician  named  Sex.  Clodius  is  mentioned 
(Philipp.  2.  17,  43;  cp.  2.  39,  loi),  but 
why  he  should  accompany  Atticus  on  this 
journey  it  is  hard  to  see. 

11.  Graecis  litteris.  Boot  thinks  that 
Cicero  refers  to  accounts,  which  would 
naturally  be  drawn  up  in  Greek  often  in  the 
East;  or  it  may  mean  'Greek  papers,'  at 
referring  to  business  with  Greeks. 

12.  Pituanius.  Nothing  seems  to  be 
known  of  this  man. 


192 


M,  TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  II. 


tempus  confirmasti ;  cum  illis  tamen,  cum  salvi  venerint,  Romae 
vivere  licebit.     Avere  te  scribis  accipere  aliquid  a  nie  litterarum  :  3 
dedi,  ac  multis  quidem  de  rebus,  rifiepokeybbv  perscripta  omnia ; 
sed,  [ut  coniicio,]  quoniam  mihi  non  videris  in  Epiro  diu  fuisse, 

5  redditas  tibi  non  arbitror.     Genus  autem  mearum  ad  te  quidem, 
litterarum  eius  modi  fere  est,  ut  non  libeat  cuiquam  dare,  nisi, 
de  quo  exploratum  sit  tibi  eum  redditurum.    Nunc  Romanas  re^  4 
accipe:   a.  d.  ill.  Nonas   Quinctiles    Sufenas   et  Cato  absoluti, 
Procilius  condemnatus ;  ex  quo  intellectum  est  rpta-apetoTraytVas' 

10  ambitum,  comitia,  interregnum,  maiestatem,  totam  denique  renv 
publicam  flocci  non  facere.  Debemus  patrem  familias  domi  suae- 
occidere  nolle,  neque  tamen  id  ipsum  abunde  ;  nam  absolverunt- 
XXII.,  condemnarunt  XXVIII.  Publius  sane  diserto  epilogo  crimi- 
nans  mentes  iudicum  commoverat.     Hortalus  in  ea  causa  fuit^ 

15  cuius  modi  solet.    Nos  verbum  nullum.     Verita  est  enim  pusilla, 
quae  nunc  laborat,  ne  animum  Publii   offenderem.   /His   rebus  5 


V.A 


Homo,  '  a  man  of  your  word.*  'Homo' 
is  here  used  as  a  term  of  praise.  Cp.  *  quo- 
niam est  homo  et  nos  diligit '  Ad  Att.  lo. 
II,  5  ;  also  Ep.  104.  2. 

i!  Cum  illis,  '  with  Clodius  and  Pitua- 
nius.' 

Tamen,  *even  if  you  leave  them  behind 

you  in  A«ia.* 

Cum  salvi  venerint,  'after  their  safe 
return  to  Rome/  *  Cum '  almost  =  *  si.'  Cp. 
Ep.  58,  I,  note. 

3.  ^fxfpo\€yS6v,  'day  by  day.'  Cp. 
Aesch.  Pers.  63. 

8.  Sufenas.  A  cognomen  of  the  '  gens 
Nonia.*  The  man  here  mentioned  was 
perhaps  the  same  as  one  whose  name  occurs 
Ad  Att.  8.  15,  3  as  that  of  a  man  who  then 
held  'imperium.'  A  M.  Nonius  is  men- 
tioned Att.  6.  I,  13  as  holding  some  office 
in  the  provinces  in  50  b.c.  For  an  account 
of  C.  Cato,  cp.  Ep.'i5,  15,  note. 

9.  P  roc  Hi  OS  was  colleague  of  the  two 
former  as  tribune  in  57-56  b.c,  but  nothing 
further  seems  to  be  known  of  him.  All 
three  seem  to  have  been  brought  to  trial 
for  the  violence  of  their  official  conduct,  by 
which  they  had  caused  a  postponement  of 
the  election  of  consuls,  and  rendered  an 
interregnum  necessary.  Cp.  Dion  Cassius 
39,  27;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  17;  Abeken,  p. 
169.  Cato,  in  particular,  was  charged  with 
a  violation  of  the  Lex  lunia  Licinia,  which 
provided  for  due  publicity  in  legislation,  and 
of  the  Lex  Fufia,  which  required  due  regard 
to  be  paid  to  the  auspices.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  4. 


16,  5;  4.  17,  2.  He  was  defended  by  C. 
Licinius  Calvus  and  M.  Aemilius  Scaurus. 
Procilius  was  accused  by  P.  Clodius,  whose 
eloquence  seems  to  have  secured  his  convic- 
tion. I  cannot  find  any  explanation  of  the 
allusion  in  patrem   familias  .  .  nolle. 

TpiaapeiOTrayiras,  ' our  right  rigorous 
judges.'  rpia-  seems  more  commonly  used 
with  adjectives  than  with  substantives  in  this 
sense,  in  classical  Greek.  But  rpiadvOpcoiros 
is  found,  Diog.  Laert.  6.  47.  '  Ariopagitae* 
is  used  ironically,  Ep.  8,  5. 

11.  Debemus  .  .  .  nolle.  Wesenb. 
omits  •  debemus  *  on  some  MS.  authority 
apparently,  and  suggests  'occidi'  for  *oc- 
cidere.'  This  would  improve  the  sense,  by 
making  TpiaapdOTrayiTas  the  subject  of 
*  nolle '  as  well  as  of  '  facere,'  thus  stating 
the  inference  as  to  the  disposition  of  the 
judges  which  might  be  drawn  both  from  the 
acquittal  of  others  and  from  the  condemna- 
tion of  Procilius.  *  Our  judges  deal  leniently 
with  bribery,  but  do  not  wish  to  leave 
murder  unpunished.* 

12.  Abunde, 'decidedly.* 

13.  Publius,  Clodius.  Often  so  called  in 
Cicero's  letters.     Cp.  Ep.  12,  4. 

Epilogo  =  ' peroratione.'  The  word  is 
used  in  various  passages  by  Cicero.  Cp. 
Forcell. 

14.  Hortalus.  The  celebrated  orator 
Q.  Hortensius  Hortalus.     Cp.  Ep.  14,  i. 

15.  Pusilla.  Used,  apparently,  as  a 
term  of  endearment  for  Cicero's  daughter 
TuUia. 


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EP.  28.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM   IV.  15.  193 

actis  Reatini  me  ad  sua  Tefiirr]  duxerunt,  ut  agerem  causam  contra 
Interamnates  apud  consulem  et  decem  legatos,  quod  lacus  Velinus, 
a  M'.  Curio  emissus,  interciso  monte,  in  Nar  defluit ;  ex  quo  est 
ilia  siccata  et  humida  tamen  modice  Rosia.  Vixi  cum  Axio,  qui 
6  etiam  me  ad  Septem  aquas  duxit.  Redii  Romam  Fonteii  causa  5 
a.  d.  VII.  Idus  Quinct.  Veni  in  spectaculum,  primum  magno  et 
aequabili  plausu — sed  hoc  ne  curaris ;  ego"  ineptus,  qui  scripse- 
rim —  ;  deinde  Antiphonti  operam  :  is  erat  ante  manumissus  quam 
productus.  Ne  diutius  pendeas,  palmam  tulit ;  sed  nihil  tam> 
pusillum,  nihil  tam  sine  voce,  nihil  tam  .  .  .  verum  haec  tu  tecum 
habeto.  In  Andromacha  tamen  maior  fuit  quam  Astyanax,  in 
ceteris  parem   habuit  neminem.     Quaeris   nunc   de  Arbuscula : 


.  1.  Tifiirri,  i.e.  the  valley  of  the  Velinus 
between  Reate  and  Interamna :  so  called, 
apparently,  as  rivalling  the  Thessalian  Tem- 
ple in  beauty.  The  dispute  was  probably 
about  the  regulation  of  some  of  the  channels 
through  which  the  water  was  carried  off. 
Cp.  Pro  Scauro  12,  27. 

2.  Decem  legatos.  Ten  commissioners 
or  assessors  appointed  to  assist  the  consul  in 
his  judgment,  but  how  appointed  we  cannot 
say.  We  here  get  a  notice  of  some  of  the 
ordinary  business  of  the  consuls. 

3.  A.  M'.  Curio.  These  words  have 
generally  been  supposed  to  refer  to  the  con- 
queror of  Pyrrhus.  on  whose  great  work, 
forming  the  cascade  of  Terni,  cp.  Mommsen 
I.  463;  Nieb.  Rom.  Hist.  .^.  415.  But,  as 
Cicero  seems  to  be  referring  to  a  recent 
grievance,  Zumpt  supposed  that  a  name- 
sake of  M'.  Curius,  living  nearer  to  Cicero's 
time,  was  the  author  of  the  work  here  re- 
ferred to.  Cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of  Biogr.  I. 
992,  sub  nom.  *  Dentatus.'  This  seems 
needless,  for  perhaps  the  words  quod  .  . 
defluit  are  merely  inserted  to  remind 
Atticus  of  the  relative  position  of  the  two 
places,  and  to  shew  the  probability  of  quar- 
rels arising. 

Ex  quo  est  .  .  Rosia,  'since  when  the 
famous  Rosia  has  been  drained,  though  it 
still  retains  some  moisture.'  The  plain  called 
Rosia  or  Rosea  was  one  of  notorious  fer- 
tility, and  consisted,  probably,  in  part  of 
land  reclaimed  from  the  lake  Velinus.  Cp. 
Tac.  Ann.  i.  79.  On  the  occasion  referred 
to  in  that  passage,  the  people  of  Reate  pro- 
tested against  an  obstruction  of  the  course 
of  the  Velinus,  and  may  now  have  desired 
Cicero's  aid  to  avert  a  similar  measure.  Mr. 
Jeans  says  that  *at  Rieti  is  still  shewn 
a  mutilated  statue,  said  to  be  erected  by  the 


people  in  honour  of  Cicero's  services  in  this 
very  trial.' 

4.  Cum  Axio.  Axius  was  a  wealthy 
Roman  senator,  Cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  Ii,  2; 
Varro  de  R.  R.  2,  3. 

5.  Septem  aquas.  Some  springs,  dis- 
tant about  five  miles  from  the  lake.  Axius 
may  have  had  another  villa  there.  The 
Septem  aquae  are  mentioned  by  Dionys.  Hal. 
Rom.  Ant.  i.  14. 

Fonteii.  M.  or  M'.  Fonteius,  propraetor 
of  Gallia  Narbonensis  from  77  to  75  B.C., 
was  defended  by  Cicero  in  69  B.C.,  on  a 
charge  of  maladministration.  Pomptini 
has  been  suggested,  as  C.  Pomptinus  tri- 
umphed over  the  Allobroges.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
4.  16,  12;  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  4,  6. 

7.  Aequabili,  'uniform,'  'general,*  Ma- 
nutius  suggests  '  unmixed  with  hisses.* 

8.  Antiphonti.  Possibly  a  freedman 
of  Milo.  It  was  not,  apparently,  usual  to 
give  slave  actors  their  freedom  till  after 
proof  of  their  talent;  Antiphon,  therefore, 
was  greatly  favoured. 

Operam,  sc.  •  dedi.* 

10.  Pusillum,  'mean,'  'insignificant.' 

11.  In  Andromacha,  'in  the  character 
of  Andromache,'  which  he  filled  in  a  play  of 
Ennius  so  named.  This  shews  that  men 
took  female  parts  in  tragedy  at  Rome. 

Maior,  either  'taller,'  or  'more  im- 
portant.' 

Quam  Astyanax.  The  best  MS.  has 
'  quam  Astya,'  which  Schiitz  supposes  to  be 
the  name  of  another  actor. 

12.  Parem.  The  context  seems  to  re- 
quire some  word  meaning  '  equally  bad.* 
Cicero  may  be  writing  ironically. 

Arbuscula,  a  well-known  female  dancer. 
Cp.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  10,  77,  and  OreUi's 
note. 


194 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


V 


' 


valde  placuit.    Ludi  magnifici  et  grati.    Venatio  in  aliud  tempus  7 
dilata.  Sequere  nunc  me  in  campum  :  ardet  ambitus  ;  cnjixa  be  rot 
fpi(o.    Faenus  ex  triente  Idibus  Quinctilibus  factum  erat  bessibus. 
Dices  'istuc  quidem  non  moleste  fero.'     O  virum !     O  civem ! 

5  Memmium  Caesaris  omnes  opes  confirmant ;  cum  eo  Domitium 
consules  iunxerunt,  qua  pactione,  epistolae  committere  non  audeo. 
Pompeius  fremit,  queritur,  Scauro  studet ;  sed  utrum  fronte  an 
mente,  dubitatur.  'E^ox^  in  nullo  est ;  pecunia  omnium  dignita- 
tem exaequat.     Messalla  languet,  non  quo  aut  animus  desit  aut 

10  amici,  sed  coitio  consulum  e^  Pompeius  obsunt.    Ea  comitia  puto 
fore  ut  ducantur.    Tribunicii  candidati  iurarunt  se  arbitrio  Catonis 


1.  Ludi,  'Apollinares  in  Circo.'    Billerb. 
Venatio.    The  fights  with  wild  animals; 

spectacles  for  which  Cicero  had  no   taste. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  7.  1,3;  also  Ep.  9,  i. 

2.  In  campum,  sc.  * Martium,'  •  to  the 
scene  of  the  elections.' 

^rjfia  8«  Toi  ipioj   fxaX'  a.pi<ppaZis  ovZi 
at  \r]a(i. — Horn.  II.  23.  326, 

3.  Faenus  .  .  bessibus.  The  rate  of 
interest  called  '  centesimae  usurae,'  was  one 
per  cent,  per  month ;  one  *  as '  for  every  hun- 
dred '  asses '  per  month.  Lower  rates  of 
interest  were  expressed  by  taking  fractions 
of  the  *  as,'  as  though  for  one  per  cent,  per 
month  the  expression  '  asses  usurae/  instead 
of  'centesimae  usurae,*  had  been  used.  Thus, 
if  *  asses  usurae '  =  i  per  cent,  per  month  = 
1 2  per  cent,  per  year. 

trientes  =  ^per  cent. per  month  =  4per  year 


besses    =  § 


=  8 


»» 


Cicero  (Ad  Att.  i.  12,  i)  complains  that  he 
cannot  borrow  from  a  particular  money- 
lender at  a  lower  rate  than  '  centesimae/  and 
in  another  passage  (Ad  Fam.  5.  6,  2)  says, 

*  omnio  semissibus  magna  copia  est.' — I 
think,  therefore,  that  there  is  no  difficulty 
in  taking  the  words  '  triente  '  and  *  bessibus* 
here  in  their  ordinary  sense,  though  the 
rates  seem  rather  lower  than  might  be  ex- 
pected to  have  prevailed  when  the  demand 
for  money  was  great.  Nor  can  I  see  how 
Dean  Merivale  (i.  441)  gets  the  meaning 

*  8  per  cent,  per  month'  out  of  the  words. — 
I  have  been  led  to  reconsider  my  opinion  on 
this  passage  by  Mr.  J.  R.  King's  remarks  in 
the  Academy  for  Feb.  15,  1871. 

5.  Memmium  :  cp.  Ep.  15,  16,  note. 
Domitium:  cp.  Ep,  23,  6. 

6.  Consules.  The  consuls,  Appius 
Claudius  Pulcher  and  L.  Domitius  Aheno- 
barbus,  agreed  to  support  C.  Memmius  and 
Cn.  Domitius.  For  an  account  of  the  p  actio 
here  referred  to,  cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  18,  2  'con- 


sules flagrant  infamia,  quod  C.  Memmius 
candidatus  pactionem  in  senatu  recitavit, 
quam  ipse  et  suus  competitor  Domitius  cum 
consulibus  fecissent,  uti  ambo  H.S.  quad- 
ragena  consulibus  darent,  si  essent  ipsi  con- 
sules facti,  nisi  tres  augures  dedissent,  qui  se 
adfuisse  dictrent,  cum  lex  curiata  ferretur, 
quae  lata  non  esset,  et  duo  consulates,  qui  se 
dicerent  in  ornandis  provinciis  consularibns 
scribendo  adfuisse.  cum  omnino  ne  senatus 
quidem  fuisset.'     Cp.  Merivale  I.  439,  440. 

7.  Utrum  fronte  an  mente.  For  the 
expression,  cp.  Ep.  29,  17,  and  onPompey's 
dissimulation  in  general,  Ad  Att.  4.  9,  I,  '  ut 
loquebatur;'  Ad  Fam.  8.  I,  3,  *  solet  enim 
aliud  «entire  et  loqui.'  That  men's  doubts 
were  justified  in  this  instance  we  learn  from 
Ad  Q.  F.  3.  8,  3  *  Scaurum  .  .  iampridem 
Pompeius  abiecit.'  The  Scaurus  here  re- 
ferred to  was  a  M.  Aemilius  Scaurus,  of 
whom  little  is  known,  except  that  Cicero 
defended  him  on  a  charge  of  *  repetundae,' 
in  a  speech  of  which  large  fragments  remain. 
Cp.  §  9,  note. 

8.  (^oxVy  'distinction,*  'eminence.* 

9.  Messalla  ;  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  ii; 
I3v  Ep.  33,  I,  note. 

Non  quo  aut  animus  .  .  obsunt. 
For  the  combination  of  the  indicative  ex- 
pressing a  real  reason,  with  the  conjunctive 
giving  an  imaginary  reason,  cp.  Madv.  357 
b,  Obs. 

II.  Ducantur,  'be  delayed.*  Cp.  Ep. 
88,  2  •  bellum  ducere.'  Cicero's  expecta- 
tions were  fulfilled,  as  the  year  53  B.C.  opened 
with  a  succession  of  interregna.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  II,  §  13. 

Tribunicii  candidati  ..  tribueretur. 
This  bond  is  also  mentioned,  Ad  Q^  F.  2. 15 
b  (Baiter  14),  4. 

Se  .  .  petituros,  *  that  they  will  submit 
their  conduct  as  candidates  to  the  judgment 
of  Cato.'     I  cannot  agree  with  Mr.  Jeans 


ll 


H 


!»» 


*  J 


L 


!•/ 


EP.28.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IV.  15.  195 

petituros:  apud  eum'HS.quingena  deposuerunt  ut, qui  a  Catone 

8  damnatus  esset,  id  perderet  et  competitoribus  tribueretur.  Haec 
ego  pridie  scribebam,  quam  comitia  fore  putabantur ;  sed  ad  te, 
quinto  Kal.  Sextil.  si  facta  erunt  et  tabellarius  non  erit  profectus, 
tota  comitia  perscribam,  quae  si,  ut  putantur,  gratuita  fuerint,  plus  ?, 

9  unus  Cato  potuerit  quam  omnes-  leges  omnesque  indices.  Mes- 
sius  defendebatur  a  nobis  de  legatione  revocatus  ;  nam  eum  Caesari 
legarat  Appius.  Servilius  edixit  ut  adesset.  Tribus  habet  Pomp- 
tinam,  Velinam,  Maeciam.  Pugnatur  acriter  ;  agitur  tamen  satis. 
Deinde  me  expedio  ad  Drusum,  inde ad  Scaurum :  parantur  oration-  10 
ibus  indices  gloriosi.    Fortasse  accedent  etiam  consules  designati, 

10  in  quibus  si  Scaurus  non  fuerit,  in  hoc  iudicio  valde  laborabit.    Ex 


that  the  words  mean  '  only  to  go  to  the  poll 
if  approved  by  Cato.* 

3.  Scribebam,  epistolary  tense.  The 
election  of  tribunes  seems  to  have  taken 
place  in  July.  Cp.  Ep.  33,  2.  Wesenb. 
suggests  the  addition  of 'ea'  after  'comitia* 
— '  ea'  =  tribunicia. 

5.  Ut  putantur,  sc.  'futura.*  For  the 
personal  use  of  the  passive  of '  puto,'  cp.  De 
Amic.  2, 6  'quia  prudens . .  putabatur.'  The 
change  of  tense  from  *  putabantur '  above  is 
accounted  for  by  the  impression  here  men- 
tioned not  being  entertained  on  one  day 
only.     Cp.  Madv.  345. 

Gratuita,  *  pure  from  bribery.*  Cp.  Pro 
Plane.  22.  54  '  gratuita  suffragia.' 

6.  Messius:  cp.  Ep.  20,  7,  note. 

7.  Revocatus,  'summoned  back  for 
trial.'  Schiitz  following  Manutius,  who  adds 
*  a  propinquis  ut  opinor,  aut  ab  amicis,'  seems 
to  think  that  the  'legatio'  would  protect 
him  against  such  a  summons,  but  Billerb. 
and  Merivale  (1.437)  do  not  agree  with  him. 

8.  Legarat  =  'legatum  assignarat*  (For- 
cell.),  •  had  got  him  a  post  as  legate.* 

Appius.  Probably  COS.  54  B.C.  Servi- 
lius, one  of  the  praetors  for  this  year.  For 
an  account  of  him,  cp.  Ep.  9,  10,  note. 

Tribus  habet,  'the  tribes  from  which 
his  judges  are  to  be  taken  are.*  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  II,  §  8 ;  Pro  Plane.  15  and  16. 

9.  Agitur  .  .  satis,  Forcell.  explains 
these  words  as  = '  satagitur,*  '  I  have  enough 
to  do  ;*  Manut.  as  =  'aliquid  proficitur.' 

10.  Drusum.  Perhaps  father  of  the  em- 
press Livia.  He  was  accused  of  '  praevari- 
catio,'  or  collusion  with  an  opponent  on  a 
trial.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  5  and  8 ;  Ad  CL 
F.  2.  16,  3. 

Scaurum  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  8  ;  Ad.  Q. 
F.  3. 1,  II  and  16.     He  was  acquitted  on  a 

O 


charge  of  '  repetundae.*  Cp.  the  conclusion 
of  Asconius'  commentary  on  the  oration  Pro 
Scauro,  p.  139  ;  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  7. 

11.  Indices:  'titles,'  'tables  of  contents.* 
The  different  'volumina'  of  his  speeches 
would  naturally  be  distinguished  by  the 
names  of  the  men  for  or  against  whom  they 
were  delivered.  For  the  meaning  of '  index,* 
cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  4  b,  I,  where  Cicero  gives  the 
Greek  aiWv^ovi  as  an  equivalent  for  '  in- 
dices ;'  also,  perhaps,  Philipp.  I.  8,  20  '  legis 
index.* 

Gloriosi.  This  word  is  used  in  a  good 
sense  in  various  passages,  e.g.  Phil.  2.  12, 
27.  'I  am  getting  fine  names  to  put  on 
the  volumes  of  my  works ; '  or,  perhaps, 
'titles  for  my  works  which  will  do  me 
honour.* 

Accedent  etiam  consules  designati, 
*  the  consuls  elect  will  perhaps  be  added  to 
my  clients.*  Bribery  has  been  so  general, 
that  the  successful  candidates,  whoever  they 
were,  would  probably  be  prosecuted.  Cal- 
vinus  and  Messalla  were  actually  successful. 
The  year  54  b.c.  closed  without  any  elec- 
tion of  consuls,  and  several  interregna  fol- 
lowed. Hence  Messalla  and  Calvinus  en- 
tered on  their  office  at  once,  and  there  was 
no  interval  after  their  election  in  which  the 
prosecutions  with  which  they  were  threat- 
ened could  be  instituted.  Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  3. 
8,  3 ;  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  8 ;  Intr.  to  Part  II,  § 
13.  Messalla  was  afterwards  condemned  in 
51  B.C.     See  Ep.  33,  i. 

12.  In  hoc  .  .  laborabit,  *he  will  come 
off  badly;'  '  it  will  go  very  hard  with  him  in 
his  trial,'  i.e.  the  one  for  which  Cicero  had 
promised  his  advocacy.  Judges  might  be 
less  willing  to  convict  a  consul  elect,  though 
he  was  not  legally  exempt  from  prosecution. 

Ex  Q.  fratris  litteris.  Cicero*s  brother 


a^ 


196 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


"^  /  ^ 


\ 


O.  fratris  litteris  susplcor  iam  eum  esse  in  Britannia  :  suspense 
a^nimo  exspecto,  quid  agat.  Illud  quidem  sumus  adepti,  quod 
multis  et  magnis  iudiciis  possumus  iudicare  nos  Caesari  et  carissi- 
mos  et  iucundissimos  esse.  Dionysium  velim  salvere  lubeas  et 
5  eum  roges  et  hortere,  ut  quam  primum  veniat,  ut  possit  Ciceronem 
meum  atque  etiam  me  ipsum  erudire. 


29.    To  P.  LENTULUS  SPINTHER  (AD  FAM.  I.  9). 
Rome,  Autumn,  54  b.c.  (700  a.u.c.) 

I  I  was  glad  to  learn  from  your  letter  that  you  were  satisfied  with  my  gratitude. 
I  should  be  guilty  indeed  if  I  failed  to  do  you  any  service  in  my  power  ;  and  I  wish  you 
had  been  present  to  see  how  I  understand  my  duty.  2.  For  your  own  sake  I  am  glad 
that  you  now  hold  a  post  of  high  command,  but  your  presence  would  have  enabled  us 
to  act  in  concert,  and  to  punish  our  enemies.  One  of  them,  however,  has  saved  us 
the  trouble  ;  his  mad  attempts  have  made  him  harmless  for  the  future.  3-  You  have 
learned,  at  less  expense  than  I  did,  how  to  appreciate  the  good  faith  of  certam  people ; 
and  this  brings  me  to  your  enquiries.  4.  You  do  not  complain  of  my  reconciliation 
with  Caesar  and  Appius  ;  but  wish  to  know  why  I  pleaded  for  Vatinius.  I  must  reply 
by  a  general  exposition  of  my  policy. 

After  my  restoration  from  exile  I  thought  myself  peculiarly  indebted,  not  only  to 
you  but  to  my  country,  and  often  expressed  my  sense  of  obligation  both  in  public  and 
in  private,  5.  though  even  then  I  perceived  that  some  who  ought  to  have  been  active  in 
securing  me  compensation  for  my  losses  were  lukewarm  or  jealous;  6.  and  though,  as 
you  often  said.  I  was  under  great  obligations  to  Pompey,  I  adhered  to  my  old  party. 
7  In  defending  Sestius,  I  spoke  with  the  greatest  freedom  in  Pompey's  presence,  8. 
and  shewed  equal  firmness  in  the  senate.  On  April  5,  in  the  year  before  last,  I  gave 
notice  of  a  motion  which  was  a  direct  attack  on  the  policy  of  Pompey  and  Caesar. 
This  caused  great  agitation  ;  and  9.  Pompey,  who  at  first  shewed  no  displeasure,  after 
a  meeting  with  Caesar  at  Luca,  remonstrated  energetically  with  my  brother  in  Sardinia, 
and  reminded  him  of  his  promises  on  my  behalf.  10.  This  news  from  my  brother,  and 
a  demand  from  Pompey  that  I  should  keep  myself  unpledged  as  to  the  motion  above 
referred  to,  made  me  reflect  whether  I  ought  not  to  think  of  private  as  well  as  of  public 


Quintus  now  held  a  high  command  in  Caesar's 
army.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  n  ;  I3- 

I.  In  Britannia.  Caesar  was  in  Bri- 
tain from  the  spring  till  the  early  autumn 
of  54  B.C.,  after  a  shorter  visit  in  the  pre- 
vious year.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  13;  Caes. 
Bell.  Gall.  5.  8-23  ;  Merivale  i.  471-476; 
Mommsen  4.  I,  257-260.  Q.  Cicero  went 
with  him.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  4,  17,  3. 

4.  Dionysium.  Three  contemporaries 
of  this  name,  at  least,  are  mentioned  in 
Cicero's  letters  :  (i)  a  freedman  of  Atticus, 
see  §  I ;  (2)  the  one  here  referred  to ;  and 


(3)  another  literary  slave  of  Cicero.  In  the 
earlier  letters  to  Atticus,  the  first  is  often  re- 
ferred to ;  the  second  is  often  noticed  in  the 
later  letters  to  Atticus,  and  was  the  teacher 
of  the  young  Ciceros ;  the  third  is  men- 
tioned Ad  Att.  9.  3,  I ;  Ad  Fam.  5.  9,  2  ;  5. 
10, 1 ,  &c.  Cp.  Orelli's  Onomasticon,  sub  nom. 
Autumn.  From  the  language  of  §  25 
of  this  letter  it  seems  that  Appius  was 
already  looking  forward  to  his  provincial 
administration,  and  perhaps  we  may  infer 
that  the  year  of  his  consulship  was  drawing 
to  its  close. 


A 


i^-». 


t 


1 


^    \ 


I' 


EP.  29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  /.  9.  197 

duty.  And  I  was  further  influenced  by  the  malicious  pleasure  which  some  of  the  op- 
timates  took  in  my  estrangement  from  Pompey,  and  by  the  court  which  they  paid  to 
Clodius.  II.  Still,  if  the  leaders  of  the  opposite  party  had  been  worthless  men,  nothing 
should  have  induced  me  to  support  them  in  any  degree.  But  one  of  them  was  Pompey, 
whose  public  services  had  been  most  eminent ;  and  I  did  not  think  I  should  be  charged 
with  inconsistency  if  I  slightly  changed  my  policy  in  favour  of  one  to  whose  support  I 
had  devoted  much  of  my  life.  12.  Thus  I  had  to  regard  Caesar  also  with  favour,  as 
his  cause  was  bound  up  with  Pompey's  :  his  old  friendship  with  me  and  my  brother  and 
his  recent  liberality  made  me  all  the  more  disposed  for  such  a  course ;  and  I  thought 
that,  after  his  great  exploits,  a  struggle  with  him  would  have  been  mischievous  to  the 
State.  I  considered  myself  also  pledged  to  some  extent  by  what  had  passed  between 
Caesar,  Pompey,  and  my  brother.  I  remembered  a  saying  of  Plato,  and  thought  how 
it  had  been  verified  in  our  history,  first  by  the  senate's  behaviour  in  the  years  between 
my  consulship  and  Caesar's,  13.  and  afterwards  in  another  way,  by  the  real  or  affected 
alarm  of  some  of  my  apparent  friends.  14.  I  am  aware  that  the  latter  afterwards  did 
good  service  to  me  in  procuring  my  restoration;  15.  but  afterwards  they  courted 
Clodius,  and  seemed  to  wish,  by  treating  my  just  claims  in  a  niggardly  spirit,  to  prevent 
my  asserting  my  independence.  16.  In  this  they  were  misled  by  a  mistaken  inference 
from  the  case  of  Metellus  Numidicus.  17.  However,  there  has  been  no  undue  as- 
sumption about  my  behaviour ;  I  only  strive  to  serve  such  men  as  may  be  in  need  of 

my  help. 

The  support  I  have  given  to  Caesar  is  represented  as  a  defection  from  my  old  party. 
But,  my  dear  Lentulus,  you  will  find  the  whole  aspect  of  politics  changed;  18.  ?nd 
wise  citizens  ought  to  change  their  views  accordingly.  Plato  preferred  to  abstain  from 
public  life  altogether ;  my  position  is  different  from  his,  and  Caesar's  public  services 
and  private  liberality  both  give  him  a  claim  on  my  support.  19.  I  can  now  answer 
your  questions  about  Vatinius  and  Crassus.— I  was  urged  by  Caesar  to  defend  Vatinius, 
and  my  testimony  on  his  behalf  was  not  stronger  than  that  which  you  have  borne  in 
favour  of  various  people.  I  had  a  further  reason  for  my  conduct ;  my  support  of 
Vatinius  was  a  fair  retaliation  for  that  which  certain  nobles  gave  to  Clodius.  20. 
Crassus,  after  we  had  been  reconciled,  aroused  my  indignation  by  unexpectedly  under- 
taking the  defence  of  Gabinius  and  attacking  me.  But  1  heard  that  some  people  were  ex- 
ulting at  the  prospect  of  a  permanent  breach  between  us,  and  so  I  listened  to  the  earnest 
entreaties  of  Pompey  and  Caesar  that  I  would  be  reconciled  to  him.  21.  I  should  pro- 
bably have  acted  as  I  have  done  even  if  no  personal  reasons  had  intervened  ;  but  I  will 
own  that  Caesar's  remarkable  gratitude  and  generosity  have  influenced  me,  and  I  need 
powerful  protection  against  the  plots  of  my  enemies.  22.  Had  you  been  present  you 
would,  I  think,  have  approved  my  conduct. 

23.  As  you  wish  to  see  anything  I  may  have  written  since  your  departure,  I  will 
send  you  a  few  speeches,  a  work  called  '  De  Oratore,'  in  three  books,  and  a  poem  in 
three  books  on  my  misfortunes.  24.  I  attend  carefully  to  your  interests  here.  Quintus 
will  be  very  grateful  if  you  can  do  anything  to  secure  his  property  in  your  province. 
I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  any  particulars  about  your  private  life  and  your  son's  studies. 
25.  Appius  declares  himself  resolved  to  go  at  once  as  your  successor  to  Cilicia,  and  I 
think  you  had  better  not  delay  your  return,  though  others  think  differently. 

26.  P.S.  I  have  just  had  your  letter  about  your  dispute  with  the  '  publicani ; '  I  wish 
you  could  have  avoided  it,  but  I  approve  and  will  defend  your  measures. 


igS 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


M.  CICERO  S.  D.  P.  LENTULO  IMP. 


[part  II. 


i 


Periucundae  mihi  fuerunt  litterae  tuae,  quibus  intellexi  te  per- 1 
spicere  meam  in  te  pietatem  :  quid  enim  dicam  bencvolentiam, 
cum  illud  ipsum  gravissimum  et   sanctissimum  nomen  pietatis 
levius  mihi  mentis  erga  me  tuis  esse  videatur?  Quod  autem  tibi 

5  grata  mea  erga  te  studia  scribis  esse,  facis  tu  quidem  abundantia 
quadam  amoris,  ut  etiam  grata  sint  ea,  quae  praetermitti  sine 
nefario  scelere  non  possunt ;  tibi  autem  multo  notior  atque 
illustrior  mens  in  te  animus  esset,  si  hoc  tempore  omni,  quo 
diiuncti  fuimus,  et  una  et  Romae  fuissemus.     Nam   in  eo  ipso,  2 

lo  quod  te  ostendis  esse  facturum  quodque  et  in  primis  potes  et  ego 
a  te  vehementer  exspecto,  in  sententiis  senatoriis  et  in  omni 
actione  atque  administratione  rei  publicae  floruissemus :  de  qua 
ostendam  equidem  paulo  post,  qui  sit  mens  sensus  et  status,  et 
rescribam  tibi  ad  ea,  quae  quaeris ;  sed  certe  et  ego  te  auctore 

15  amicissimo  ac  sapientissimo  et  tu  me  consiliario  fortasse  non 
imperitissimo,  fideli  quidem  et  benevolo  certe,  usus  esses  i^quam- 
quam  tua  quidem  causa  te  esse  imperatorem  provinciamque  bene 
gestis  rebus  cum  exercitu  victore  obtinere,  ut  debeo,  laetor : — 
sed  certe  qui  tibi  ex  me  fructus  debentur,  eos  uberiores  et  prae- 

20  sentiores  praesens  capere  potuisses.    In  eis  vero  ulciscendis,  quos 


IMP.     See  §  2,  note. 

4.  Levius  .  .  meritis,  'too  weak  to 
describe  your  claims  upon  me.* 

5.  Facis  . .  ut  .  .  non  possunt,  'you  in 
your  overflowing  affection  treat  the  bartst 
discharges  of  duty  as  acts  deserving  of 
gratitude.' 

8.  Illustrior, 'more  evident.* 

Hoc  tempore  omni.  Nearly  three 
years,  for  Lentulus  seems  to  have  left  Rome 
before  the  close  of  57  B.C.  Cp.  Ep.  21, 
which  seems  to  imply  that  he  had  not  been 
present  at  any  of  the  debates  in  the  senate 
during  January  56  B.C. 

9.  In  eo  ipso,  *in  that  course  of  action 
which  you  declare  you  will  follow,'  that  is, 
in  debate  and  legislation. 

10.  Quod  .  .  in  primis  potes,  sc. 
*  facere.' 

11.  Sententiis  senatoriis,  'our  ex- 
pressions of  opinion  as  senators.' 

12.  Actione  .  .  rei  publicae,  'in  poli- 
tical action  and  administration.'  For  this 
sense  of  the  gen.  *  rei  publicae,'  cp.  Nagelsb. 

2.  21. 


De  qua,  sc.  *re  publica.* 

13.  Mens  sensus  et  status,  *my  opi- 
nion and  position.'  Both  were  unfavour- 
able, and  hence  the  qualifying  sed  certe 
with  which  Cicero  introduces  his  statement 
of  the  possible  results  of  Lentulus'  presence 
at  Rome. 

14.  Ad  ea  quae  quaeris.  Lentulus  had 
questioned  Cicero  as  to  some  of  his  recent 
acts  in  support  of  the  triumvirs.     Cp.  §  4. 

Sed  certe  .  .  capere  potuisses.  The 
sense  of  this  passage  stems  to  be,  'Bad  as 
the  times  were,  we  could  have  helped  each 
other,  and  though  I  rejoice  at  the  distinction 
you  have  won  in  your  province,  yet  you 
would  have  enjoyed  clearer  and  more  abun- 
dant fruits  of  my  gratitude  had  you  been 
here.' 

17.  Te  esse  imperatorem,  *  that  you 
enjoy  the  title  "imperator,"'  which  Lentulus 
had  probably  received  for  successes  over 
some  robber  tribes  who  infested  his  pro- 
vince, as  Cicero  did  afterwards.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
5.  20,  3;  Note  E,  p.  123. 

19.  Praesentiores.     'Praesens'  is  vari- 


f  .4 


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EP.29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    /.9.  199 

tibi  partim  inimicos  esse  intellegis  propter  tuam  propugnationem 
salutis  meae,  partim  invidere  propter  illius  actionis  amplitudinem 
et  gloriam,  mirificum  me  tibi  comitem  praebuissem :  quamquam 
ille  perennis  inimicus  amicorum  suorum,  qui  tuis  maximis  bene- 
ficiis  ornatus  in  te  potissimum  fractam  illam  et  debilitatam  vim  5 
suam  contulit,  nostram  vicem  ultus  est  ipse  sese ;  ea  est  enim 
conatus,  quibus  patefactis  nullam  sibi    in  posterum  non   modo 

3  dignitatis  sed  ne  libertatis  quidem  partem  reliquit.    Te  autom 
etsi  mallem  in  meis  rebus  expertum  quam  etiam  in  tuis,  tamen  in 
molestia  gaudeo  eam  fidem  cognosse  hominum  non  ita  magna  10 
mercede,  quam  ego  maximo  dolore  cognoram  ;  de  qua  ratione  tota 
iam  videtur  mihi  exponendi  tempus  dari,  ut  tibi  rescribam  ad  ea, 

4  quae  quaeris.  Certiorem  te  per  litteras  scribis  esse  factum  me 
cum  Caesare  et  cum  Appio  esse  in  gratia,  teque  id  non  repre- 
hendere  adscribis  ;  Vatinium  autem  scire  te  velle  ostendis  quibus  15 
rebus  adductus  defenderim  et  laudarim.  Quod  tibi  ut  planius 
exponam,  altius  paulo  rationem  consiliorum  meorum  repetam 
necesse    est.     Ego    me,  Lentule,  initio   rerum   atque   actionum 


ously  explained  as  meaning  'evident'  and 
'  effective.'  Cp.  Forcell.  and  Halm's  note  on 
In  Cat.  3.  9,  21.  Either  sense  would  suit 
this  passage  very  well. 

I.  Partim  .  .  partim.  The  enemies  of 
Lentulus  either  hated  him  for  his  support 
of  Cicero's  restoration,  or,  without  any  par- 
ticular dislike  to  Cicero,  envied  Lentulus  the 
distinction  he  had  won  by  befriending  him. 

4.  Ille  perennis  inimicus.  Thc^e 
words  are  by  some  referred  to  C.  Cato,  by 
others  to  Ap.  Claudius  Pulcher. 

6.  Nostram  vicem  .  .  ipse  sese,  lit. 
*has  punished  himself  on  our  account;'  'has 
avenged  our  wrongs  on  himself  and  saved  us 
trouble.'  Cp.  Mr.  J.  E.  Yonge's  note  on 
this  passage,  and  Livy  34.  32  '  ne  nostram 
vicem  irascaris.' 

Ea  est  enim  .  .  reliquit.  If  C.  Cato 
is  meant,  Cicero  refers  probably  to  his  out- 
rageous conduct  as  tribune  for  56-55  e.g., 
for  which  he  was  afterwards  tried  but  ac- 
quitted. Cp.  §  4  of  the  preceding  letter. 
If  Ap.  Claudius,  to  the  bargain  which  he  as 
consul  made  with  two  of  the  consular  can- 
didates for  the  next  year.  Cp.  §  7  of  the 
preceding  letter,  and  note.  It  is  hardly  pro- 
bable, however,  that  in  either  case  the  liberty 
of  the  offender  would  be  endangered  by  a 
conviction,  and  if  the  allusion  has  been  rightly 
explained,  Cicero  must  have  written  with 
rhetorical  exaggeration.  This  letter  is  one  of 
the  most  elaborate  in  the  whole  collection. 


8.  Te  autem  .  .  cognoram,  'though 
I  could  wish  you  had  learned  from  my  ex- 
perience only,  I  yet  rejoice  that  your  troubles 
have  taught  you  what  value  to  set  on  men's 
honour,  without  such  heavy  sufferings  as 
those  which  taught  me  this  lesson.* 

10.  Eam  .  .  quam,  =  * talem,'  'qualem/ 
Ep.  45,  3,  note. 

Non  ita  magna  mercede, 'at  a  cost 
not  so  very  high.'  On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Madv. 
258.  'Ita'  has  no  corresponding  particle, 
cp.  Philipp.  2.  42,  108  '  non  ita  multis,* 
*  not  so  many ' — though  there  is  a  general 
contrast  with  maximo  dolore.  On  the 
thought,  cp.  Ep.  26,  8. 

I[.  De  qua  ratione,  '  about  my  whole 
position  in  this  affair,'  i.  e.  in  his  breach 
with  the  optimates,  owing  to  a  discovery  of 
what  he  thought  bad  faith  on  their  part. 

12.  Exponendi  .  .quae  quaeris,  'of 
giving  an  explanation  which  should  serve  as 
an  answer  to  your  enquiries.' 

15.  Vatinium:  cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  I,  §  18; 
IV,  §§  4;  5 ;  and  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  16,  3.  Cicero 
defended  him  in  August,  54  b  c. 

16.  Laudarim,  'bore  testimony  to  his 
character.' 

17.  Altius  paulo,  •  from  a  point  some- 
what remote.'  Cp.  De  Legg.  i.  6, 18  'alte  . . 
et  .  .  a  capite  repetere.' 

Rationem,  'the  ground.* 

18.  Initio,  abl.  of  time:  see  Madv.  276; 
and  cp.  Ep.  23,  2,  note. 


/ 


/ 


( 


200 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


',•1 


i 


tuarum  non  solum  meis  sed  etiam  rei  publicae  restitutum  putabam 
et,  quoniam  tibi  incredibilem  quendam  amorem  et  omnia  in  te 
ipsum  summa  ac  singularia  studia  deberem,  rei  publicae,  quae  te 
in  me   restituendo  multum   adiuvisset,  eum   certe  me   animum 

5  merito  ipsius  debere  arbitrabar,  quem  antea  tantum  modo  com- 
muni  officio  civium,  non  alicui  erga  me  singulari  beneficio 
debitum  praestitissem.  Hac  me  mente  fuisse  et  senatus  ex  me 
te  consule  audivit  et  tu  in  nostris  sermonibus  collocutionibusque 
ipse  vidisti.     Etsi  iam  primis  temporibus  illis  multis  rebus  meus  5 

10  offendebatur  animus,  cum  te  agente  de  reliqua  nostra  dignitate 
aut  occulta  non  nullorum  odia  aut  obscura  in  me  studia  cernebam  ; 
nam  neque  de  monumentis  meis  ab  iis  adiutus  es,  a  quibus  debu- 
isti,  neque  de  vi  nefaria,  qua  cum  fratre  eram  domo  expulsus ; 
neque  hercule  in    iis  ipsis   rebus,  quae   quamquam    erant    mihi 

15  propter  rei  familiaris  naufragia  necessariae,  tamen  a  me  minimi 
putabantur,  in  meis  damnis  ex  auctoritate  senatus  sarciendis  eam 
voluntatem,  quam  exspectaram,  praestiterunt.  Quae  cum  vide- 
rem— neque  erant  obscura—,  non  tamen  tam  acerba  mihi  haec 
accidebant,  quam  erant  ilia  grata,  quae  fecerant.     Itaque  quam-  6 

20  quam  et  Pompeio  plurimum,  te  quidem  ipso  praedicatore  ac  teste, 


Actionum  tuarum,  •  of  your  exertions 
in  my  cause.' 

3.  Deberem  .  .  praestitissem.  The 
conjunctive  is  used  because  Cicero  is  de- 
scribing a  previous  state  of  his  own  mind. 
Cp.  Madv.  357  a,  Obs.  i. 

5.  Ipsius,  sc. 'reipublicae.' 

Quem  .  .  praestitissem,  'which  I  had 
displayed  before  in  discharge  of  the  common 
duty  of  citizens,  not  as  a  return  for  any 
special  favour  conferred  upon  me.' 

7.  Senatus  .  .  audivit:  cp,  the  orat. 
Post  Red.  in  Sen,, — if  it  be  genuine. 

8.  Sermonibus  collocutionibusque. 
Forcell.  seems  to  treat  these  words  as  equi- 
valent to  each  other. 

9.  Primis  temporibus,  *  in  the  time 
immediately  following  my  restoration.* 

10.  De  reliqua  nostra  dignitate.  He 
probably  refers  to  the  grants  for  rebuilding 
his  villas.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  2,  5  'consules  .  . 
aestimarunt ..  .  cetera  valde  illiberaliter.' 

11.  Occulta  non  nullorum  odia:  cp. 
Ep.  20,  8,  note. 

Obscura  in  me  studia, 'doubtful  zeal 
in  my  cause.' 

12.  De  monumentis  meis.  Cicero 
may  here  refer  (i)  to  his  own  house  or  a 
portion  of  it,  (2)  to  the  neighbouring  colon- 


nade of  Catulus  destroyed  by  Clodius  but 
rebuilt  by  the  senate's  order,  (3)  perhaps  to 
some  building  which  Cicero  as  consul  was 
commissioned  by  the  senate  to  erect  in  com- 
memoration of  the  suppression  of  Catiline's 
conspiracy.  Manulias,  (followed  by  Miiller, 
Mr.  Yonge,  and  Mr.  Parry,  in  notes  on  this 
passage  or  on  §  15  below,)  speaks  of  an 
'  atrium  libertatis '  which  Cicero  was  com- 
missioned to  buld  near  the  bottom  of  the 
Palatine  hill.  Miiller  refers  to  Ad  Q^  F. 
I,  I,  9,  26,  Other  passages  relating  to 
this  matter  are — Ad  Att.  4.  2 ;  4.  3,  2  ;  Ad 
Q..  F,  2.  9.  2  (2.  7,  2  Baiter) ;  De  Harusp. 
Resp.  27,  58. 

13.  De  vi  nefaria.  The  rebuilding  of 
Cicero's  house  was  interrupted  with  violence 
by  Clodius  on  Nov.  3rd,  57  ^-^'  ^P*  ^^ 
Att.  4.  3.  2. 

16.  In  meis  .  .  sarciendis,  that  is, 
'  the  making  good  my  losses  under  a  vote 
of  the  senate.'     Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  2,  5. 

18.  Non  tamen  .  .  quae  fecerant, 
•  though  I  saw  what  they  were  doing — 
and  indeed  it  was  no  secret — I  was  not 
so  much  annoyed  by  their  present  conduct 
as  grateful  for  their  past  services.' 

20.  Te  quidem  .  .  ac  teste,  'as  you 
yourself  declared  and  testified.' 


EP.29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  /.9.  201 

debebam  et  eum  non  solum  beneficio,  sed  amore  etiam  et  per- 
petuo  quodam  iudicio  meo  diligebam,  tamen  non  reputans,  quid 
ille  vellet,  in  omnibus   meis   sententiis  de  re  publica   pristinis 

7  permanebam.  Ego  sedente  Cn.  Pompeio  cum  ut  laudaret 
P.  Sestium  introisset  in  urbem,  dixissetque  testis  Vatinius  me  5 
fortuna  et  felicitate  C.  Caesaris  commotum  illi  amicum  esse 
coepisse,  dixi  me  eam  Bibuli  fortunam,  quam  ille  adflictam  pu- 
taret,  omnium  triumphis  victoriisque  anteferre ;  dixique  eodem 
teste  alio  loco,  eosdem  esse,  qui  Bibulum  exire  domo  prohibuissent 
et  qui  me  coegissent :  tota  vero  interrogatio  mea  nihil  habuit  nisi  10 
reprehensionem  illius  tribunatus ;  in  qua  omnia  dicta  sunt  liber- 
tate  animoque  maximo  de  vi,  de  auspiciis,  de  donatione  regnorum. 

8  Neque  vero  hac  in  causa  modo,  sed  constanter  saepe  in  senatu  : 
quin  etiam  Marcellino  et  Philippo  consulibus  Nonis  Aprilibus 
mihi  est  senatus  adsensus,  ut  de  agro  Campano  frequenti  senatu  15 
Idibus  Maiis  referretur.  Num  potui  magis  in  arcem  illius  causae 
invadere  aut  magis  oblivisci  temporum  meorum,  meminisse  actio- 
num.? Hac  a  me  sententia  dicta  magnus  animorum  motus  est 
factus  cum  eorum,  quorum  oportuit,  tum  illorum  etiam,  quorum 


Praedicator  is  a  rare  word,  but  occurs 
Pro  Balbo  2,  4. 

I.  Beneficio,  *on  accoimt  of  his  ser- 
vice to  me.'  Cp.  Ep.  26,  9,  note  on 
'iniuria.' 

4.  Sedente,  *  sitting  on  the  bench  as- 
signed to  "  laudatores,"  '     Billerb, 

Ut  laudaret:  cp.  'laudarim,*  §  4,  note. 

5.  P.  Sestium :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  2, 
for  an  account  of  his  trial, 

Introisset.  Pompey  held  a  commission 
to  supply  Rome  with  corn,  and  this  would 
require  him  to  be  away  from  Rome  a  good 
deal.  By  entering  the  'urbs*  Pompey  would 
forfeit  his  '  imperium,'  unless  a  special  ex- 
emption had  been  granted  him.  Cp,  Note  F, 
also  Ep.  23,  3,  note;  and  on  the  different 
meaning  of  '  urbs*  and  '  Roma,'  which  I  had 
overlooked  in  the  note  on  this  passage  in 
my  first  edition,  Ep.  5,  4,  note. 

6.  Illi,  sc.  Caesari.  Billerb,  thinks  Vati- 
nius is  meant,  but  would  not  this  require 
•  ipsi '  ? 

7.  Dixi  me  .  .  anteferre  No  remark 
quite  to  this  effect  exists  in  the  speeches 
Pro  Sestio  and  In  Vatinium  as  we  have 
them.  Bibulus,  however,  is  mentioned  In 
Vat.  9 ;  10. 

Ille.     Vatinius. 

8.  Eodem  teste,  *in  presence  of  the 
same  man.*     Pompey  ?  or  Vatinius  ? 


9.  Alio  loco,  *in  another  part  of  my 
speech.' 

Eosdem  esse  .  .  prohibuissent:  cp. 
Intr,  to  Part  I,  §§  17;  18,  and  references 
there  given,  for  an  account  of  the  stormy 
scenes  of  59  b,c,  when  Vatinius  was  tribune. 

10.  Qui  me  coegissent, 'who had  com- 
pelled me  to  leave  my  home '  and  go  into 
exile, 

Interrogatio,     Cicero's  speech  against 
Vatinius  was    made    under   the   pretext    of/" 
cross-examining  him. 

12.  Maximo.  For  its  gender,  which 
follows  that  of  the  nearest  substantive,  cp. 
Madv.  214  a, 

Devi.,  regnorum  :  cp,  Intr.  1.  c;  and 
In  Vat,  12,  29. 

13.  In  senatu,  sc.  *dixi.* 

14.  Nonis  Aprilibus.  For  an  account 
of  Cicero's  behaviour  in  this  matter,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  3 ;  4,  and  Ep.  25,  i. 

16.  Arcem  illius  causae,  '  the  strong- 
hold of  thetriumvirs'  party,' 

17,  Temporum, 'my  sufferings,*  Wiel. 
Billerb,    Forcell, 

Actionum,  *my  previous  public  career.* 
His  sufferings  might  have  taught  him  cau- 
tion ;  but  he  preferred  to  act  according  to 
the  promise  of  his  earlier  life. 

19.  Cumeorum..numquam  putaram, 
supp.  'raotum  fieri,'  and  'motuni  factum  iri.* 


t    1    1 


\ 


202 


31.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[fart  ii. 


numquam  putaram.    Nam  hoc  senatus  consulto  in  meam  senten-  9 
tiam  facto  Pompeius,  cum  mihi  nihil  ostendisset  se  esse  ofifensum, 
in  Sardiniam  et  in  Africam  profectus  est  eoque  itinere  Lucam  ad 
Caesarem  venit.    Ibi  multa  de  mea  sententia  questus  est  Caesar, 

5  quippe  qui  etiam  Ravennae  Crassum  ante  vidisset  ab  eoque  in  me 
esset  incensus.  Sane  moleste  Pompeium  id  ferre  constabat ;  quod 
ego,  cum  audissem  ex  aliis,  maxime  ex  meo  fratre  cognovi.  Ouem 
cum  in  Sardinia  Pompeius  paucis  post  diebus,  quam  Luca  disces- 
serat,  convenisset,  '  te '  inquit  "  ipsum  cupio ;    nihil   opportunius 

lo  potuit  accidere :  nisi  cum  Marco  fratre  diligenter  egeris,  depen- 
dendum  tibi  est,  quod  mihi  pro  illo  spopondisti.'  Quid  multa  ? 
questus  est  graviter ;  sua  merita  commemoravit ;  quid  egisset 
saepissime  de  actis  Caesaris  cum  ipso  meo  fratre  quidque  sibi  is 
de  me  recepisset,  in  memoriam  redegif  seque,  quae  de  mea  salute 

15  egisset,  voluntate  Caesaris  egisse  ipsum  meum  fratrem  testatus 
est ;  cuius  causam  dignitatemque  mihi  ut  commendaret,  rogavit 
ut  eam  ne  oppugnarem,  si  nollem  aut  non  possem  tueri.     Haec  10 
cum  ad  me  frater  pertulisset  et  cum  tamen  Pompeius  ad  me  cum 
mandatis  Vibullium  misisset,  ut  integrum  mihi  de  causa  Campana 


On  the  ellipses,  cp.  Madv.  280,  Obs.  2,  and 
478,  Obs.  3.  On  the  genitives  eorum  and 
illorum,  governed  by  motus  animorum, 
cp.  Zunipt  L,  G,  423,  note.  *  Illorum  '  is 
supposed  by  Wiel.  and  Billerb.  to  refer  to 
the  leaders  of  the  optimates,  *  eorum'  to  the 
triumvirs.  But  from  what  follows  in  §  9  is 
it  not  more  natural  to  refer  '  eorum '  to 
Caesar  and  Crassus,  and  'illorum'  to  Pompey 
and  his  immediate  friends  ? 

2.  Cum  .  .  nihil  .  .  offensum,  'with- 
out having  shtwn  any  sign  that  he  was 
offended.' 

3.  In  Sardiniam  .  .  profectus  est, 
*  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Sardinia  and 
Africa.'  two  of  the  most  important  corn 
provinces.  He  would  probably  sail  from  the 
port  of  Pisae  or  from  Labro  or  Liburnum 
(Leghorn?).  Cp.  Ad  CL  f-  2.  5,  3.  On 
the  meeting  at  Luca,  now  Lucca,  cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  II,  §§  3:  4. 

5.  Etiam  Ravennae,  'even  at  Ra- 
venna,' before  the  three  met  at  Luca.  Cp. 
Mommsen  4.  2,  p.  307. 

9.  Te  ipsum  cupio,  sc.  *  videre,'  'it 
is   just   you   1    wish  to  see.'      Cp.    Madv. 

479  d- 

10.  Diligenter  egeris,  '  entreat  ear- 
nestly,' '  make  urgent  representations  to.' 
See  note  on  Ep.  5,  8,  p.  38. 


Dependendum  .  .  spopondisti,  'you 
must  pay  what  you  promised  in  his  name,' 
i  e.  '  you  must  suffer  for  his  failure  to  fulfil 
your  promise  made  on  his  behalf,  that  he 
would  acquiesce  in  our  govenmient.' 

12.  Quid  egisset  ..  fratre, 'the  nego- 
tiations he  had  carried  on  with  my  brother 
about  the  acts  of  Caesar,'  i.e.  about  the 
pledges  to  be  given  ,by  M.  Cicero,  that 
he  would  not  attack  those  acts  as  in- 
formal. 

13-  Is,  Quintus. 

14.  De  mea  salute, 'in  promoting  my 
recall  from  exile.' 

16.  Cuius  causam,  sc.  Caesaris. 

18.  Tamen,  'nevertheless,' — although 
he  had  commissioned  my  brother  to  speak 
to  me. 

19.  Vibullium.  L.  VibuUius  Rufus  was 
an  officer  who  served  under  Pompey  against 
Caesar.  He  is  mentioned  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  I,  5, 
18,  and  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  15  and  23.  Cp. 
Ep.  49,  note. 

Ut  integrum  .  .  reservarem,  'that  I 
should  keep  my  hands  free  with  regard  to 
the  lands  in  Campania  till  his  own  return.* 
For  the  substantive  use  of  neuter  singulars, 
cp.  Nagelsb.  21,  65. 

De  causa,  =  'de  re.*  *  Causa  accepitur 
.  .  pro  quocunque  negotio.'     Foicell. 


\ 


^' 


T' 


M 

') 


EP.  29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  /.  9.  203 

ad  suum  reditum  reservarem,  collegi  ipse  me  et  cum  ipsa  quasi 
re  publica  collocutus  sum,  ut  mihi  tam  multa  pro  se  perpesso  atque 
perfuncto  concederet,  ut  officium  meum  memoremque  in  bene 
meritos  animum  fidemque  fratris  mei  praestarem,  euttique,  quern 
bonum  civem  semper  habuisset,  bonum  virum  esse  pateretur.  5 
In  illis  autem  meis  actionibus  sententiisque  omnibus,  quae  Pom- 
peium videbantur  offendere,  certorum  hominum,  quos  iam  debes 
suspicari,  sermones  referebantur  ad  me ;  qui  cum  ilia  serttirent  in 
re  publica,  quae  ego  agebam,  semperque  sensissent,  me  tamen  non 
satis  facere  Pompeio  Caesaremque  inimicissinium  mihi  futurum  10 
gaudere  se  aiebant.  Erat  hoc  mihi  dolendum,  sed  multo  illud 
magis,_  quod  inimicum  meum — meum  autem  ?  immo  vero  legum, 
iudiciorum,  otii,  patriae,  bonorum  omnium— sic  amplexabantur, 
sic  in  manibus  habebant,  sic  foveb^nt,  sic  me  praesente  oscula- 
bantur,  non  illi  quidem  ut  mihi  stomachum  facerent,  quem  ego  15 
funditus  perdidi,  sed  certe  ut  facere  se  arbitrarentur.  Hie  ego, 
quantum  humano  consilio  efficere  potui,  circumspectis  rebus  meis 
omnibus  rationibusque  subductis  summam  feci  cogitationum  mea- 
11  rum  omnium,  quam  tibi,  si  potero,  breviter  exponam.  Ego,  si  ab 
improbis  et  perditis  civibus  rem  publicam  teneri  viderem,  sicut  et  20 
meis  temporibus  scimus  et  non  nullis  aliis  actidisse,  non  mode 
praemiis,  quae  apud  me  minimum  valent,  sed  ne  periculis  quidem 


f 
^ 


1.  Collegi  me,  'I  collected  myself/ 
'  came  to  my  senses.' 

Quasi,  'so  to  say.' 

2.  Tam  multa  .  .  perfuncto,  'having 
suffered  and  done  so  much  in  her  cause.' 

3.  Ut  officium  .  .  praestarem,  'to  do 
my  duty  by  shewing  myself  grateful  to  men 
who  had  deserved  well  of  me,  and  by  ful- 
filling my  brother's  promise.' 

Bene  meritos,  sc.  Pompey  and  his 
friends. 

5.  Bonum  virum,  'a  man  of  honour' 
in  fulfilling  engagements  made  on  his  behalf. 

6.  In  illis  ..  offendere,  'with  regard 
to  all  those  proceedings  of  mine  which  I 
mentioned  before,  and  to  all  my  expres- 
sions of  opinion  which  seemed  to  offend 
Pompey.' 

7.  Certorum  hominum  :  cp.  Ep.  20,  8, 
note. 

8.  Cum  ilia  .  .  sensissent,  'though 
their  political  views  were,  and  always  had 
been,  in  accordance  with  the  measures  I 
proposed.*  Cp.  Ep.  25  for  the  facts  re- 
ferred to. 


12.  Inimicum  meum.  Cicero  refers  to 
Clodius. 

13.  Amplexabantur.  This  verb  is  com- 
mon in  the  metaphorical  sense. 

14.  In  manibus  habebant,  ■*' fove- 
bant.'  Forcell.  It  seems  to  be  a  rare 
phrase. 

Osculabantur.  For  a  similar  use  of 
'  osculor,*  cp.  Pro  Muren.  to,  23. 

15.  Non  illi  quidem  ..  arbitrarentur, 
'  that  they  did  not  indeed  excite  my  wrath 
— for  I  have  none  left — but  cert^nly 
thought  they  did  so.'  For  the  position  of 
'quidem'  with  personal  pronouns,  cp.  Ep. 
26,  7,  note. 

18.  Rationibus  subductis,  'having 
cast  up  the  account.'     Cp.  Ep.  36,  12. 

Summam  feci  .  .  omnium,  'arrived  at 
a  result  of  all  my  reflections.* 

21.  Meis  temporibus.  Cicero  had  wit- 
nessed the  cruelties  of  Cinna  and  Sulla. 

Non  nullis  aliis  may  refer  to  the  times 
of  Saturninus,  who  was  tribune  when  Cicero 
was  six  years  old,  and  to  those  of  the 
Gracchi.  > 


204 


M,  TULLll  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


compulsus  ullis,  quibus  tamen  moventur  etiam  fortissimi  viri,  ad 
eorum  causam  me  adiungerem,  ne  si  summa  quidem  eorum  in  me 
merita  constarent.  Cum  autem  in  re  publica  Cn.  Pompeius  prin- 
ceps  esset,  vir  is,  qui  banc  potentiam  et  gloriam  maximis  in  rem 

5  publicam  mentis  praestantissimisque  rebus  gestis  esset  consecutus 
cuiusque  ego  dignitatis  ab  adulescentia  fautor,  in  praetura  autem 
et  in  consulatu  adiutor  etiam  exstitissem,  cumque  idem  auctori- 
tate  et  sententia  per  se,  consiliis  et  studiis  tecum,  me  adiuvisset 
meumque    inimicum   unum  in   civitate    haberet   inimicum,  non 

10  putavi  famam  inconstantiae  mihi  pertimescendam,  si  quibusdam 
in  sententiis  paulum  me  immutassem  meamque  voluntatem  ad 
summi   viri    de  meque  optime  meriti  dignitatem  adgregassem. 
In  hac  sententia  complectendus  erat  mihi  Caesar,  ut  vides,  in  12 
coniuncta  et  causa  et  dignitate.     Hie  multum  valuit  cum  vetus 

15  amicitia,  quam  tu  non  ignoras  mihi  et  Quinto  fratri  cum  Caesare 
fuisse,  tum  humanitas  eius  ac  Hberalitas  brevi  tempore  et  Htteris 
et  officiis  perspecta  nobis  et  cognita.  Vehementer  etiam  res  ipsa 
publica  me  movit,  quae  mihi  videbatur  contentionem,  praesertim 
maximis  rebus    a  Caesare  gestis,  cum   ilHs    viris  nolle  fieri  et, 

2o  ne  fieret,  vehementer  recusare.  Gravissime  autem  me  in  banc 
mentem  impulit  et  Pompeii  fides,  quam  de  me  Caesari  dederat,  et 
fratris  mei,  quam  Pompeio.     Erant  praeterea  haec  animadver- 


I.  Ad  eorum  .  .  adiungerem,  *would 
support  their  party.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  I.  8,  2 
*  me  ad  eius  rationes  adiungo.' 

4.  Esset,  vir  is,  qui.  Wesenb.  punc- 
tuates, '  esset  vir,  is  qui.' 

6.  In  praetura  .  .  in  consulatu.  In 
his  praetorship  Cicero  had  supported  the 
Manilian  law  ;  in  his  consulship  he  proposed 
a  '  supplicatio'  for  ten  or  twelve  days  in 
honour  of  Pompey's  successes  over  Mithri- 
dates.  Cp.  De  Prov.  Cons.  11,  27,  and 
Intr.  to  Pari  I,  §  8. 

7.  Cumque  idem  ..  adiuvisset,  *and 
since,  also,  he  had  served  me  by  his  own 
influence  and  expressions  of  opinion,  and  by 
wise  counsels  and  zealous  exertions  which 
you  shared  * 

9.  Inimicum  :  cp.  §  10,  note. 

10.  Si  quibusdam  ..  adgregassem, *if 
I  changed  my  language  a  little  sometimes  in 
expressing  my  opinions,  and  shewed  a  dis- 
position to  promote  the  dignity  of  a  man 
who  had  deserved  well  of  me.  On  the  tenses, 
cp.  Madv.  379.  •Adgregare,'  =  *coniungere/ 
*  adsciscere.'     Forceil. 


13.  In  hac  sententia  .  .  dignitate, 
*  having  come  to  this  decision  I  had  neces- 
sarily to  become  intimate  with  Caesar,  whose 
interest  and  honour  were  identified  with  those 
of  Pompey.* 

14.  Hie,  «in  this  matter.*     Forceil. 

16.  Tum  humanitas  .  .  cognita,  'his 
kindness  and  generosity  with  which  I  have 
become  familiar  within  a  short  time.'  On 
the  abl.  'brevi  tempore,'  cp.  Madv.  276  b, 
and  on  the  combination  of  ablatives  in  dif- 
ferent senses,  lb.  278  a.  Caesar  had  ap- 
pointed Q..  Cicero  one  of  his  legates  in  Gaul, 
and  had  lent  M.  Cicero  large  sums  of  money. 
Cp.  §§  18  and  21,  and  Ad  Att.  7.  8,  5  ;  also 
Mommsen  4.  2,  pp.  313,  314. 

19.  Cum  illis  viris, 'with  Caesar  and 
Pompey.' 

21.  Pompeii  fides.  Apparently  a  pro- 
mise made  by  Pompey  to  Caesar,  that 
Cicero  would  relinquish  his  opposition  to 
their  measures.  It  was  very  likely  a  repe- 
tition to  Caesar  of  that  which  Q.  Cicero  had 
made  on  his  brother's  behalf  to  Pompey. 
Cp.  §  9. 


\ 


4 


EP.  29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  L  9.  205 

tenda   in   civitate,  quae   sunt    apud  Platonem  nostrum  scripta 
divinitus,  quales    in   re  publica  principes  essent,  tales   reliquos 
solere  esse  civis.     Tenebam  memoria  nobis  consulibus  ea  funda- 
menta  iactaMam   ex  Kalendis  lanuariis  confirmandi  senatus,  ut 
neminem  mirari   oporteret  Nonis  Decembr.  tantum  vel    animi  5  ' 
fuisse  in  illo  ordine  vel  auctoritatis ;  idemque  memineram  nobis 
privatis  usque  ad  Caesarem  et  Bibulum  consules,  cum  sententiae 
nostrae  magnum  ih  senatu  pondus  haberent,  unum  fere  sensum 
13  fuisse  bonorum  omnium.     Postea,  cum  tu  Hispaniam  citeriorem 
cum  imperio  obtineres  neque  res  publica  consules  haberet,  sed  1° 
mercatores  provinciarum  et  seditionum  servos  ac  ministros,  iecit 
quidam  casus  caput  meum  quasi  certaminis  causa  in  mediam  con- 
tentionem dissensionemque  civilem  ;  quo  in  discrimine  cum  miri- 
fica  senatus,  incredibilis  Italiae  totius,  singularis  omnium  bonorum 
consensio  in  me  tuendo  exstitisset,  non  dicam,  quid  acciderit—  »5 
multorum  est  enim  et  varia  culpa— ,  tantum  dicam  brevi,  non, 
mihi  exercitum  sed  duces  defuisse.     In   quo,  ut  iani  sit   in  iis 
culpa,  qui  me  non  defenderunt,  non  minor  est  in  iis,  qui  reli- 
querunt,  et,  si  accusandi  sunt,  si  qui  pertimuerunt,  magis  etiam 
reprehendendi,  si  qui  se  timere  simularunt :  illud  quidem  certe  20 
nostrum  consilium  iure  laudandum  est,  qui  meos  cives  et  a  me 
conservatos   et  me  servare  cupientes,  spoliatos   ducibus   servis 


^5 


I.  In  civitate,  'with  regard  to  the 
state.*     Wiel. 

Apud  Platonem.  In  the  Laws,  Bk.  4, 
p.  711,  B,  C.  The  sense  is  freely  given  by 
Cicero. 

3.  Tenebam  memoria  .  .  auctori- 
tatis, 'I  remembered  that  in  my  consulship 
such  a  basis  was  laid  on  the  first  of  January 
for  a  firm  position  to  be  maintained  by  the 
senate,  that  no  one  ought  to  wonder  at 
the  spirit  which  that  body  shewed,  and 
at  the  authority  which  it  enjoyed  on  the 
5th  of  December,'  the  day  on  which  the 
senate  sanctioned  the  execution  of  Cati- 
line's accomplices.    Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  il. 

9.  Postea.  In  58  B.C.  Lentulus  seems 
to  have  been  praetor  in  60  B.C.,  and  to 
have  obtained  the  government  of  Hispania 
Citerior  next  year  through  Caesar's  in- 
fluence.    Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  1.22. 

II.  Mercatores  .  .  ministros,  'men 
who  bought  provinces  by  giving  their  aid  to 
seditious  practices.*  Piso  and  Gabinius  ob- 
tained Macedonia  and  Syria  through  the 
influence  of  Clodius  in  great  measure.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  19. 


12.  Quasi  certaminis  causa,  *as  an 
apple  of  discord.'     Wiel.  Billerb. 

15.  Non  dicam  ..  culpa,  '  I  will  not 
say  what  result  followed,  as  that  would 
involve  the  censure  of  many  in  various 
degrees.' 

17.  Duces.  He  complained  especially 
of  Q.  Arrius  and  Q.  Hortensius.  Cp.  Ad 
Q.  F.  I.  3.  8 ;  Ad  Att.  3-  9»  2 ;  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  22. 

18.  Qjii  me  non  defenderunt  .  .  si- 
mularunt. It  is  diflficult  to  explain  these 
allusions;  I  think  'qui  me  non  defenderunt,' 
and  perhaps  *  qui  pertimuerunt,'  refer  to 
the  consuls  and  Pompey;  'qui  reliquerunt* 
and  *si  qui  simularunt'  to  the  leaders  of 
the  optimates. 

20.  Illud  . .  consilium, 'my  well-known 
resolution.'  For  this  sense  of  'iliud,'  cp. 
Madv.  485  b.  Cicero  means  his  resolution 
to  retire  from  Rome,  rather  than  involve  his 
countrymen  in  a  ciyil  war.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  20. 

21.  Qui  .  .  maluerim.  *Qui,'  =  *cum 
ego.'     Cp.  Madv.  366. 

22.  Servis   armatis.     A  contemptuous 


206 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


L>  * 


EP.  29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  L  9.  207 


11  V 


armatis  obiici  noluerim  declararique  maluerim,  quanta  vis  esse 
potuisset  in  consensu  bonorum,  si  iis  pro  me  stante  pugnare  licu- 
isset,  cum  adflictum  excitare  potuissent ;  quorum  quidem  animum 
tu  non  perspexisti  solum,  cum  de  me  ageres,  sed  etiam  confirmasti 

5  atque  tenuisti.    Qua  in  causa— non  modo  non  negabo,  sed  etiam  14 
semper  et  meminero  et  praedicabo  libenter— usus  es  quibusdam 
nobilissimis  hominibus  fortioribus  in  me  restituendo,  quam  fuerant 
idem  in  tenendo ;  qua  in  sententia  si  constare  voluissent,  suam 
auctoritatem    simul  cum   salute  mea   recuperassent.     Recreatis 

10  enim  bonis  viris  consulatu  tuo  et  constantissimis  atque  optimis 
actionibus  tuis  excitatis,  Cn.  Pompeio  praesertim  ad  causam  ad- 
iuncto,  cum  etiam  Caesar  rebus  maximis  gestis  singularibus 
ornatus  et  novis  honoribus  ac  iudiciis  senatus  ad  auctoritatem  eius 
ordinis  adiungeretur,  nulli  improbo  civi  locus  ad  rem  publicam 

15  violandam  esse  potuisset.     Sed  attende,  quaeso,  quae  sint  conse-  15 
cuta :  primum  ilia  furia  muliebrium  religionum,  qui  non  pluris 
fecerat  Bonam  deam  quam  tres  sorores,  impunitatem  est  illorum 
sententiis  adsecutus,  qui,  cum  tribunus  pi.  poenas  a  seditioso  civi 
per  bonos  viros  iudicio  persequi  vellet,  exemplum  praeclarissimum 


1I 


description    of    the    rabble   who    followed 
Clodius. 

2.  Si  .  .  licuisset,  'if  their  natural  lead- 
ers had  allowed  them  to  act  on  my  behalf.' 

3.  Cum  .  .  potuissent, 'by  their  having 
been  able  to  raise  me  when  fallen.* 

Excitare  is  common  in  this  sense  irt 
Cicero's  writings.  The  meaning  of  the  pas- 
sage is,  '  The  success  of  my  friends  in  re- 
storing me  from  exile  shewed  how  easily 
they  might  have  saved  me  from  having  to 
go  into  exile.' 

4.  Cum  de  me  ageres.  '  when  you 
were  pleading  my  cause  in  the  senate.* 

5.  Tenuisti, 'maintained.' 

6.  Quibusdam  :  cp.  Ep.  20,  8,  note. 

8.  In  tenendo,  'in  keeping  me  at 
Rome.'  Cp.  Ep.  54,  3  'ille  (Pompeius) 
restituendi  mei,  quam  retinendi  studiosior.' 
But  Cicero  does  not,  probably,  refer  to 
Pompey  in  this  passage. 

Qua  in  sententia  .  .  voluissent,  'and 
if  they  had  been  willing  to  persevere  in  that 
attitude,'  i.e.  of  friendship  to  me. 

Tl.  Actionibus,  *your  proposals  and 
official  conduct.*     Billerb. 

Ad  causam  adiuncto,  '  having  enlisted 
himself  in  support  of  the  same  cause.' 
•  Adiungor  ad,*  =  'amplector,'  'sequor.'  For- 
cell.     Cp.  §  II. 


12.  Singularibus  honoribus:  cp.  Ep. 
26,  10. 

14.  Locus, 'an  opportunity.* 

16.  Furia, 'the  mad  assailant.'  Clodius 
is  meant  of  course.  Cp.  Ad  Q^F.  3.  1,  il 
'uti  uUum  ad  illam  furiam  verbum  rescri- 
beret.'  On  the  gender  of  *  qui,'  cp.  Madv. 
215  b. 

17.  Tres  sorores.  Two  sisters,  married 
to  L.  Lucullus  and  Q^  Metellus  Celer;  one 
cousin,  Terentia,  married  to  Q.  Marcius 
Rex.     Billerb. 

Illorum,  the  nobles  of  whom  he  com- 
plains so  often.  For  their  relations  with 
Clodius  at  this  time,  cp.  Ep.  23,  4,  and 
Moinmsen  4.  2,  297. 

18.  Sententiis,  'by  their  votes  in  the 
senate,'  i.e.  by  their  failure  to  support  Len- 
tulus  Marcellinus  in  his  proposal  that  Clodius 
should  be  tried  by  a  special  commission  be- 
fore the  next  comitia.  Cp.  Ad  Q^  F.  2. 
I,  2. 

Tribunus  plebis:  probably  L.  Racilius, 
or  perhaps  Miio.  Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  1.  c.  The 
occurrence  referred  to  took  place  in  56  b.c. 

19.  Per  bonos  viros,  '  by  an  appeal  to 
the  judges,'  or  perhaps  '  to  the  well-disposed 
senators.* 

Exemplum  .  .  sustulerunt,  'prevented 
a  signal  punishment  of  sedition,  which  would 


I 

\ 

\ 


in  posterum  vindicandae  seditionis  de  re  publica  sustulerunt ; 
idemque  postea  non  meum  monumentunl — non  enim  illae 
manubiae  meae,  sed  operis  locatio  mea  fuerat — ,  monumentum 
vero  senatus  hostili  nomine  et  cruentis  inustum  litteris  esse  passi 
sunt.  Qui  me  homines  quod  salvum  esse  voluerunt,  est  mihi  5 
gratissimum  ;  sed  vellem  non  solum  salutis  meae,  quem  ad  modum 
medici,  sed,  ut  aliptae,  etiam  virium  et  coloris  rationem  habere 
voluissent :  nunc,  ut  Apelles  Veneris  caput  et  summa  pectoris 
politissima  arte  perfecit,  reliquam  partem  corporis  inchoatam 
reliquit,  sic  quidam  homines  in  capite  meo  solum  elaborarunt,  10 
16  reliquum  corpus  imperfectum  ac  rude  reliquerunt.  In  quo  ego 
spem  fefelli  non  modo  invidorum,  sed  etiam  inimicorum  meorum, 
qui  de  uno  acerrimo  et  fortissimo  viro  meoque  iudicio  omnium 
magnitudine  animi  et  constantia  praestantissimo  Q.  Metello  L.  f. 
quondam  falsam  opinionem  acceperunt,  quem  post  reditum  dicti-  15 
tant  fracto  animo  et  demisso  fuisse  ;  [est  vero  probandum,]  qui  et 
summa  voluntate  cesserit  et  egregia  animi  alacritate  afuerit  neque 
sane  redire  curarit,  eum  ob  id  ipsum  fractum  fuisse,  in  quo  cum 
omnes  homines  tum  M.  ilium  Scaurum  singularem  virum  con- 


have  been  most  famous  for  our  country  in 
after  times.* 

2.  Monumentum:  cp.  §  5,  note. 

3.  Manubiae,  'trophies.'  Originally 
*  money  rai>ed  by  the  sale  of  booty.*  For- 
cell. 

Operis  locatio  mea.  Lange  (Rcim. 
Alt.  3.  325)  thinks  that  the  words  refer  to 
some  building  erected  in  63  b.c.  by  Cicero, 
under  the  direction  of  the  senate. 

4.  Hostili  nomine, 'the  name  of  Clo- 
dius.' This  inscription  seems  to  have  been 
put  up  after  the  disorders  mentioned  Ad  Att. 
1.  c. 

Passi  sunt,  i.e.  by  failing  to  support 
Racilius  and  Milo  effectively. 

5.  Qui,  =  'et  ii.'     Cp.  Madv.  448. 

7.  Aliptae,  'slaves  employed  to  attend 
bathers.'  Forcell.  who,  however,  remarks 
that  Cicero  uses  it  here  for  a  trainer, 
the  usual  Greek  word  for  which  is  'fvyL- 
vaarrjs. 

Virium  et  coloris,  *my  strength  and 
complexion.' 

9.  Inchoatam,  'o«/y  begun.' 

10.  In    capite  .  .  reliquerunt,  *  have' 
exerted  themselves  only  to  save  my  rights  of 
citizenship,  and  disregarded  my  fortune  and 
dignity.'     *  Caput  *  is  here  of  course  used  in 
two  senses.     For  the  different  meaniners  of 


the    term    'poena   capitalis,'  cp.  Ep.  4,   i, 
note. 

13.  Qui  .  .  acceperunt,  '  who  heard  at 
some  past  time  a  false  account  about  Q, 
Metellus.'  For  an  account  of  this  Metellus, 
surnamed  Numidicus,  cp.  Sail.  lug.  43  foil. ; 
Plut.  Marius  29.  It  is  hard  to  see  why 
Cicero's  enemies  should  have  based  their 
expectations  on  this  precedent.  It  would 
seem  more  natural  that  they  jhould  draw 
inferences  from  their  knowledge  of  Cicero's 
own  character.  Probably  Cicero  only  in- 
troduces the  parallel  for  his  own  indirect 
exahation.  Cp.  Pro  Sestio  16,  37;  Post 
Red.  ad  Quir.  3,  6.  The  general  sense  is, 
'  my  enemies  were  mistaken  in  supposing 
I  should  act  as  they  fancied  Metellus  had 
acted.* 

15.  Acceperunt.   Wesenb. ' acceperant.' 

16.  Qui  et  summa  .  .  superasset, 
*  to  think  that  one  who  retired  with  the 
utmost  readiness,  and  lived  abroad  with  the 
greatest  cheerfulness,  and  shewed  no  anxiety 
to  return,  was  broken  in  spirit  on  account 
of  that  act  by  which  he  shewed  more 
constancy  than  M.  Scaurus.'  For  the  use 
of  the  inf.  in  exclamations,  cp.  Ep.  12,  i, 
note. 

19.  M.  Scaurus,  censor,  princeps  senatus, 
and  twice  consul.     He  is  always  mentioned 


208 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


•♦      i 


^ '  stantia  et  gravitate  superasset !  sed,  quod  de  illo  acceperant  aut 
etiam  suspicabantur,  de  me  idem  cogitabant,  abiectiore  animo  me 
futurum,  cum  res  publica  maiorem  etiam  mihi  animum,  quam 
umquam  habuissem,  daret,  cum  declarasset  se  non  potuisse  me 
5  uno  civi  carere ;  cumque  Metellum  unius  tribuni  pi.  rogatio,  me 
universa  res  publica,  ducesenatu,  comitante  Italia,  promulgantibus 
octo  tribunis,  referente  consule,  comitiis  centuriatis,  cunctis  ordi- 
nibus,  hominibus  incumbentibus,  omnibus  denique  suis  viribus 
reciperavisset.     Neque  vero  ego  mihi  postea  quicquam  adsumpsi  17 

10  neque  hodie  adsumo,  quod  quemquam  malevolentissimum  iure 
possit  ofifendere:  tantum  enitor,  ut  neque  amicis  neque  etiam 
alienioribus  opera^  consilio,  labore  desim.  Hie  meae  vitae  cursus 
ofifendit  eos  fortasse,  qui  splendorem  et  speciem  huius  vitae 
intuentur,  sollicitudinem  autem  et  laborem  perspicere  non  pos- 

15  sunt.  Illud  vero  non  obscure  queruntur,  in  meis  sententiis,  quibus 
ornem  Caesarem,  quasi  desciscere  me  a  pristina  causa.  Ego  autem 
cum  ilia  sequor,  quae  paulo  ante  proposui,  tum  hoc  non  in  post- 
remis,  de  quo  coeperam  exponere.  Non  ofifendes  eundem  bono- 
rum  sensum,  Lentule,  quem  reliquisti,  qui  confirmatus  consulatu 

20  nostro,  non  numquam  postea  interruptus,  adflictus  ante  te  con- 


with  praise  by  Cicero,  but  in  very  different 
terms  by  Sallust,  lug.  1 5.  He  seems  to  have 
been  a  man  of  lax  principles,  but  moderate 
and  judicious  in  his  political  conduct ;  thus 
he  advocated  the  reforms  of  Drusus  in 
91  B.C.  This  passage  seems  to  imply  that 
he  took  an  oath  prescribed  by  the  Lex  Ap- 
puleia  in  loo  B.C.,  which  Metellus  refused. 
Cp.  Plut.  Marius  29;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  31 
M^TtAAos  §€  ovK  voiioa^  fjiovos. 

I.  Sed,  resumptive,  'I  say.'  Cp.  Ep.  23, 
2,  note. 

5.  Unius  tribuni  pi.  Q..  Calidius  is 
referred  to.     Cp.  Pro  Plane.  28,  69. 

7.  Octo  tribunis.  The  tribunes  could 
only  legally  propose  bills  to  the  tribes,  and 
hence  their  *  promulgatio '  as  well  as  the 
consul's  motion  in  the  senate,  is  to  be  distin- 
guished from  the  law  passed  by  the  centuries 
to  which  Cicero  actually  owed  his  recall. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  23. 

8.  Incumbentibus,  'exerting  them- 
selves.* This  absolute  use  of  the  word  is 
rare,  but  cp.  Ep.  31,  3. 

9.  Reciperavisset,  =  *  recuperavisset,* 
*  recovered,'  '  recalled.' 

Adsumpsi,  =  'adrogavi,*  'took  upon  my- 
self.' 

u.  Neque  etiam  alienioribus.     For 


a  similar  sentiment,  cp.  Pro  Miiren.  3,  8. 

12.  Hie  meae  .  .  curs^us,  Mhis  devotion 
to  professional  duties.'  See  the  preceding 
sentence. 

15.  Illud  vero  . .  causa,  *the  complaints 
they  do  not  conceal  are,  that  my  expressions 
of  opinion  in  honour  of  Caesar  shew  a  kind 
of  defection  from  my  old  party.'  Cp.  De 
Prov.  Cons.  8,  18;  11,  28  for  Cicero's  pro- 
posals in  honour  of  Caesar. 

ly.  Cum  ilia  sequor  ..  exponere,  *I 
am  influenced  partly  by  the  reasons  I  stated 
a  little  while  ago  (in  §§  9-12).  and  not  least 
by  a  further  important  consideration,  which 
I  had  begun  to  explain  to  you '  before  the 
digression  about  Metellus. 

Hoc  refers  to  the  jealousy  of  some  leaders 
of  the  optimates  (cp.  §§  10;  13;  15),  on 
which  he  now  enlarges  more  at  length. 

18.  Non  offend es, 'you  will  not  find  on 
your  return.'  •  OfFendere'  =  '  invenire,  repe- 
rire,  quasi  in  rem  incidendo.'  Forcell.,  who 
also  quotes  this  passage. 

Bonorum  :  'boni'  is  often  used  as  equi- 
valent to  '  optimates,'  the  friends  of  the  old 
aristocratic  constitution. 

19.  Sensum, 'disposition.*  Cp.  AdFam. 
I.  8,  2  'sensum  in  re  publica.* 

20.  Non  numquam  postea  interrup- 


I  J 


■f 


EP.29.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   /.9.  209 

sulem,  recreatus  abs  te,  totus  est  nunc  ab  iis,  a  quibus  tuendus 
fuerat,  derelictus ;  idque  non  solum  fronte  atque  voltu,  quibus 
simulatio  facillime  sustinetur,  declarant  ii,  qui  tum  nostro  illo 
statu  optimates  nominabantur,  sed  etiam  sententia  saepe  iam 
18  tabellaque  docuerunt.  Itaque  tota  iam  sapientium  civium,  qualem  5 
me  et  esse  et  numerari  volo,  et  sententia  et  voluntas  mutata  esse 
debet;  id  enim  iubet  idem  ille  Plato,  quem  ego  vehementer 
auctorem  sequor,  tantum  contendere  in  re  publica,  quantum  pro- 
bare  tuis  civibus  possis ;  vim  neque  parenti  nee  patriae  adferre 
oportere.  'Atque  hanc  quidem  ille  causam  sibi  ait  non  attin-  10 
gendae  rei  publicae  fuisse,  quod,  cum  ofifendisset  populum  Athe- 
niensem  prope  iam  desipientem  senectute,  [cumque  eum  nee 
persuadendo  nee  cogendo  regi  posse  vidisset,]  cum  persuaderi 
posse  diffideret,  cogi  fas  esse  non  arbitraretur.  Mea  ratio  fuit 
alia,  quod  neque  desipiente  populo  nee  Integra  re  mihi  ad  con-  15. 
sulendum  capesseremne  rem  publicam  implicatus  tenebar ;  sed 
laetatus  tamen  sum,  quod  mihi  liceret  in  eadem  causa  et  mihi 
utilia  et  cuivis  bone)  recta  defendere.  Hue  accessit  commemo- 
randa  quaedam  et  divina  Caesaris  in  me  ifratremque  meum  libe- 
ralitas  :  qui  mihi,  quascumque  res  gereret,  tuendus  esset ;  nunc  in  20 


tus.  These  words  refer  to  various  occur- 
rences in  the  years  62,61,  60  b.c.  :  perhaps 
especially  to  the  affair  of  Clodius,  and  to  the 
disputes  of  the  senate  and  equites.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  I,  §§  14  ;  15. 

Adflictus,  *  utterly  depressed.* 

Ante    te    consulem,  i.e.  in  the  years 

59,   58  B.C. 

2.  Idque   non    solum  .  .  sustinetur, 

*  and  this  they  shew  not  merely  on  their 
brows  and  in  their  aspect,  where  a  false 
pretence  can  be  most  easily  made.'  I  think 
Cicero  means  that  the  leading  optimates  not 
only  pretended  to  have  changed  their  opin- 
ions in  order  to  win  favour  from  their  old 
opponents,  but  took  actual  steps  in  violation 
of  their   old    convictions.     *  Sustinetur,' = 

*  geritur.'     Forcell. 

3.  Nostro  .  .  statu.  Wesenb.  suggests 
the  insertion  of  *  in'  before  '  nostro.* 

4.  Sententia  ..  tabellaque, 'their  votes 
in  the  senate  and  on  the  bench.'     Cp.  §  15. 

6.  Sententia  et  voluntas,  *  view  of 
things  and  desire.* 

7.  Plato  :  cp.  Crito  50  E,  51  B  and  C  ; 
Sail.  lug.  3. 

8.  Tantum  ..  possis,  *to  exert  yourself 
in  politics  only,  so  far  as  you  can  gain  the 
approval   of  your   fellow-citizens   for  your 


measures.' 

11.  Offend isset,  'had  met  with,'  'fallen 
on,* or  simply  'found:'  as  above,  §  17.  Cp. 
Plat.  Ep.  5.  322  A  and  B  UXcltojv  6\p\  tv  rrj 
irarpidi  y^yove,  Kcd  rbv  dfjfiop  KariXa^fv 
^5ti  irpfffPvTcpov  Kcd  eidifffievov  vno  rSiV 
ffxrrpoarOfv  ttoWcL   kcu  avopLoia  rrj  f/cflvov 

^V/X^OV\^  TTpaTT€lV. 

12.  Desipientem  senectute  :  cp.  Ari- 
stoph.  Eq.  42 

Arjp.os  TTv/cviTr)^  Svff/eoXov  yepovTiov. 

13.  Persuaderi,  impers.,  sc.  'populo.* 
The  apodosis  begins  with  '  cogi  fas  esse.' 

14.  Ratio, 'position.' 

15.  Neque  de.sipiente  populo,  'as  the 
people  with  which  I  had  to  deal  had  not  yet 
come  to  its  dotage,'  abl.  abs. 

Nee  integra  re  .  .  tenebar,  •!  was  al- 
ready committed,  and  had  no  power  of  freely 
considering  the  question  whether  I  should 
take  part  in  politics.* 

17.  In  eadem  causa,  *on  the  same  ques- 
tion,' viz.  whether  Caesar's  command  should 
be  continued ;  the  expediency  of  which  con- 
tinuation Cicero  maintained  at  length  in  his 
speech  '  De  Provinciis  Consularibus.* 

18.  Hue,  'to  the  grounds  already  stated/ 
of  self-defence  and  public  interest. 

20.  Qui    mihi   .  .  videretur,  'whose 


f        • 


210 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


tanta  felicitate  tantisque  victoriis,  etiamsi  in  nos  non  is  esset, 
qui  est,  tamen  ornandus  videretur.  Sic  enim  te  existimare  velim, 
cum  a  vobis  meae  salutis  auctoribus  discesserim,  neminem  esse, 
cuius  officiis  me  tam  esse  devinctum  non  solum  confitear,  sed 

5  etiam  gaudeam.   Quod  quoniam  tibi  exposui,  facilia  sunt  ea,  quae  19 
a  me  de  Vatinio  et  de  Crasso  requiris  ;  nam  de  Appio  quod  scribis 
sicuti  de  Caesare  te  non  reprehendere,  gaudeo  tibi  consilium 
probari  meum.     De  Vatinio  autem,  primum  reditus  intercesserat 
in  gratiam  per  Pompeium,  statim  ut  ille  praetor  est  factus,  cum 

10  quidem  ego  eius  petitionem  gravissimis  in  senatu  sententiis 
oppugnassem,  neque  tam  illius  laedendi  causa  quam  defendendi 
atque  ornandi  Catonis.  Post  autem  Caesaris,  ut  ilium  defen- 
derem,  mira  contentio  est  consecuta.  Cur  autem  laudarim,  peto 
a  te,  ut  id  a  me  neve  in  hoc  reo  neve  in  aliis  requiras,  ne  tibi  ego 

15  idem  reponam,  cum  veneris  :  tametsi  possum  vel  absenti ;  recor- 
dare  enim,  quibus  laudationem  ex  ultimis  terris  miseris.  Nee  hoc 
pertimueris  ;  nam  a  me  ipso  laudantur  et  laudabuntur  iidem. 
Sed  tamen  defendendi  Vatinii  fuit  etiam  ille  stimulus,  de  quo  in 
iudicio,  cum  ilium  defenderem,  dixi  me  facere  quiddam,  quod  in 

20  Eunucho  parasitus  suaderet  militi  : 


public  services  and  private  liberality  would 
each  severally  justify  the  honour  I  have 
shewn  him.'  On  the  aid  which  Cicero  re- 
ceived from  Caesar,  cp.  infra,  §  21. 

3.  Cum  a  vobis  .  .  discesserim,  = 
'vobis  exceptis'  (Forcell.)  'that  after  you, 
the  authors  of  my  safety,  I  am  more  in- 
debted to  Caesar  than  to  any  one  else.'* 
'Vobis'  probably  refers  to  Pompey  and 
Lentulus. 

5.  Facilia  sunt  . .  meum  :  cp,  §4,  note. 

8.  Primum  .  .  Pompeium,  'the  first 
step  to  our  friendly  relations  was  a  recon- 
ciliation brought  about  by  Pompey  just  after 
Vatinius  was  elected  praetor,'  i.e.  in  55  B.C. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  8. 

Reditus  .  .  in  gratiam.  On  the  order 
of  the  words,  cp.  Zumpt  L.  G.  788.  The 
verb  comes  early  in  the  sentence  in  familiar 

style. 

9,  Statim  ut.  Mr.  J.  E.  Yonge  re- 
marks that  '  ut '  is  not  strictly  dependent  on 
*  statim.* 

12.  Catonis.  M.  Cato  stood  for  the 
praetorship  against  Vatinius.     Cp.  Ad  Q.  F. 

2.  9,  3- 

13.  Mira  contentio,  *most  urgent  re- 
presentations.' 


14.  Neve  .  .  neve:  for  the  simple 
•  ne  .  .  neque/  cp.  Madv.  459.  A  rare 
usage. 

15.  Idem  reponam,  *put  the  same 
question  to  you  in  return.*  '  Reponere,'  = 
'  par  pari  referre.'     Forcell. 

Vel  absenti,  sc.  'reponere.*  Cp.  Ep. 
23,  2,  note,  for  the  ellipse. 

Recordare  .  .  miseris,  'for  just  re- 
member in  whose  favour  you  have  sent 
letters  of  eulogy  from  the  most  distant 
regions.*  Cicero  needed  not  to  wait  for 
Lentulus'  return  to  see  how  he  behaved. 
Lentulus,  apparently  had  often  written  let- 
ters from  Spain  or  Cilicia,  testifying  in  favour 
of  worthless  men. 

18.  Ille  stimulus.  The  pronoun  re- 
fers to  what  follows ;  cp.  Ep.  5,  3,  note. 

19.  Me  facere  .  .  militi,  'that  I  was 
doing  what  the  parasite  recommends  to  the 
soldier  in  the  Eunuchus.'  Cp.  Terent.  Eu- 
nuch. 3.  I,  50.  On  the  tense  of 'suaderet,' 
which  follows  that  of 'dixi,' cp.  Madv.  383. 
The  parasitus  is  Gnatho ;  the  miles 
Thraso.  The  import  of  the  advice  quoted 
is,  '  If  your  mistress  arouses  your  jealousy 
by  speaking  of  Phaedria,  repay  her  by  men- 
tioning Pamphila.' 


'      I, 


EP.29.]      EPISTOLARVM  AD  FAMILIARES   /.9.  3„ 

ubi  nominabit  Phaedriam,  tu  Pamphilam 
continuo.     Si  quando  ilia  dicet  '  Phaedriam 
intro  mittamus  coinissatum,'  Pamphilam 
cantatum  provocemus.     Si  laudabit  haec 
illius  formam,  tu  huius  contra  ;  denique 
par  pro  pari  referto,  quod  earn  Inordeat. 

sic  petivi  a  iudicibus  ut,  quoniam  quidam  nobiles  homines  et  de 
me  optime  meriti  nimis  amarent   inimicum  meum  meque  in- 
spectante  saepe  eum  in  senatu  modo  severe  seducerent,  modo 
tamiliariter  atque  hilare  amplexarentur,  quoniamque  iili  haberent  10 
suum  Publium,  darent  mihi  ipsi  alium  Publium,  in  quo  possem 
illorum  animos  mediocriter  lacessitus  leviter  repungere ;  neque 
solum  d.xi,  sed  etiam  saepe  facio  deis  hominibusque  adproban- 
20  tibus      Habes  de  Vatinio,  cognosce  de  Crasso.     Ego,  cum  mihi 
cum  illo  magna  iam  gratia  esset,  quod  eius  omnes  gravissimas  15 
iniunas  communis  concordiae  causa  voluntaria  quadam  oblivione 
contnveram,  repentinam  eius  defensionem  Gabinii,  quern  proximis 
[superioribus]  diebus  acerrime  oppugnasset,  tamen,  si  sine  uUa 
mea  contumelia  suscepisset,  tulissem  ;  sed,  cum  me  disputantem 
non  iacessentem  laesisset,  exarsi  non  solum  praesenti,  credo,  ira-  20 
cundia— nam  ea  tam  vehemens  fortasse  non  fuisset  — ,  sed  cum 
inclusum  illud  odium  multarum  eius  in  me  iniuriarum,  quod  ego 
effudisse   me   omne  arbitrabar,   residuum   tamen   insciente  ine 
fuisset,  omne  repente  apparuit.  Quo  quidem  tempore  ipso  quidam 
hommes,  et  udem  iili,  quos  saepe  nutu  significationeque  appello  « 
cum  se  maximum  fructum  cepisse  dicerent  ex  libertate  mea  meque 


inimicum  meum  :   cp. 


7-  Quidam  . 
§  15,  note. 

9.  Severe  seducerent,  'led  aside  with 
a  serious  air,'  as  if  for  conference.  Cp.  Pro 
Muren.  24,  49  « seductiones  testium.' 

11.  Alium  Publium.  The  praenomen 
of  Vatmius  was  Publius. 

12.  Leviter  repungere,  *  prick  them 
gently  m  return.'  •  Repungere '  seems  only 
to  be  found  here. 

13-  Dixi,  sc.  '  me  facturum.' 
14.   Habes  de  Vatinio.     Forcell.  says 
habere/  =  'audire,*'intelligere'in  such  pas- 
sages as  this.     •  Enough  of  Vatinius.'     Cp. 
l^p.  8,  6,  note  on  p.  57. 

Cognosc-e:  cp.  Ep.  36,  9  'nunc  cognosce 
de  Bruto.'  ^ 

17.  Contriveram,  'had  trodden  under 
foot,   'effaced.'     Forcell. 

Defensionem  Gabinii.     Crassus  had 

P  % 


defended  Gabinius  when  he  and  Piso  were 
accused  of  misgovernment  in  56  B.C. 

18.  Sine  ulla  mea  contumelia,  'with- 
out any  abuse  of  me.*  For  this  use  of  the 
possessive  pronoun,  cp.  Madv.  297  b,  Obs.  i. 

19.  Disputantem,  merely  '  debatiuff  ' 
'arguing.*     Forcell.  ^* 

22.  Inclusum  illud  odium  . .  iniuria- 
rum, 'the  secret  hatred  inspired  by  many 
wrongs  of  his  to  m'e.'  On  the  genit.  '  iniu- 
riarum.  cp.  Ep.  4,  2,  note. 

24.  Omne  .  .  apparuit,  'came  suddenly 
to  light  ru  its  full  extent,'  sc.  'iJJud  odium.* 

25.  Nutu  significationeque  appello, 
describe  by  signs  and  hints.'     On  the  ex- 

pression,  bp.  Nagelsbach  137,  397.  Cicero 
never  names  the  men  to  whose  jealousy  he 
ascribed  in  part  his  change  of  policy.     Cp. 

26.  Cum  se  .  .  dicerent, 'though  they 


212 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


t 


turn  denique  sibi  esse  visum  rei  publicae,  qualis  fuissem,  resti- 
tutum,  cumque  ea  contentio  mihi  magnum  etiam  foris  fructum 
tulisset,  gaudere  se  dicebant  mihi  et  ilium  inimicum  et  eos,  qui 
in  eadem  causa  essent,  numquam  amicos  futures  :  quorum  iniqui 

5sermones  cum  ad  me  per  homines  honestissimos  perferrentur 
cumque  Pompeius  ita  contendisset,  ut  nihil  umquam  magis,  ut 
cum  Crasso  redirem  in  gratiam,  Caesarque  per  litteras  maxima  se 
molestia  ex  ilia  contentione  adfectum  ostenderet,  habui  non  tem- 
porum  solum  rationem  meorum,  sed  etiam  naturae,  Crassusque, 

lo  ut  quasi  testata  populo  Romano  esset  nostra  gratia,  paene  a  meis 
Laribus  in  provinciam  est  profectus  ;  nam,  cum  mihi  condixisset, 
cenavit  apud  me  in  mei  generi  Crassipedis  hortis.    Quam  ob  rem 
eius  causam,  quod  te  scribis  audisse,  magna  illius  commendatione  ,. 
susceptam  defendi  in  senatu,  sicut  mea  fides  postulabat.     Acce-  21 

15  pisti,  quibus  rebus  adductus  quamque  rem  causamque  defenderim, 
quique  meus  in  re  publica  sit  pro  mea  parte  capessenda  status ; 
de  quo  sic  velim  statuas,  me  haec  eadem  sensurum  fuisse,  si  mihi 
Integra  omnia  ac  libera  fuissent :  nam  neque  pugnandum  arbi- 
trarer  contra  tantas  opes  neque  delendum,  etiam  si  id  fieri  posset, 

2osummorum  civium  principatum  nee  permanendum  in  una  sen- 
tentia  conversis  rebus  ac  bonorum  voluntatibus  mutatis,  sed 
temporibus  adsentiendum.  Numquam  enim  m  praestantibus  in 
re  publica  gubernanda  viris  laudata  est  in  una  sententia  perpetua 


affirmed  that  they  had  derived  great  advan- 
tage from  my  independence.'  Cp.  Madv. 
358,  Obs.  3,  for  this  use  of '  cum.' 

1.  Qualis  fuissem,  Mike  my  old  self.' 

2.  Ea  contentio,  *  my  dispute  with 
Crassus.* 

Foris,  '  among  the  people.' 

3.  Dicebant, 'yet  said.'  An  adversative 
conjunction  would  make  the  sense  clearer, 
but  is  often  omitted.  Cp.  Ep.  21,  3,  note, 
on  p.  166. 

Ilium,  sc.  Crassum. 

Eos,  sc.  Pompeium  et  Caesarem. 

6.  Ita  contendisset. .umquam  magis. 
On  the  ellipse,  cp.  Madv.  478 ;  Zumpt  L.  G. 
774,  and  note. 

8.  Habui  .  .  naturae,  *I  paid  regard  to 
the  suggestions  not  only  of  circumstances 
but  of  my  nature.'  Man.  thinks  that  'tem- 
porum '  here  means  *  of  my  calamities.* 

10.  Ut  quasi  testata  .  .  gratia,  'that 
our  good  understanding  might  be,  so  to 
say,  solemnly  attested.'  Cp.  Ep.  8,  2  on 
*  testata.* 


11.  Condixisset,  'had  offered  to  visit 
me.'  Forcell.  explains  'condicere'  by'de- 
nunciare  alicui  se  apud  eum  cenaturum  ipso 
volente.* 

12.  Apud  me.  Cicero  probably  furnished 
an  entertainment,  for  which  Furius  Crassipes 
lent  his  gardens. 

Generi  :  cp.  Ep.  24,  2,  note. 

13.  Eius  causam.  Cicero  defended  the 
conduct  of  Crassus  in  the  senate,  but  did  not 
really  approve  of  it.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  8,  2 
and  4;  Ad  Att.  4.  13,  2.  Crassus  set  out 
for  his  province  late  in  55  B.C.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  II,  §  8. 

Magna  illius  commendatione, 'under 
strong  recommendations  from  Caesar,'  or 
perhaps  *  from  Pompey.' 

15.  Quamque  rem  causamque,  *each 
measure  and  cause'  which  I  have  been 
blamed  for  defending. 

16.  Quique  meus  . .  status,  'and  what 
is  my  political  position  as  an  individual.' 

20.  Summorum  civium.  Caesar  and 
Pompey. 


^ 


>" 


^      \ 


< 


EP.  29.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   I.  9-  213 

permansio,  sed,  ut  in  navigando  tempestati  obsequi  artis  est, 
etiam  si  portum  tenere  non  queas,  cum  vero  id  possis  mutata 
velificatione  adsequi,  stultum  est  eum  tenere  cum  periculo  cursum, 
quern  ceperis,  potius  quam  eo  commutato  quo  velis  tamen  per- 
venire,   sic,   cum   omnibus   nobis   in   administranda   re   publica  5 
propositum  esse  debeat  id,  quod  a  me  saepissime  dictum  est,  cum 
dignitate   otium,   non   idem   semper  dicere,   sed   idem   semper 
spectare  debemus.     Quam  ob  rem,  ut  paulo  ante  posui,  si  essent 
omnia  mihi  solutissima,  tamen  in  re  publica  non  alius  essem 
atque  nunc  sum  :  cum  vero  in  hunc  sensum  et  adliciar  beneficus  10 
hominum  et  compellar  iniuriis,  facile  patior  ea  me  de  re  publica 
sentire  ac  dicere,  quae  maxime  cum  mihi  turn  etiam  rei  publicae 
rationibus  putem  conducere.  Apertius  autem  haec  ago  ac  saepius, 
quod  et  Quintus,  frater  meus,  legatus  est  Caesaris  et  nullum  meum 
minimum  dictum,  non  modo  factum,  pro  Caesare  intercessit,  quod  is 
ille  non  ita  illustri  gratia  exceperit,  ut  ego  eum  mihi  devinctum 
putarem.    Itaque  eius  omni  et  gratia,  quae  summa  est,  et  opibus, 
quas  intellegis  esse  maximas,  sic  fruor  ut  meis ;  nee  mihi  aliter 
potuisse  videor  hominum  perditorum  de  me  consilia  frangere,  nisi 
cum  praesidiis  iis,  quae  semper  habui,  nunc  etiam  potentium  20 
22  benevolentiam  coniunxissem.    His  ego  consiliis,  si  te  praesentem 
habuissem,  ut  opinio  mea  fert,  essem  usus  eisdem ;  novi  enim 


1.  Permansio,  'perseverance.'  Cp.De 
Invent.  Rhet.  2.  54,  164. 

Artis  est,  '  shews  skill.'    Cp.  Madv.  282. 

2.  Id,  sc.  'portum  tenere.' 

4.  Tamen,  'nevertheless,'  '  even  at  the 
expense  of  changing  your  course.'  The 
word  corresponding  to  '  tamen '  is  often 
omitted.     Cp.  Forcell. 

7.  Non  idem  .  .  debemus,  'we  ought, 
not  indeed  always  to  hold  the  same  lan- 
guage, but  always  to  have  the  same  end  in 

view.' 

8.  Posui,  'stated,'  common  in  this  sense 

in  Cicero. 

9.  Solutissima,  'quite  free  from  em- 
barrassments.'    The  superlative  is  rare. 

Non  alius  .  .  atque  .  .  sum,  'no  other 
man  than  I  am.'     Cp.  Madv.  444,  b. 

10.  Cum  vero, 'but  now  that.' 

In  hunc  sensum,  'to  my  present  dis- 
position.' ^ 

Beneficiis  hominum,  '  the  services  of 
Pompey  in  promoting  his  recall,  and  of 
Caesar  in  lending  him  money. 

11.  Iniuriis,  'the  intrigues'  of  certain 


nobles  with  Clodius. 

Facile  patior  .  .  conducere,   *  I  an^ 
content  to  hold  and  express  such  opinions 
on  politics  as  I  think  most  likely  to  serve 
both  my  own  interests  and  those  of  the  State. 
On  the  expression  '  facile  patior,'  cp.  Ep.  3, 

2  and  3,  notes.  . ,..  ,    v 

15.  Intercessit, merely  =  'accidit.    tor- 
cell.  . 

16.  Exceperit,  for  the  tense,  as  referrmg 
to  a  definite  historical  fact,  cp.  Madv.  382, 

Obs.  1.  ... 

19.  Hominum  perditorum,  m  primis 

Clodii.     Billerb. 

20.  Cum  praesidiis  .  .  habui.  Cicero 
refers  probably  to  the  attachment  of  the 
more  judicious  nobles,  and  of  the  majority 
of  the  middle  classes  both  at  Rome  and  lu 
the  country  towns. 

Potentium,    of   Caesar,   Pompey,   and 

Crassus. 

22.  Eisdem.  This  word  seems  here  to 
mean  '  equally,'  '  all  the  same.'  I  ""not  re- 
member  an  exact  parallel,  but  cp.Madv.  48»; 
Zumpt  L.G.  682  ;  and  instances  m  Forcell. 


\. 


V 


214 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


u 


temperantiam  et  moderationem  naturae  tuae,  novi  animum  cum 
mihi  amicissimum,  turn  nulla  in  ceteros  malevolentia  suffusum, 
contraque  cum  magnum  et  excelsum,  tum  etiam  apertum  et  sim- 
plicem.     Vidi  ego  quosdam  in  te  tales,  quales  tu  eosdem  in  me 

5  videre  potuisti :  quae  me  moverunt,  movissent  eadem  te  profecto. 
Sed,  quocumque  tempore  mihi  potestas  praesentis  tui  fuerit,  tu  eris 
omnium  moderator  consiliorum  meorum  ;  tibi  erit  eidem,  cui  salus 
mea  fuit,  etiam  dignitas  curae.  Me  quidem  certe  tuarum  actio- 
num,  sententiarum,  voluntatum,  rerum  denique  omnium  socium 

10  comitemque  habebis,  neque  mihi  in  omni  vita  res  tam  erit  ulla 
proposita,  quam  ut  quotidie  vehementius  te  de  me  optime  meritum 
esse  laetere.     Quod  rogas,  ut  mea  tibi  scripta  mittam,  quae  post  23 
discessum  tuum  scripserim,  sunt  orationes  quaedam,  quas  Meno- 
crito  dabo,  neque  ita  multae  ;  ne  pertimescas.  ^  Scripsi  etiam — 

15  nam  me  iam  ab  orationibus  diiungo  fere  referoque  ad  mansuetiores 
Musas,  quae  me  maxime  sicut  iam  a  prima  adulescentia  delec- 
tarunt — scripsi  igitur  Aristotelio  more,  quem  ad  modum  quidem 


2.  Nulla  .  .  suffusum,  *  concealing  no 
ill-will  towards  the  rest  of  our  countrymen.' 
•  Suffusiis '  is  rarely  used  in  this  sense,  but 
cp.  Ovid.  Trist.  2,  565  'a  salibus  suffusis 
felJe  refugi.' 

3.  Simplicem:  contrasted  with  the 
duplicity  of  the  *  quidam '  presently  men- 
tioned. 

4.  Quosdam  in  te  tales,  sc.  'segerere.* 
Cp  Madv.  300  a  ;  324  a  ;  and  for  the  fact, 
Ep.  21,  2  and  3.  Bibulus  seems  to  be  espe- 
cially referred  to. 

5.  Quae  .  .  eadem.  On  the  position 
of  these  pronouns,  cp.  Madv.  321. 

Moverunt,  '  influenced.* 

6.  Mihi  potestas  .  .  fuerit,  *!  shall 
have  an  opportunity  of  meeting  you.'  Cp. 
the  expression  ^potestatem  sui  facere,'  Ep. 

15»  15- 

7.  Eidem:  cp   Ep.  20,  i,  note.     *  You, 

moreover,  who  formerly  cared  for  my  safety 
will  now  provide  for  my  dignity  also.' 

8.  Dignitas  is  a  difficult  word  to  trans- 
late— '  position,'  •  general  respect,*  perhaps 
come  near  its  meaning. 

Tuarum  actionum  .  .  omnium,  'in 
all  your  proposals,  expressions  of  opinion  and 
wishes,  in  short  in  everything.' 

13.  Discessum  tuum, 'your  departure' 
to  assume  the  government  of  Cilicia,  which 
happened  in  57  or  56  B.C.  Cp.  Ep.  21,  i  ; 
Ep.  22,  2,  note. 

Orationes.  Those  still  extant  are — Pro 
P.   Sestio,    In   Vatinium,    De   Haruspicum 


Responsis,  Pro  M.  Caelio,  De  Provinciis  Con- 
sularibus,  Pro  L.  Balbo,  in  Pisonem,  Pro  M. 
Scauro  (fragmentary).  Pro  Cn.  Piancio. 

Menocrito.  This  man  seems  to  have 
been  a  freedman  of  Lentulus,  not  elsewhere 
mentioned. 

14.  Ne  pertimescas.  Cp.,  for  a  similar 
affectation  of  modesty,  Ad  Fam.  7^  i>  3  *  dum- 
modo  is  tibi  quidvis  potius  quam  orationes 
meas  legerit.'  As  Mr.  J.  E.  Yonge  remarks 
this  construction  is  really  a  dependent  one. 
Cp.  Hor.  Carm.  4.  9,  i. 

15.  Me  .  .  diiungo,  *I  sever  myself 
from  the  company  of  my  speeches,'  which 
Cicero  personifies  to  form  a  contrast  to  the 
*  Musae'  below. 

Mansuetiores  Musas,  'gentler  studies.* 
Neither  oratory  nor  philosophy  came  within 
the  province  of  the  Muses,  unless  in  the 
larger  sense  in  which  the  Greeks  spoke  of 
fxovaiKT).  Cicero  is  here  speaking  of  his 
poetical,  philosophical,  and  rhetorical  works. 

16.  Me  maxime.  Wesenb.  proposes  to 
insert  'nunc'  after  '  me.' 

17.  Igitur,  resumptive:  cp.  Madv.  480. 
Aristotelio    more.     The  form  of  the 

dialogue  '  De  Oratore  '  does  not  correspond 
with  that  of  any  of  the  treatises  of  Aristotle 
which  we  possess,  but  Plutarch  (Adv.  Colot. 
1 115,  b)  speaks  of  l^ojTipiKol  5cd\oyoi  of 
Aristotle  (see  also  his  life  of  Dion  22), 
Diogenes  Laertius  also  (xii.),  in  his  list  of 
the  works  of  that  philosopher,  mentions 
several  which,  judging  by  their  titles,  seem 


4 


< 


EP.29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   I.^.  215 

volui,  tres  libros  [in  disputatione  ac  dialogo]  '  de  oratore/  quos 
arbitror  Lentulo  tuo  fore  non  inutiles ;  abhorrent  enim  a  commu- 
nibus  praeceptis  et  omnem  antiquorum  et  Aristoteham  et  Iso- 
cratiam  rationem  oratoriam  complcctuntur.  Scrips,  etiam  vers.bus 
tres  libros  de  temporibus  meis,  quos  iam  pridem  ad  te  misissem,  5 
si  esse  edendos  putassem ;  sunt  enim  testes  et  erunt  semp.temi 
meritorum  erga  me  tuorum  meaeque  pietatis  ;  sed  [quia]  verebar 
non  eos,  qui  se  laesos  arbitrarentur-etenim  id  fee.  parce  et 
molliter-,  sed   eos,  quos  erat  infinitum   bene  de  me   mer.tos 
omnes   nominare ;   quos  tamen  ipsos  libros,  si  quem  cu,  recte 
committam  invenero,  curabo  ad  te  perferendos.    Atque  istani 


to  have  been    dialogues.     Cicero,  too  (Ad 
Att.  13.  19,  4)  says    that   his  'Academica 
'kpiarorkK^iov  mortm  habent,  in  quo  sermo 
ita  inducitur  ceterorum,  ut  penes  ipsum  sit 
principatus.'    This  description  does  not,  it  is 
true,  apply  to  the  books  '  De  Oratore;    but 
Bernays  (p.  I37)  thinks  that  Cicero  in  the 
passage  now  under  consideration  (Ad  Fam. 
I    Q    23)  refers  to  the  less  dramatic  cha- 
racter of  the  Aristotelian  dialogues  as  com- 
pared  with  the  Platonic.     Madvig  (on  Cic. 
de  Fin.  Excursus  vii.  p.  840)  doubts  if  Cicero 
knew  much  of  any  works  of  Aristotle  except 
the  dialogues  and  rhetorical  works,  and  Mr. 
Grote  thinks  that  it  was  from  reading  the 
dialogues  that  Cicero  formed  the  opimon  of 
Aristotle's  style  expressed  in  the  Prior  Aca- 
demics (2.38,119)  'flumenoratioms  aureum 
fundens    Aristoteles'-cp.    •At.stoteha    pig- 

menta,'  Ep.  9.  ^-  «'^  ^^^  "^^"^  '"^^-'l' 
see  Grote's  Aristotle,  I.  43  foil. ;  a  review 
of  that  work  in  the  Edinburgh  Review 
for  October,  1872  ;  the  article  on  Aristotle 
in  Smith's  Diet,  of  Biogr.  (i.  3")  (by  A. 
Stahr)  ;  and  Jacob  Bernays.  Die  Dialoge  des 
Aristoteles,  Berlin,  1863. 

Ouem  ad  modum  quidem  volui, 
.  according  to  my  wish  at  least.  Cicero 
means  that  he  would  allow  others  to  judge 
how  far  he  had  succeeded. 

1  In  disputatione  .  .  dialogo. 
Wesenb.  thinks  that  these  words  are  genuine, 
except  the  preposition  'in.' 

2  Lentulo    tuo,  'your  son  Lentulus. 

Cp.  Ep.  26,  II,  note.  .      mu       1  . 

A  communibus  praeceptis.  Therules 

generally  given  were  perhaps  more  directly 
tnd  exclusively  practical  than  those  nicul- 
cated  by  Cicero.  In  his  treatise  '  De  Ora- 
tore* he  makes  L.  Crassus  argue  against 
M.  Antonius  (the  orator)  in  favour  of  the 
necessity  of  general  knowledge  and  cultiva- 
tion for  an  orator. 


3.  Aristoteliam  .  .  complcctuntur. 
'  embody  the  theories  of  rhetoric  set  forth 
by  Aristotle  and  by  Isocrates.'  Aristotle  s 
treatise  on  rhetoric  is  well  known ;  that  of 
Isocrates  is  said  to  have  perished  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  fragments  :  cp.  Smith, 
Diet,  of  Biogr.  2.  633,  and  Cic.  de  Inv. 
Rhet.  2.  2,  7  ;  the  last  reference  I  owe  to 
Mr.  Yonge's  note. 

c  De  temporibus  meis,  'about  my 
exile  and  restoration.'  Cp.  §  8  of  this  letter 
for  the  meaning  of  *  tempora.'  The  poem 
on  his  consulship  was  written  much  earlier, 
for  he  quotes  it  Ad  Att.  2.  3.  3,  while  the 
services  of  Lentulus  (cp.  1.  7)  were  rendered 
in  57  B.C.,  and  could  not  have  been  re- 
ferred to  in  the  earlier  poem,  unless  indeed 
Cicero  added  to  it  at  a  later  time,  which  is 
possible.  Baiter,  xi.  13c,  thinks  that  the 
poem  on  his  consulship  is  here  referred  to. 

7.  Meritorum  .  .  pietatis  :  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  23,  andEp.  21,  i. 

Sed  quia  .  .  nominare.  Wesenb.  re- 
tains '  quia,*  thinking  that  some  such  words 
as  '  vetui  divulgari '  have  dropped  out  after 

*  nominare.'  . 

Verebar.'Iwas  apprehensive  of,     feared 

how  they  might  be  aftected.' 

8  Qui  se  laesos  arbitrarentur:  cp. 
note  on  §  13.  He  refers  perhaps  especially 
to  Pompev  (cp.  Ep.  54,  3).  and  to  Horten- 
sius  (Ad  Att.  3.  9,  2). 

Id  feci,  sc.  'culpavi,'  the  verb  to  be 
supplied  from  'laesos.'  . 

9.  Erat  infinitum,  «it  was  an  endless 
task,'  and  therefore  impossible.         ..  ,   -    . 

10.  Si  quem  .  .  invenero,  '  if  I  tmd 
any  messenger  to  whom  I  can  prudently  en- 
trust  them.* 


II.  Istam  . .  partem  . .  nostrae  . 


'the 
results  "o^  my 'a'ctivit'y  in  this  department 
of  my  ordinary  life/  i.e.  in  his  literary  pur- 
suits. 


\ 


X 


{ • 


2l6 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


quidem  partem  vitae  consuetudinisque  nostrae  totam  ad  te  defero : 
quantum  litteris,  quantum  studiis,  veteribus  nostris  delectatio- 
nibus,  consequi  poterimus,  id  omne  ad  arbitrium  tuum,  qui  haec 
semper  amasti,  libentissime  conferemus.  Quae  ad  me  de  tuis  24 
5  rebus  domesticis  scribis,  quaeque  mihi  commendas,  ea  tantae  mihi 
curae  sunt,  ut  me  nolim  admoneri,  rogari  vero  sine  magno  dolore 
vix  possim.  Quod  de  Quinti  fratris  negotio  scribis  te  priore 
aestate,  quod  morbo  impeditus  in  Ciliciam  non  transieris,  con- 
ficere  non  potuisse,  nunc  autem  omnia  facturum,  ut  conficias,  id 

lo  scito  esse  eius  modi,  ut  frater  meus  vere  existimet  adiuncto  isto 
fundo  patrimonium  fore  suum  per  te  constitutum.  Tu  me  de  tuis 
rebus  omnibus  et  de  Lentuli  tui  nostrique  studiis  et  exercitatio- 
nibus  velim  quam  familiarissime  certiorem  et  quam  saepissime 
facias  existumesque  neminem  cuiquam  neque  cariorem  neque 

15  iucundiorem  umquam  fuisse  quam  te  mihi,  idque  me  non  modo  ut 
tu  sentias,  sed  ut  omnes  gentes,  etiam  ut  posteritas  omnis  intel- 
legat,  esse  facturum.     Appius  in  sermonibus  antea  dictitabat,  25 
postea  dixit  etiam  in  senatu  palam,  sese,  si  licitum  esset  legem 
curiatam  ferre,  sortiturum  esse  cum  collega  provincias ;  si  curiata 

20  lex  non  esset,  se  paraturum  cum  collega  tibique  successurum  ; 


1.  Nostrae  .  .  nostris  .  .  conferemus. 
The  last  word  must  mean  '7  will  lay  before 
you,'  hence  '  nostrae  '  probably  is  equivalent 
to  '  meae/  Otherwise  the  words  '  qui  haec 
semper  amasti'  might  suggest  that  Cicero 
speaks  of  himself  and  Lentulus  as  '  nos.' 
On  the  use  of  'noster'  for  '  meus,'  cp.  Madv. 

483. 

2.  Studiis.  I  do  not  see  what  force  this 
word  has  here.  Mr.  Jeans  renders  it  '  phi- 
losophic work  :'  Metzger  translates  '  litteris 
.  .  studiis,  •  wissenschaftliche  Beschaftiguug.' 

4.  De  tuis  rebus  domesticis.  I  can- 
not explain  this  allusion,  Lentulus'  letter  not 
having  been  preserved. 

6.  Admoneri,  'to  be  reminded  of  them;' 
rogari,  'to  be  asked  to  attend  to  them.' 

7.  De  Qjiinti  fratris  negotio.  Prob- 
ably Cicero  refers  to  a  wish  of  Quintus  to 
buy  land  from  some  Roman  resident  in 
Cilicia.     Miiller. 

Priore  aestate,  in  55  b.c. 

8.  In  Ciliciam,  'into  Cilicia  proper.* 
The  province  of  Lentulus  included  various 
other  districts.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  17. 

9.  Conficere,  'to  effect  a  settlement.' 
The  verb  is  used  thus  absolutely,  Ep,  24,  2 
*  de  nostra  Tullia  spero  cum  Crassipede  nos 
confecisse.' 


10.  Esse  eius  modi,  'is  such  a  valuable 
service.' 

Adiuncto  isto  fundo.  The  land  which 
Quintus  wished  to  buy  was  apparently  ad- 
jacent to  his  patrimonial  estate — perhaps 
near  Arpinum. 

12.  Nostrique:  cp.  note  on  the  previous 
section. 

Exercitationibus,  'practice'  of  oratory, 
composition,  etc.     Forcell. 

15.  Idque  me  .  .  facturum.  The  more 
natural  order  of  the  words  according  to  our 
notions  would  be  'meque  esse  facturum 
non  modo  ut  tu  id  sentias  sed  ut.'  Cicero 
probably  meant  that  he  would  either  record 
the  services  of  Lentulus  in  a  special  work 
(Miiller),  or  mention  them  in  his  speeches 
upon  all  occasions.  ^ 

17.  In  sermonibus,  '  in  private  conver- 
sation.* 

18.  Si  licitum  esset,  i.e.  if  no  tribune 
interposed  his  veto. 

19.  Sortiturum,  'would  cast  lots  with 
his  colleague'  for  the  two  consular  pro- 
vinces. This  was  the  regular  course;  and 
this  passage  seems  to  imply  that  it  could 
only  be  taken  after  the  enactment  of  a  '  Lex 
Curiata.' 

20.  Paraturum/ would  make  an  arrange- 


t 


;• 


i-N 


< 


EP.  29.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   I.  9.  217 

legem  curiatam  consuli  fcrri  opus  esse,  necesse  non  esse  ;  se, 
quoniam  ex  senatus  consulto  provinciam  haberet,  lege  Cornelia 
imperium  habiturum,  quoad  in  urbem  introisset.  Ego,  quid  ad  te 
tuorum  quisque  necessariorum  scribat,  nescio ;  varias  esse  opi- 
niones  intellego :  sunt  qui  putant  posse  te  non  decedere,  quod  5 
sine  lege  curiata  tibi  succedatur ;  sunt  etiam,  qui,  si  decedas,  a  te 


ment.'  Cp.,  for  this  use  of  the  verb.  Sail, 
lug.  43,  according  to  one  reading;  also 
Forcell.  sub  voc.  Marutius  says  that  it  is 
equivalent  to  '  pacisci :'— Wesenb.  suggests 
'  comparaturum.' 

Tibique  successurum,  'and  would  go 
as  your  successor  to  Cilicia.' 

I,  Legem  curiatam.  Cicero  (DeRep. 
2,  13,  25)  considered  this  law  to  represent 
the  ancient  popular  confirmation  of  the  elec- 
tion of  kings,  conthiued  under  the  common- 
wealth for  •  magistratus  cum  imperio'  (De 
Leg.  Agrar.  2.  ii,  26).  This  approval  by 
the  '  curiae'  had  long  become  a  mere  form, 
and  its  only  importance  was  that  the  tri- 
bunes could  interfere  with  public  business  by 
opposing  its  enactment.  Cp.  Smith,  Diet, 
of  Antiq.,  '  Imperium,'  p.  629.  Momnisen 
(Rom.  Hist.  I.  69;  81  ;  82  :  Romische  For- 
schungen,  p.  271)  thinks  it  was  even  ori- 
ginally more  of  a  mere  form  than  would  be 
gathered  from  Cicero's  language. 

Opus  esse,  necesse  non  esse,  'was 
desirable  (or  proper)  but  not  necessary.* 
Forcell.  explains  'opus  esse*  as  =  ' quod  fieri 
debet.'  On  the  omission  of  an  adversative 
conj.,  cp.  Madv.  437  d,  Obs.  Cicero  (De 
Leg.  Agrar.  2.  12,  30)  insists  on  the  neces- 
sity of  the  law  to  confer  '  imperium.'  Appius 
seems  to  have  relied  on  a  clause  (i)  of  the 
Lex  Cornelia  L.  Bullae,  mentioned  on  the 
next  page,  and  he  may  have  interpreted  this 
law  as  dispensing  with  the  necessity  of  a 
'Lex  Curiata.*  Lange,  Rom.  Alterth.  I. 
630,  calls  this  interpretation  sophistical,  but 
Fischer,  Rom.  Zeittafeln,  on  81  B.C.,  refers 
to  this  passage  as  shewing  that  the  Lex 
Cornelia  did  grant  such  dispensation.  The 
passage  quoted  (from  Ad  Att.  4.  18,  2)  in 
a  note  on  Ep.  28,  7,  however,  goes  rather 
against  this  view.  It  would  appear  a  fair 
inference  from  this  passage  that  the  'Lex 
Curiata  *  need  not  be  proposed  for  a  magis- 
trate until  he  was  on  the  point  of  departing 
for  his  province  after,  or  towards  the  close 
of,  his  year  of  office  at  Rome.  But  Momm- 
sen  (Staatsrecht,  I,  pp.  51,  note  4  ;  54,  55, 
notes)  remarks  that  the  enactment  of  such 
a  law  was  necessary  to  enable  the  praetors 
to  preside  in  the  civil  courts,  and  the  consuls 
to  convene  the  '  comitia  centuriata ;  *  and  it 


is  noteworthy  that  during  the  year  now  under 
consideration  the  'comitia  centuriata'  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  convened,  at  least  for 
elections.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  11  ;  13  ; 
Dion  Cassius,  40,  45.  Becker  (Rom. 
Alterth.  2.  2,  62;  63)  thinks  that  'im- 
perium '  was  usually  conferred  on  the  con- 
suls for  their  year  of  office,  either  by  anti- 
cipation or  soon  after  their  election,  and 
that  a  fresh  'Lex  Curiata'  was  passed  be- 
fore they  departed  for  their  provinces  as  pro- 
consuls. 

2.  Ex  senatus  consulto.  The  decree 
by  which  the  senate,  under  the  Lex  Sem- 
pronia  C.  Gracchi,  fixed  the  provinces  of  the 
future  consuls.  Cp.  Ep.  26,  10 ;  De  Prov. 
Cons.  2,  3. 

Lege  Cornelia,  sc.  L.  Bullae  de  pro- 
vinciis  ordinandis.  This  law  has  been  already 
referred  to.  It  provided  apparently  (i)  That 
all  provincial  governors  should  retain  their 
'  imperium'  till  they  returned  to  Rome ;  (2) 
That  they  must  leave  their  provinces  within 
thirty  days  of  the  arrival  of  their  successors ; 
(3)  That  a  limit  should  be  fixed  to  the 
money  allowed  by  the  provincials  as  travel- 
ling expenses  to  deputations  sent  to  Rome 
for  the  purpose  of  eulogising  their  late 
governors;  and  possibly  (4)  That  a  'Lex 
Curiata'  should  not  be  essential  for  a  pro- 
vincial governor  who  had  had  a  province 
assigned  him  by  the  senate.  But  on  the  last 
point  see  note  on  '  opus  esse '  above.  On 
the  whole  subject  compare  with  the  present 
passage  Ad  Fam.  3.  6,  3  and  6 ;   3.  10,  6. 

4.  Varias  esse  opiniones,  i.e.  as  to 
what  Lentulus  ought  to  do  :  see  the  follow- 
ing words. 

5.  Bunt  qui  putant:  'putent'  would 
be  more  usual,  the  indicative  being  rarely 
used  in  such  passages  except  where  a  defi- 
nitive pronoun  or  adjective  of  number  is 
added,  e.g.  'multi:'  cp.  Madv.  365,  Obs.  i. 
But  Mr.  Yonge.  following  Kleyn,  thinks  that 
the  indicative  may  be  used  in  an  express 
classification. 

Non  decedere,  'not  leave  your  pro- 
vince,' even  though  Appius  should  present 
himself  as  your  successor. 

6.  A  te  relinqui  posse  .  .  praesit, 
•  that  you  can  leave  an  officer  in  charge  of 


I 


# 


2i8 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


r 


t 


relinqui  posse  qui  provinciae  praesit.  Mihi  non  tarn  de  lure 
certum  est— quamquam  ne  id  quidem  valde  dubium  est— quam 
illud,  ad  tuam  summam  amplitudinem,  dignitatem,  libertatem,  qua 
te  scio  libentissime  frui  solere,  pertinere  te  sine  ulla  mora  pro- 
svinciam  successori  concedere,  praesertim  cum  sine  suspitione 
tuae  cupiditatis  non  possis  iUius  cupiditatem  refutare.  Ego  utrum- 
que  meum  puto  esse,  et  quid  sentiam  ostendere  et  quod  feceris 

defendere. 

Scripta  iam  epistola  superiore  accepi  tuas  litteras  de  publicanis,  26 

lo  in  quibus  aequitatem  tuam  non  potui  non  probare  :  facilitate 
quidem  vellem  consequi  potuisses,  ne  eius  ordinis,  quem  semper 
ornasti,  rem  aut  voluntatem  offenderes.  Equidem  non  desinam 
tua  decreta  defendere ;  sed  nosti  consuetudinem  hominum ;  scis 
quam  graviter  inimici  ipsi  illi  Q.  Scaevolae  fuerint ;  tibi  tamen 

15  sum  auctor,  ut,  si  quibus  rebus  possis,  eum  tibi  ordinem  aut  re- 
concilies  aut  mitiges  :  id  etsi  difficile  est,  tamen  mihi  videtur  esse 
prudentiae  tuae. 


the  province/  Cicero  was  much  embarrassed 
in  choosing  a  temporary  successor  for  him- 
self in  CiUcia.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  3,  i  and  2  ; 
6.  6,  3.  foil. 

2.  Quamquam  ne  id  .  .  dubium  est. 
Cicero  evidently  hints  that  Lentulus  would 
act  illegally  in  remaining  in  his  province 
after  the  arrival  of  App  us. 

3.  Amplitudinem,  dignitatem,  li- 
bertatem. Cicero  thought  the  position  of 
a  leading  senator  at  home  more  dignified 
and  independent  than  that  of  a  provincial 
governor ;  and  when  he  himself  went  to 
govern  Cilicia  was  anxious  to  stay  there  as 
short  a  time  as  possible.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5. 15, 
I  ;  5.  21,  3  ;  Ad  Fam.  2.  10,  4. 

6.  Cupiditatis,  *  eagerness  for  office,' 
which  Appius  shewed  by  his  readiness  to 
assume  the  government  of  Cilicia  without 
the  sanction  of  a  '  Lex  Curiata,'  and  which 
Lentulus  would  have  shewn  by  declining  to 
leave  his  province  on  the  arrival  of  a  successor. 

Refutare,  'to  resist.'  Cp.  De  Prov.Cons. 
13,  32  *illas  nationes  ..  refutandas  ..  hello.' 

Ego  utrumque  .  .  defendere,  'I  think 
it  my  duty  both  to  declare  what  I  think  you 
ought  to  do,  and  to  defend  what  you  actu- 
ally do.' 

9.  Epistola  superiore,  'the  foregomg 
letter,'  to  which  Cicero  now  adds  a  post- 
script after  receipt  of  one  from  Lentulus. 

10.  Facilitate,  '  by  readiness  to  oblige.' 


11.  Ch^idem,  'however.*  Cp.  Nagels- 
bach  125,543. 

Eius  ordinis,  of  the  publicans. 

12.  Ornasti  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  17,  9  '  ecce 
aliae  deliciae  equitum  vix  ferendae  1  quas 
ego  non  solum  tuli,  sed  etiam  ornavi,'  foil. 

Rem  aut  voluntatem  offenderes, 
♦come  into  collision  with  the  [real  or  fan- 
cied, J.  E.  Y.]  interests  or  wishes.' 

13.  Decreta.  Probably  decrees  by  which 
the  publicans  thought  their  interests  were 
endangered.  Cicero  probably  refers  to  them 
a  few  lines  above,  where  he  praises  the 
'  aequitas'  of  Lentulus. 

Consuetudinem  hominum,  sc.  '  pub- 
licanorum.'  Cicero  perhaps  refers  to  their 
abuse  of  judicial  power. 

14.  CL_ Scaevolae.  CL Mucins Scaevola 
governed  Asia  99  B.C.,  and  exerted  himself 
to  protect  the  provincials  from  extortion. 
This  offended  the  equites,  from  whom  alone 
the  judges  were  then  taken  at  Rome  ;  and 
P.  Rutilius  Rufus,  the  upright  legate  of 
Scaevola,  was  brought  to  trial  and  con- 
demned on  a  false  charge  of  '  repetundae.' 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  5. 17,  5  ;  Livy,  Epit.  70 ;  Vel- 
leius  2. 13  ;  Cic.  In  Pison.  39,  95.  Cicero  in- 
corporated many  provisions  of  the  provincial 
edict  of  Scaevola  in  his  own.     Cp.  Ad  Att. 

17.  Prudentiae  tuae,   *not  too   hard 
for  your  sagacity.'     Meizg. 


X- 


EP.  30.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   IT,  6,         219 

30.   To  C.  SCRIBONIUS  CURIO  (AD  FAM.  II.  6). 

Rome,  ^^  b.c.  (701  a.u.c.) 

I.  Any  seeming  haste  in  my  despatch  of  this  letter  must  be  excused  by  the  import- 
ance of  its  subject ;  2.  and  the  greatness  of  your  past  services  to  me  warrants  my  asking 
of  you  a  favour,  for  which  I  should  be  very  gratefuL  3.  I  am  most  anxious  for  Milo's 
success  in  his  canvass  for  the  consulship,  and  I  think  your  aid  is  just  what  is  wanted  to 
secure  it ;  our  other  resources  are  ample,  4.  and  we  only  want  a  leader.  In  Milo  you 
will  find  a  friend  of  the  greatest  spirit  and  constancy.  5.  I  need  not  explain  to  you 
how  deeply  I  am  interested  in  this  matter,  and  if  you  grant  my  request  you  will  place 
me  under  a  lasting  obligation. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  C.  CURIONI. 

1  Nondum  erat  auditum  te  ad  Italiam  adventare,  cum  Sex.  Vil- 
lium,  Milonis  mei  familiarem,  cum  his  ad  te  litteris  misi ;  sed 
tamen  cum  adpropinquare  tuus  adventus  putaretur  et  te  iam  ex 
Asia  Romam  versus  profectum  esse  constaret,  magnitude  rei 
fecit,  ut  non  vereremur  ne  nimis  cito  mitteremus,  cum  has  5 
quam  primum  ad  te  perferri  litteras  magno  opere  vellemus. 
Ego,  si  mea  in  te  essent  officia  solum,  Curio,  tanta,  quanta 
magis  a  te  ipso  praedicari  quam  a  me  ponderari  solent,  vere- 
cundius  a  te,  si  quae  magna  res  mihi  petenda  esset,  conten- 
derem  ;  grave  est  enim  homini  pudenti  petere  aliquid  magnum  10 
ab  eo,  de  quo  se  bene  meritum  putet,  ne  id,  quod  petat,  exigere 
magis  quam  rogare  et  in  mercedis  potius  quam  beneficii  loco 

2  numerare  videatur.     Sed  quia  tua  in  me  vel  nota  omnibus  vel 
ipsa  novitate  meorum  temporum  clarissima  et  maxima  beneficia 
exstiterunt,   estque   animi   ingenui,  cui  multum  debeas,  eidem  15 
plurimum  velle  debere,  non  dubitavi  id  a  te  per  litteras  petere. 


C.  Scribonius  Curio,  to  whom  Cicero 
wrote  this  letter,  was  son  of  the  Curio  men- 
tioned Ep.  7,  5,  p.  50.  His  talents  and  his 
extravagance  and  debauchery  were  equally 
remarkable.  In  politics  he  was  inconsistent, 
but  appears  to  have  been  now  on  good 
terms  with  Cicero.  For  more  particulars 
about  him,  cp.  Ep.  11,  i,  note;  Intr.  to 
Parts  II,  §§  26,  27;    III,  §  9. 

1.  Te  .  .  adventare.  Curio  was  now 
in  Asia  as  quaestor.     Billerb. 

Sex.  Villium.  This  VilHus  is  only  here 
mentioned,  apparently,  unless  Horace  refers 
to  him  Sat.  i.  2,  64. 

2.  Misi.  On  the  perfect  used  for  the 
present  in  letters,  cp.  Zumpt  L.  G.  503. 

4.  Magnitude  rei,  *the  greatness  of  my 
object.' 


5.  Cum  has  .  .  vellemus,  'as  I  wish 
this  letter  to  reach  you  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible.* 

7.  Solum  =  *sola,*  *my  services  to  you 
only,  and  not  also  yours  to  me.'  Cp.  Phi- 
lipp.  2.  32,  81  *  nos  .  .  nuntiationem  solum 
habemus.'  •  Primum '  is  used  in  the  same 
way.  Cp.  Livy  6.  11,  ace.  to  Weissenborn's 
text,  '  Manlius  primum  omnium  ex  patribus 
popularis  factus.' 

9.  Contenderem,  'should  solicit  it.' 
'  Id '  omitted.    Cp.  Zumpt  L.  G.  765-766, 

13.  Sed  quia  .  .  exstiterunt,  'since 
your  services  to  me  have  been  some  of  them 
known  to  all,  and  others  most  famous  and 
important  from  the  very  strangeness  of  my 
disasters.'  Sed  quia  opposed  to  si  solum 
in  the  preceding  sentence. 


220 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  II. 


^ 


quod  mihi  omnium  esset  maximum  maximeque  necessarium  ; 
neque  enim  sum  veritus  ne  sustinere  tua  in  me  vel  innumera- 
bilia  non  possem,  cum  praesertim  confiderem  nullam  esse  gratiam 
tantam,  quam  non  vel  capere  animus  meus  in  accipiendo  vel 

5  in  remunerando  cumulate  atque  illustrare  posset.      Ego  omnia  3 
mea   studia,  omnem  operam,  curam,  industriam,  cogitationem, 
mentem    denique  omnem   in   Milonis  consulatu   fixi    et   locavi, 
statuique  in  eo  me  non  officii  solum  fructum  sed  etiam  pietatis 
laudem  debere  quaerere  ;  neque  vero  cuiquam  salutem  ac  fortunas 

10  suas  tantac  curae  fuisse  umquam  puto,  quantae  mihi  est  honos 
eius,  in  quo  omnia  mea  posita  esse  decrevi.  Huic  te  unum 
tanto  adiumento  esse,  si  volueris,  posse  intellego,  ut  nihil  sit 
praeterea  nobis  requirendum.  Habemus  haec  omnia :  bonorum 
studium  conciliatum  ex  tribunatu  propter  nostram,  ut  spero  te 

15  intellegere,  causam  ;  volgi  ac  multitudinis  propter  magnificen- 
tiam  munerum  liberalitatemque  naturae  ;  iuventutis  et  gratio- 
sorum  in  sufifragiis  studia  propter  ipsius  excellentem  in  eo 
genere  vel   gratiam  vel   diligentiam  ;    nostram   suffragationem, 


1.  Esset.     On  the  tense,  following  that 
of  '  dubitavi/  cp.  Madv.  383. 

2.  Sustinere,  '  to  bear  the  weight  of.* 
Tua,  sc.  *beneficia,'  which  Wesenb.  pro- 
poses to  insert  after  *  innumerabilia.' 

4.  Quam  non  .  .  posset,  'that  my 
heart  cannot  receive  it  with  appreciation, 
and  repay  it  with  interest  that  shall  be 
famous.  Capere  =*find  room  for  '  (Man.); 
=  ^Qjp€lV,  J.  E,  Y. 

7.  Fixi  et  locavi, 'have  attached  and 
devoted.' 

8.  Officii  fructum,  'the  advantage 
which  1  may  derive  from  this  service' 
(Metzg.,  Hofm.).  Mr.  Jeans  renders  '  the 
solid  fruits  of  such  service  as  I  can  render.' 
He  thinks  that  'the  fruits'  looked  for  are 
simply  success.  '  A  recompense  for  his  ser- 
vice' (Wiel.).  'The  satisfaction  of  doing  my 
duty*  (J.  E.  Yonge).  May  not  such  a  verb 
as  'praestare'  be  supplied  from  quaerere? 
The  meaning  then  would  be,  '  not  only  to 
bestow  the  service  on  which  he  has  a  claim, 
but  to  seek  praise  for  my  gratitude,'  or 
«affection'  (so  in  subst.  Manut.),  which 
would  not  be  content  with  the  mere  dis- 
charge of  a  debt. 

II.  In  quo  . .  decrevi,  *on  whom  I  am 
persuaded  that  my  all  depends.* 

Unum,  •  beyond  all  others.'     J.  E.  Y. 

13.  Habemus  haec  omnia,  'all  the 
following  points  are  secured.' 


14.  Ex  tribunatu:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I, 

§§  ^i;  23. 

15.  Volgi  ac  multitudinis, sc.'studmm 
conciliatum.' 

16.  Munerum.  Milo  gave  splendid 
shows  in  54  B.C.,  hoping  to  win  the  favour 
of  the  populace,  and  so  to  improve  his 
prospects  as  an  aspirant  to  the  consulship. 
Cp.  Ad  Q^  F.  3.  8,  6;  3.  9,  2,  and  Pro 
Milon.  35,  95. 

Iuventutis,  the  young  nobles,  of  whom 
Cicero  generally  speaks  with  fear  and  dis- 
like. Cp.  Ad  Att.  I.  19,  8;  2.  7,  3 ; 
Merivale  I.  97,  98.  On  their  influence  at 
elections  cp.  Pro  Muren.  35,  73,  where  the 
expression  gratiosus  in  equitum  centu- 
ri is  occurs.  It  seems  to  mean  ' influential  at 
elections.' 

17.  Ipsius,  sc.  Milonis. 

In  eo  genere:  Billerb.  renders  ^ among 
that  class.'  Is  it  not  rather  =  '  in  ea  re,*  '  in 
canvassing,*  or,  as  Manut.  '  in  suff"ragiis.* 
Examples  of  this  sense  of  '  genus '  are  given 
by  Forcell.  Milo  had  been  an  active  sup- 
porter of  his  friends,  who  would  repay  him 
in  kind. 

18.  Nostram  suffragationem,  *  my 
own  support  or  retommendation.'  Cp. 
Livy  10.  13,  where,  of  the  recommendation 
of  P.  Decius  by  Q.  Fabius  to  the  people,  it 
is  said,  '  iusta  sutfragatio  visa.' 


/ 


EP.30.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  II.  6.         221 

si  minus  potentem,  at  probatam  tamen  et  iustam  et  debitam  et 

4  propterea  fortasse  etiam  gratiosam.  Dux  nobis  et  auctor  opus 
est  et  eorum  ventorum,  quos  proposui,  moderator  quidam  et 
quasi  gubernator  ;  qui  si  ex  omnibus  unus  optandus  esset,  quern 
tecum  conferre  possemus,  non  haberemus.  Quam  ob  rem,  si  5 
me  memorem,  si  gratum,  si  bonum  virum  vel  ex  hoc  ipso,  quod 
tam  vehementer  de  Milone  laborem,  existimare  potes,  si  dignum 
denique  tuis  beneficiis  iudicas,  hoc  a  te  peto,  ut  subvenias  huic 
meae  sollicitudini  et  huic  meae  laudi  vel,  ut  verius  dicam, 
prope  saluti  tuum  studium  dices.  De  ipso  T.  Annio  tantum  10 
tibi  polliceor,  te  maioris  animi,  gravitatis,  constantiae  bene- 
volentiaeque  erga  te,  si  complecti  hominem  volueris,  habiturum 
esse  neminem  ;  mihi  vero  tantum  decoris,  tantum  dignitatis 
adiunxeris,  ut  eundem  te  facile  agnoscam  fuisse  in  laude  mea, 

5  qui  fueris  in  salute.  Ego,  ni  te  videre  scirem,  cum  ad  te  haec  15 
scriberem,  quantum  officii  sustinerem,  quanto  opere  mihi  esset 
in  hac  petitione  Milonis  omni  non  modo  contentione,  sed  etiam 
dimicatione  elaborandum,  plura  scriberem  :  nunc  tibi  omnem 
rem  atque  causam  meque  totum  commendo  atque  trado.  Unum 
hoc  sic  habeto  :  si  a  te  banc  rem  impetraro,  me  paene  plus  20 
tibi  quam  ipsi  Miloni  debiturum  ;  non  enim  mihi  tam  mea 
salus   cara  fuit,  in   qua   praecipue  sum  ab  illo  adiutus,  quam 


1.  Probatam  .  .  debitam,  «approved 
by  the  public,  and  due  to  Milo's  claims 
upon  me.' 

2.  Dux  .  .  opus  est.  On  this  constr. 
cp.  Madv.  266. 

3.  Ventorum,  'the  winds  that  will  fill 
our  sails,'  i.  e.  the  resources  I  mentioned. 
Cp,  Ep.  9,  6  '  Caesarem  cuius  .  .  venti  .  . 
sunt  secundi.' 

Proposui,  •!  set  before  you.'  According 
to  Forcell, Caesar  uses  the  word  more  often 
than  Cicero  in  this  sense. 

4.  O  ptandus  esset,  *  had  to  be  chosen.* 
6.  Bonum  virum,  *aman  of  honour/ 

Cp.  Ep.  29,  10. 

9.  Huic  meae  laudi  .  .  saluti,  'this 
cause,  in  which  my  honour,  or  rather  my 
safety,  is  at  stake.'  Cicero  had  still  reason 
to  fear  Clodius,  against  whom  Milo  would 
be  his  most  efficient  protector.  For  this 
use  of  '  laus,'  see  below  in  this  section  in 
laude  mea,  'where  my  honour  is  con- 
cerned.' 

10.  De  ipso  T.  Annio.  Milo  was  son 
of  C.  Papius  Celsus,  but  was  adopted  by  his 


mother's  father,  T.  Annius.  The  Annii 
came  originally  from  Setia  (cp.  Livy  8.  5) : 
the  Papii  from  Lanuvium  (cp.  Ascon.  in 
Milonian.  141  and  158). 

12.  Complecti,  'to  embrace  the  cause 
of,'  *  receive  warmly.'  The  word  is  more 
often  used  with  an  ablative  of  the  manner, 
as  in  Ep.  15,  4:  but  cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  8,  2, 
*  da  te  homini ;  complectetur.* 

14.  Laude,  '  the  praise  I  shall  win  by 
shewing  myself  grateful  to  Milo.'     Manut. 

15.  In  salute,  'when  my  safety  was  at 
stake,'  in  58-57  B.C. 

16.  Quanto  opere  .  .  elaborandum, 
•how  I  must  exert  myself,  at  the  cost  of 
the  greatest  toil  and  of  the  most  perilous 
conflicts.* 

18.  Omnem  rem  atque  causam,  'the 
whole  affair  in  dispute.*  '  Res,'  the  whole 
aflFair;  'causa,'  the  disputed  point  therein, 
Hofm. 

19.  Unum  .  .  habeto,  *be  assured  of 
this  one  point.*  Habere  =*  scire,  sibi  per- 
suadere.'     Forcell.     Cp.  Ep.  26,  4,  note. 

22.  Quam  pietas  .  .  iucunda,  *as  the 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


1^% 

pietas  erit  in  referenda  gratia  incunda  ;    earn  autem  unius  tui 
studio  me  adsequi  posse  confido. 

31.    To  ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.   V.  ii). 
Athens,  July  6,  51  b.c.  (703  a.u.c.) 

I.  In  future  I  will  write,  even  at  the  risk  of  your  not  getting  my  letters.  I  hope 
you  will  do  all  you  can  to  prevent  my  term  of  office  being  prolonged.  2.  I  cannot 
approve  MarcelW  treatment  of  the  citizen  of  Comum,  which  I  fancy  offended  Pompey 
as  much  as  Caesar.  3.  I  hope  Pompey  will  not  go  to  Spain,  and  have  asked  Theo- 
phanes  to  dissuade  him  from  doing  so.  ^.  I  leave  Athens  to-day ;  all  my  prmcipal 
officers  are  here  except  Tullius,  and  I  have  some  light  vessels  for  the  voyage.  The 
Parthians  seem  to  be  quiet.  5.  My  behaviour  on  my  progress  through  Greece  has 
been  much  adn  ired,  and  I  have  nothing  to  complain  of  in  my  attendants.  I  do  not 
know  what  may  happen,  however,  if  I  am  detained  in  my  province  more  than  a  year. 

6.  I  have  attended  to  your  requests,  and  have  as  much  regard  for  Xeno  as  you  have. 
I  think,  however,  that  a  letter  to  Memmius  will  serve  him  better  than  anything  else. 

7.  Console  Pilia  ;  I  saw  a  letter  of  hers,  written  with  much  feeling. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Hui,  totiensne  me  litteras  dedisse  Romam,  cum  ad  te  nullas  1 
darem?  At  vero  posthac  frustra  potius  dabo,  quam,  si  recte 
5  dari  potuerint,  committam  ut  non  dem.  Ne  provincia  nobis 
prorogetur,  per  fortunas !  dum  ades,  quicquid  provideri  potest, 
provide  :  non  dici  potest,  quam  flagrem  desiderio  urbis,  quam 
vix  harum  rerum  insulsitatem  feram.     Marcellus  foede  in  Co-  2 


affection  I  shall  shew  in  requiting  him  will 
give  me  pleasure.' 

I.  Eam,  so.  'pietatem,'  'the  means  of 
shewing  that  affection.* 

Tui.  *  Tug'  seems  to  have  been  the  first 
reading  of  the  MS.,  and  Madvig.  on  Cic.  de 
Fin.  2.  23,  76,  prefers  it.     So  too  Wesenb. 

3.  Hui  .  .  nullas  darem?  « can  I  have 
written  so  often  to  Rome  without  writing  to 
you?'  quoting  a  reproach  of  Atticus  prob- 
ably. On  the  constr.,  see  Ep.  12,  1,  note. 
•  Hui,'  an  exclamation  of  astonishment.   Cp. 

Epp.  42,3-  ,  ,^     .„       . 

4.  Frustra  .  .  non  dem,  'I  will  rather 

write  in  vain  than  be  guilty  of  not^  writing 
when  it  can  be  done  with  prudence.' 

Recte,  probably  =  'to  trustworthy  mes- 
sengers. Cp.  Ep.  6.  I  and  4,  on  Cicero's 
anxiety  in  such  cases. 

6.  Dum  ades,  'while  you  are  at 
Rome.' 

8.  Harum  rerum  insulsitatem,  *the 
distastefulness  in  my  present  way  of  life.' 


Cp.  Ad  Alt.  13.  29,  2  *in  villa  cuius  insul- 
sitatem "bene"  noram.'  Forcell.  gives  as 
equivalents,  *  ineptia,'  '  stultitia.' 

Marcellus   foede,  sc. 'fecit.'     Cp.  Ep. 
23,  2,  note.      In  the  following  clause,  the 
combination   of  •  gesserit '    with    'erat'   is 
curious.    The  words  must  mean,  '  supposing 
him  not  to  have  been  a  magistrate,  he  was 
yet  a  Transpadane.'     Merivale  (2.  72,  73) 
thinks  'gesserit,'  the  rea<iiiig    of  the   best 
MS.,  inadmissible,   and  follows  the  reading 
*  gesserat '  which  Orellius  and  Wesenb.  have 
adopted.      This   of  course    would    commit 
Cicero  to  a  statement  that  the  man  had  not 
held  office.      The  language    of  the   other 
authorities  hardly  decides  the  question    of 
fact.     Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  26,  with  Plut. 
Caes.  29.     The  incident  referred   to  hap- 
pened as  follows.     The  consul,  M.  Claudius 
Marcellus,  having    met    with    a  citizen    of 
Novum  Comum  at  Rome,  ordered  him  to 
be    scourged,  as   an  insult  to  Caesar,  who 
had   established    a   colony   at   that    town. 
Plut.   Caes.  29.      The  Trauspadane  Gauls 


{ 


EP.31.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   V.  11.  223 

mensi :    etsi  ille  magistratum  non  gesserit,  erat  tamen  Trans- 
padanus.     Ita   mihi  videtur  non  minus  stomachi  nostro  gt^am 

3  Caesari  fecisse ;   sed  hoc  ipse  viderit.      Pompeius  mihi  quoque 
videbatur,    quod   scribis  Varronem   dicere,  in   Hispaniam  certe 
iturus :   id  ego  minime  probabam,  qui  quidem  Theophani  facile  5 
persuasi  nihil  esse  melius  quam  ilium  nusquam  discedere.     Ergo 
Graecus  incumbet ;  valet  autem  auctoritas  eius  apud  ilium  pluri- 

4  mum.  Ego  has  pr.  Nonas  Quinctiles  proficiscens  Athenis  dedi, 
cum  ibi  decem  ipsos  fuissem  dies.  Venerat  Pomptinus ;  una 
Cn.Volusius,aderat  quaestor;  tuus  unus  Tullius  aberat.  Aphracta  10 


either   universally  (Mommsen   3.    248),  or 
to  a  large   extent  (A.  W.   Zumpt,  Studia 
Romana,  37-42),  had    received  the  Latin 
franchise  from  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo,  father 
of  Pompey  the  Great,  in  89  B.C.,  and  Cae- 
sar's establishment  of  a  colony  at  Novum 
Comum  would  enable  that  place  to  rank  as 
a  Latin  community  apparently.     The  *  Lex 
Vatinia '  of  B.C.  59,  had  empowered  Caesar 
to    establish    a    colony   at   Comum,    which 
should  enjoy  the  Latin,  perhaps  the  Roman, 
fra.ichise.      Cp.  Suet.    lul.   28  ;    Ad   Fam. 
13-  35»  !•      Now  *^^  citizen  of  a  Latin 
city    who    had    held    a    magistracy   in    it, 
acquired  a  right  to  the  Roman    franchise, 
with  its  exemption  from   corporal   punish- 
ment.    But  Cicero's  disapproval  of  the  act 
of  Marcellus  seems  to  shew  that  the  im- 
munity of  the  Latins  was  extended  further 
by  custom   than   by  law.      A  Lex   Livia, 
carried  by  M.  Drusus,  the  rival  of  C.  Grac- 
chus, proposed  to  exempt  the  Latins  alto- 
gether from  such  punishment  (cp.  Plut.  C. 
Gracchus  9).     According  to  Mommsen  (4. 
2,    360),    Caesar    had    conferred   the    full 
Roman  franchise  on  the  Transpadanes,  but 
the  Roman  government  might  fairly  treat 
such  an   act  as  invalid,  and   Drumann,   3. 
383,  thinks  that  the  senate   by  resolution 
declared   it   so.      But   the   passages  which 
Drumann  quotes  from  Plutarch  (Caes.  29) 
and  Suetonius  (Jul.  28)  do  not  seem  to  me 
to  establish  this  point.  Neither  Caesar,  how- 
ever, nor  Pompey,  whose  father  had  patron- 
ised   the   Transpadanes   (cp.  Drumann,   3. 
383),  was  likely  to  regard  the  act  of  Mar- 
cellus with  indifference.    On  the  whole  affair 
cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  26  ;  Strabo  5.1,6; 
Mommsen  4.  2,  351.      Caesar's  interest  in 
the  Transpadani   probably  dated   from    an 
early  period  in  his  political   career.     Sue- 
tonius (lul.  8)  speaks  of  him  as  intriguing 
with  the  inhabitants  of  certain  Latin  colo- 
nies on  his  return  to  Italy  after  acting  as 
quaestor  in  Spain ;  and  those  Latin  colonies 


were  probably  cities  of  the  Transpadani. 

For  notices  of  M.  Marcellus,  consul  for 
this  year,  cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  II,  §  17;  IV, 
§  6. 

2.  Stomachi  .  .  fecisse:  cp. Ep.  29,  10 
♦  non  illi  quidem  ut  mihi  stomachum  face- 
rent.' 

Nostro,  Pompeio. 

3.  Ipse,  M.  Marcellus. 

4.  Videbatur  .  .  probabam.  These 
may  be  taken  either  as  epistolary  or  ordinary 
imperfects.    I  prefer  the  latter  construction. 

Varronem.  Varro  would  be  likely  to 
be  well  informed  as  to  Pompey's  intentions, 
for  Pompey  had  appointed  him  one  of  his 
legates  for  Spain.  Neither,  however,  had 
yet  left  Italy.     Manut. 

In  Hispaniam  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§ 
14;  15.  Pompey  had  left  the  administra- 
tion of  Spain  to  his  legates  since  his  second 
consulship. 

5.  Qui  quidem  .  .  persuasi,  *  and  I 
certainly  persuaded.* 

6.  Ilium  nusquam  discedere.  'that 
Pompey  should  remain  constantly  at  Rome.* 
Cp.  Philipp.  I.  I,  I  *nec  vero  usquam  dece- 
debam.' 

7.  Incumbet,  *  will  exert  himself.'  More 
usual  with  specification  of  the  object.  Cp. 
Ep.  29,  16,  note. 

Apud  ilium,  sc.  '  Pompeium.* 

8.  Has,  sc.  '  litteras.' 

Dedi  and  the  following  tenses  seem  to  be 
epistolary. 

2.  Decem  ipsos,  'precisely  ten.*  Cp. 
Madv.  487,  Obs.  i. 

Pomptinus.  C.  Pomptinus  was  praetor 
63  B.C.,  and  supported  Cicero  zealously 
against  Catiline;  he  afterwards  governed 
Gallia  Narbonensis,  and  was  now  one  of 
Cicero's  legates. 

10.  Cn.  Volusius.  (i.  Volusius  is  men- 
tioned Ep.  36,  6.  It  is  doubtful  if  Cicero 
had  two  Volusii  among  his  officers,  or  if  the 
praenomen  is  wrongly  given  in  one  passage. 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  II. 


224 

Rhodiorum  et  dicrota  Mytilenaeorum  habebam  et  aliquid  eTrtKoi- 
TTcor.     De   Parthis   erat   silentium.     Quod   superest,   di   luvent . 
Nos  adhuc  iter  per  Graeciam  summa  cum  admiratione  fecimus,  5 
nee  mehercule  habeo  quod  adhuc  quern  accusem  meorum  :  vi- 

5  dentur  mihi  nosse  [nos,]  nostram  causam  et  condicionem  pro- 
fectionis  suae  ;  plane  serviunt  existimationi  meae.  Quod  superest 
si  verum  iUud  est  olWep  v  ^i^^oiva,  certe  permanebunt ;  nihil 
enim  a  me  fieri  ita  videbunt,  ut  sibi  sit  delinquendi  locus  :  sm 
id  parum  profuerit,  fiet  aliquid   a  nobis  severius ;   nam  adhuc 

10  lenitate  dukes  sumus  et,  ut  spero,  proficimus  aliquantum      bed 
ego  hanc,  ut  Siculi  dicunt,  aveiiav  in  unum  annum  meditatus 
sum :  proinde  pugna,  ne,  si  quid  prorogatum  sit,  turpis  inveniar. 
Nunc  redeo  ad  quae  mihi  mandas  :  t  in  praefectis  excusatio  us,  e 
quos  voles,  deferto :    non  ero  tam  ^ere'copos,  quam  in  Appuleio 

15  fui.     Xenonem  tam  diligo  quam  tu,  quod  ipsum  sentire  certo 
scio.    Apud  Patronem  et  reliquos  barones  te  in  maxima  gratia 


Quaestor.  Probably  L.  Mescinius 
Rufus,  to  whom  Ad  Fam.  5.  20  is  ad- 
dressed. 

TulHus.  L.  Tullius,  legate  of  Cicero, 
and  apparently  a  friend  of  Atticus.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  5.  4.  2,  and  Ep.  36,  5.  from  which 
we  may  infer  that  L.  Tullius  had  been 
recommended  to  Cicero  by  CLTitiuius,  a 
common  friend  of  Atticus  and  Cicero.     Cp. 

Manut.  ,       - 

Aphracta,  'undecked  vessels.  Not  a 
classical  Greek  word  in  this  sense. 

1  Dicrota, 'biremes.  The  Greek  word 
occurs  Xen.  Hell.  2.  i,  28,  but  is  not  used 
there  of  a  distinct  class  of  vessels. 

kiriKtiJirojv,  *  of  ordinary  boats,*  not  clas- 
sical. „     ,  . 

2  "De  Parthis.  A  Parthian  invasion 
had  been  feared  in  the  eastern  provinces  of 
Rome  ever  since  the  disaster  of  Crassus  in 

^^Quod  superest,  '  for  the  future,' =  Mn 

eo  quod  superest.' 

3.  Summa  cum  admiratione,  '  amid 

the  greatest  admiration.' 

5.  Nostram  causam,  'my  pretensions 

or  *  interest.* 

Condicionem  .  .  suae, 'the  terms  on 

which  they  are  to  attend  me.' 
7.  Illud,' the  proverb.*  ^ 

otanep  ^  beffiroiva,  roia  koi^kvojv: 

cp.  Plat.  Rep.  Bk.  8,  p.  563  C.        ^ 

Permanebunt,  'will  persevere  m  good 

conduct.'     Cp.  the  use  of  *  permansio,  Ep. 

29,  21. 


9.  Id,  'my  example.*  ^ 

11.  Ut  Siculi  dicunt.  Perhaps  a i^efio 
was  a  Sciliaii  word.  It  appears  not  to  be 
found  in  classical  Greek  authors.  It  may 
mean  either  '  forbearance,*  or  '  endurance  of 

temptation.' 

12.  Proinde  pugna  ..  inveniar,    exert 

yourself,  then,  for  my  recall  at  the  proper 
time,  lest  a  prolonged  trial  prove  fatal  to  my 
moderation.' 

13.  In  praefectis  .  .  deferto.  For  the 
corrupt  words  excusatio  iis,  Orell.  sug- 
gests *  exceptis  negotiatoribus ;'  Metzg. 
•  excusatio  ni  sit,'  '  unless  I  have  a  good 
plea  for  rejecting  them;'  Gronov.  Tap- 
proved  by  Boot)  '  negotiator  ni  sit.'  The 
sense  seems  clear,  that  Atticus  might  re- 
commend any  one  for  the  post  of  praefect 
against  whom  there  was  no  general  objec- 
tion, e.g.  of  his  being  a  money-dealer.  Cp. 
Ep.  36,  10,  notes. 

14.  Tam  fi€T6cy/)0S,  *so  anxious  or 
scrupulous.'      It  is  quite  classical  in  the  first 

sense. 

Appuleio.  An  Appuleius  is  mentioned 
Ad  Att.  12.  13,  3,  but  little  seems  to  be 
known  of  him. 

15.  Xeno  and  Patron  were  Epicurean 
philosophers  now  living  at  Athens.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  5.  10,  6;  Ad  Fam.  13.  I,  2. 

16.  Barones,  'blockheads:  Forcell. 
says  that  the  word  *  significat  stultum,  bar- 
dum,  fatuum,  hebetem.'  The  word  is  com- 
mon in  Cicero's  philosophical  works. 


EP.31.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   V.  11.  225 

posui,  et  hercule  merito  tuo  feci ;  nam  mihi  is  ter  dixit  te  scrip- 
sisse  ad  se,  mihi  ex  illius  litteris  rem  illam  curae  fuisse,  quod 
ei  pergratum  erat.  Sed  cum  Patron  mecum  egisset,  ut  peterem 
a  vestro  Ariopago,  vTTOfxvqfxaTtaixov  tollerent,  quem  Polycharmo 
praetore  fecerant,  commodius  visum  est  et  Xenoni  et  post  ipsi  5 
Patroni,  me  ad  Memmium  scribere,  qui  pridie,  quam  ego  Athenas 
veni,  Mytilenas  profectus  erat,  ut  is  ad  suos  scriberet  posse  id 
sua  voluntate  fieri ;  non  enim  dubitabat  Xeno  quin  ab  Ariopa- 
gitis  invito  Memmio  impetrari  non  posset.  Memmius  autem 
aedificandi  consilium  abiecerat,  sed  erat  Patroni  iratus :  itaque  10 
scripsi  ad  eum  accurate,  cuius  epistolae  misi  ad  te  exemplum. 
7  Tu  velim  Piliam  meis  verbis  consolere  ;  indicabo  enim  tibi ; 
tu  illi  nihil  dixeris :  accepi  fasciculum,  in  quo  erat  epistola 
Piliae  :  abstuli,  aperui,  legi  ;  valde  scripta  est  o-v/xTia^ws.  Brun- 
disio  quae  tibi  epistolae  redditae  sunt  sine  mea,  tum  videlicet  15 
datae  sunt,  cum  ego  me  non  belle  haberem  ;  nam  illam  t  voixav 


1.  Merito  tuo  feci,  'you  deserved  I 
should  do  it.'  Abl.  cans.,  cp.  Ep.  26,  9, 
note,  on  p.  1 8  7. 

Is,  Patron. 

2.  Mihi  ex  illius  .  .  curae  fuisse, 
'that  I,  in  consequence  of  letters  received 
from  him,  had  attended  to  the  matter  in 
which  he  was  interested.*  The  allusion  is  ex- 
plained by  the  next  sentence.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
13.  I.  Patron  wished  to  obtain  the  remains 
of  the  house  of  Epicurus,  which  had  been 
granted  to  C.  Memmius  by  a  decree  of 
the  Areopagus,  made  in  the  archonship  of 
Polycharmus  (see  below),  and  Cicero  wrote 
to  Memmius,  then  living  in  exile  at  Mytilene, 
to  ask  him  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  Patron. 

4.  Vestro  Ariopago.  Cicero  often 
refers  to  Atticus'  love  of  Athens.  Cp.  Ap- 
pendix 3,  §  I. 

vTT0fivr)fxaTi(Tfi6s,  used  by  Polyb,  2. 
40,  4,  for  *a  memorandum.* 

Tollerent.  On  the  omission  of 'ut,* 
cp.  Madv.  372  b,  Obs.  4;  Ep.  8,  14,  note. 

6.  Ad  Memmium.  Memmius  had 
been  convicted  of  bribery  in  51  B.C.  For 
other  notices  of  him,  cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  1 5,  7 ; 

4.  16.  8;  6.  I,  23;  Ad  CL  F-  3-2,  3;  Ad 
Fam.  13.  I.  Lucretius  dedicated  to  him 
his  poem  'De  Rerura  Natura.'    Cp.  Lucr.  I. 

27;  43. 

7.  Ad  suos,  'to  his  friends  and  agents  at 

Athens.' 

10.  Aedificandi,  'of  building  on  the 
site  of  the  house  of  Epicurus.'  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  13   I,  3. 


11.  Accurate:  cp.  Ep.  20,6,  note,  on 
p.  162. 

12.  Piliam.  Pilia  was  the  wife  of  Atticus, 
and  seems  to  have  written  to  Q_  Cicero  to 
ask  him  to  behave  more  kindly  to  his  wife 
Pomponia.  Cicero  opened  the  letter,  as  he 
confesses  to  Atticus,  but  wishes  him  not  to 
tell  Pilia  ('  indicabo  enim  tibi,'  foil.)    * 

Meis  verbis,  '  in  such  words  as  I  gener- 
ally use,'  not  *in  my  name.'  For  Cicero 
did  not  wish  Pilia  to  know  that  he  was 
aware  of  her  troubles.     Boot. 

'13.   Fasciculum,  '  a  packet  of  letters.' 

14.  Abstuli,  'took  it  from  the  bundle.* 
av puraOws   .    .  valde,    'in   a   tone    of 

lively  sympathy.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  44,  i. 
The  adverb  does  not  seem  to  be  common 
in  classical  Greek. 

15.  Quae  tibi  epistolae  .  .  datae 
sunt.  Probably  letters  from  Cicero's  family 
to  that  of  Atticus.  Cicero  passed  through 
Brundisium  on  his  way  to  the  East.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  5.  8,  I.  Mr.  Tyrrell  (Intr.  p.  Ixxx) 
restores  the  reading  of  the  Medicean  MS. 

*  datas,'  which  he  says  is  in  accordance  with 
the  usage  of  Comic  poets,  the  accusative  being 
governed  by  *  scilicet.* 

16   Haberem.  On  the  mood,  cp.  Madv. 

358. 

vofxavdpia   me.     Some  word  meaning 

*  hackneyed  '  seems  to  be  wanted.  Schiitz 
prefers  vo uapxicis  =  *pTaef ecturze,*  'employ- 
ed in  my  letters  about  the  prefectures,*  i.e. 
•when,  in  answer  to  applications  for  such 
offices,  I  said  I  had  no  leisure  to  attend  to 


<" 


226 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


EP.  32.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    V.  i5. 


227 


Ipia  me  excusationem  ne  acceperis.     Cura  ut  omnia  sciam,  sed 
maxime  ut  valeas. 

32.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  V.  16). 
Synnas  or  Synnada,  August,  51  b.c.  (703  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  write  hastily,  while  actually  on  the  road.  2.  I  arrived  in  this  miserable 
province  on  the  last  day  of  last  month,  and  hear  nothing  but  complaints  of  exaction, 
and  find  many  traces  of  my  predecessor's  oppression.  3-  The  unhappy  communities 
are,  however,  relieved  by  the  moderation  and  self-control  which  I  practise  myself 
and  enforce  upon  my  officers,  and  my  popularity  exceeds  all  belief.  4-  Appius  has 
retired  to  the  most  remote  part  of  the  province.  No  authentic  news  about  the  Par- 
thians.     Bibulus  still  delays  to  enter  his  province.     I  am  hastening  to  my  camp. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Etsi  in  ipso  itinere  et  via  discedebant  publicanorum  tabellarii  1 
et  eramus  in  cursu,  tamen  surripiendum   aliquid  putavi  spatii, 
5  ne  me  immemorem  mandati  tui  putares ;  itaque  subsedi  in  ipsa 
via,  dum  haec,  quae  longiorem  desiderant  orationem,  summatim 
tibi  perscriberem.     Maxima  exspectatione  in  perditam  et  plane  2 
eversam  in  perpetuum  provinciam  nos  venisse  scito  pridie  Kal. 
Sextiles,  moratos  triduum  Laodiceae,  triduum  Apameae,  totidem 
10  dies  Synnade.     Audivimus  nihil  aliud  nisi  imperata  €7rtKe(^a\ta 


them.*  Billerb.  suggests  vofiifirjv,  'usual. 
Boot  suggests  vofxaiav  rpi^rjs,  *  that  ordinary 
excuse  for  delay,'  i.e.  that  I  was  too  busy  to 
write.  Manutius  reads  vofxavSpiav,  which 
he  explains  as  =  viro  dignam,  referring  to 
the  plea  of  his  being  very  busy. 

I.  Ne  acceperis,  'do  not  be  content 
with.'  Cp.Madv.  386.  Or  perhaps 'metuo' 
is  to  be  supplied:  'I  fear  you  may  have 
received'  (from  one  of  my  family)  'the 
hackneyed  excuse  of  my  being  too  busy  to 
write.* 

3.  In  ipso  itinere  et  via,  'while  I  am 
on  the  march,  and,  indeed,  on  the  road,' 
i.e.  not  at  a  halting-place.     Hofm. 

Discedebant  .  ,  eramus.    Epistolary 

tenses. 

Tabellarii,  the  messengers  sent  home 
by  the  publicani.  They  are  frequently  men- 
tioned by  Cicero.  Provincial  governors  used 
them  in  order  to  spare  the'r  own  official 
messengers, 'statores.'  Siipfle.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
2.  19,  2;  Note  C,  p.  121. 

5.  Mandati.  '  your  charge  to  write 
whenever  1  could. 


6.  Dum  .  .  perscriberem,  conj.,  as 
intimating  design.     Cp.  Madv.  360. 

7.  Maxima  exspectatione, 'amid  the 
most  eager  expectation.'     Cp.  Madv.  257. 

9.  Laodiceae.  This  Laodicea  stood 
on  the  Lycus  in  Phrygia,  near  the  borders 
of  Caria.'but  was  annexed  politically  to 
Cilicia. 

Apameae.  Apamea  was  also  in  Phrygia, 
at  the  junction  of  the  Marsyas  and  Maeander, 
north-east  of  Laodicea. 

10.  Synnade.  Synnas,  or  Synnada,  was 
in  central  Phrygia.  Cicero  gives  different 
accounts  of  his  halts  elsewhere.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  5.  20,  I  ;  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  2. 

(iriK€<f)d\ia,  'poll  taxes.'  The  word 
€mK€<{>a\aiov  occurs,  Arist.  Oecon.  2.  15,  3. 
Cicero  describes  it,  Ad  Fam.  3.  8,  5  '  acer- 
bissimam  exactionem  capitum  atque  osti- 
orum.*  Appian,  Mithrid.  83,  says  of  L. 
LucuUus  in  Asia  riXr]  5'  km  toTs  etpdirovaiv 
ml  rais  oiKiais  ojpiCf,  and  Hofm.  understands 
the  first  words  as  describing  a  poll  tax.  But 
I  think  that  they  might  mean  a  tax  on  the 
rich,  proportioned  to  the  extent  of  their 
establishments. 


h 


I.) 


[solvere  non  posse],  (ovas  omnium  venditas,  civitatum  gemitus, 
ploratus,  monstra  quaedam  non  hominis,  sed  ferae  nescio  cuius 

8  immanis.  Quid  quaeris  ?  taedet  omnino  vitae.  Levantur  tamen 
miserae  civitates,  quod  nullus  fit  sumptus  in  nos  neque  in  legatos 
neque  in  quaestorem  neque  in  quemquam ;  scito  non  modo  nos  5 
foenum  aut  quod  de  lege  lulia  dari  solet  non  accipere,  sed  ne 
ligna  quidem,  nee  praeter  quattuor  lectos  et  tectum  quemquam 
accipere  quicquam,  multis  locis  ne  tectum  quidem,  et  in  taber- 
naculo  manere  plerumque :  itaque  incredibilem  in  modum  con- 
cursus  fiunt  ex  agris,  ex  vicis,  ex  domibus  omnibus ;  mehercule  10 
etiam  adventu  nostro  reviviscunt,  iustitia,  abstinentia,  dementia 

4  tui  Ciceronis ;  ita  opiniones  omnium  superavit.  Appius,  ut 
audivit  nos  venire,  in  ultimam  provinciam  se  coniecit  Tarsum 
usque;  ibi  forum  agit.  De  Partho  silentium  est,  sed  tamen 
concisos  equites  nostros  a  barbaris  nuntiabant  ii,  qui  veniebant.  15 
Bibulus  ne  cogitabat  quidem  etiam  nunc  in  provinciam  suam 
accedere  ;  id  autem  facere  ob  eam  causam  dicebant,  quod  tardius 


1.  wvdsf  'properties,'  to  be  sold  in  order 
to  enable  the  owner  to  pay  the  taxes  claimed. 
Hofm.  But  Andocides  (de  Myst.  10;  12) 
seems  to  use  the  word  as  meaning  'contracts' 
for  farming  taxes,  etc.,  and  perhaps  this  pas- 
sage may  mean  that  those  who  had  made 
such  contracts  had  to  get  rid  of  them  at  a 
sacrifice, — as  Mr.  Jeans  has  kindly  suggested 
to  me. 

2.  Monstra  quaedam  .  .  immanis, 
*  certain  accounts  of  outrageous  deeds,  not 
of  a  man,  but  of  some  wild  beast.*  '  Quasi 
leo  Marathonius  aut  aper  Calydonius  in  eas 
grassatus  esset.*  J.  F.  Gronovius,  ap.  Boot. 
Cp.  In  Verr.  2.  Act.  3.  73,  171,  for  a  similar 
expression. 

3.  Taedet  omnino  vitae.  These 
words  may  either  refer  to  the  sufferings  of 
the  natives  of  the  province  (Manut.)  or  to 
the  distress  they  caused  to  Cicero. 

4.  Nullus  fit  sumptus  .  .  in  quem- 
quam, *they  have  not  to  incur  any  expense 
for  me  or  for  my  legates,  quaestors,  or  any 
one  of  my  train.'  On  the  repetition  of  the 
negatives,  cp.  Madv.  460,  Obs.  2. 

6.  Lege  lulia.  One  of  the  laws  of 
Caesar's  first  consulship  forbade  provincial 
governors  when  travelling  to  claim  anything 
without  compensation,  but  wood,  salt,  and 
hay.  As  Cicero  specifies  two  items,  his 
meaning  seems  to  be  that,  far  from  claiming 
hay  or  the  other  supplies  allowed  by  the 
Julian  law,  he  did  not  even  claim  wood. 
For  the  force  of 'non  modo  . .  sed  qe  qui- 


dem,' cp.  Madv.  461  b.    Cicero  refers  also 
to  the  Julian  law,  In  Pison.  37,  90. 

7.  Quemquam,  *  any  of  my  officers.' 

8.  Et  in  tabernaculo.  'Et'^'but.* 
Cp.  Madv.  433,  Obs.  2  ;  458  c. 

9.  Manere  depends  upon  'scito.' 

11.  Etiam  adventu  .  .  tui  Ciceronis, 
*  on  my  very  arrival  they  seem  to  derive 
fresh  life  from  the  justice,  forbearance,  and 
clemency  of  your  friend  Cicero.*  'Adventu ' 
is  the  ablat.  of  time.  Cp.  Ep.  8.  11,  note. 
Wesenb.  suggests  '  iam  '  for  '  etiam  ; '  and, 
following  Kayser,  '  reviviscunt :  iustitia,  ab- 
stinentia, dementia  tui  Ciceronis  opiniones 
omnium  superavit.' 

12.  Opiniones, 'expectations.' 
Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  Cicero's  prede- 
cessor as  governor  of  Cilicia. 

14.  Forum  agit,  'presides  in  a  court  of 
justice.' 

15.  Qui  veniebant,  'who  come  from 
Syria,'  where  C.  Cassius,  in  command  of  the 
remains  of  the  army  of  Crassus,  obtained 
successes  against  the  Parthians.  Cp.  Momm- 
sen  4.  2,  338,  339.  The  rumour  of  disaster 
to  which  Cicero  refers  seems  to  have  been 
unfounded.  Bibulus  was  sent  as  proconsul 
to  Syria  51  B.C.,  and  took  the  command 
from  Cassius.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  20 ; 
23.  The  imperfects,  from  nuntiabant  to 
the  end  of  the  letter,  seem  to  be  epistolary. 

17.  Facere  ob  eam  causam  .  .  dece- 
dere.  The  omission  of  •  eum '  before 
*  facere '  seems  an  irregularity.     Cp.  Madv, 


Qa 


228 


M.  TULLII  CICERONI S 


[part  II. 


vellet   decedere.     Nos   in   castra  properabamus,  quae   aberant 
bidui. 

^      33.    M.   CAELIUS    RUFUS    to    CICERO 

(AD  FAM.  VIII.  4). 
Rome,  August  1,  51  ^.c.  (703  a.u.c.) 

X    You  have  much  news  to  hear.    For  instance,  C.  Marcellus  has  been  elected 
consul  and  P  Dolabella  quindecimvir.     The  last  event  has  been  a  great  disappoint. 
TntLt Len^ulus  Crus'    ..  C.  Curio  is  canvassing  for  the  tribuneship,  m  the  room 
Tf  S  rvaeus,  and  many  people  are  anxious  at  the  prospect  of  h.  success,  but  I  thmk 
they  are  mistaken;  a  slight  from  Caesar  has  had  great  effect  upon  him      3^      ha  e 
put  off  writing,  that  I  might  report  the  result  of  all  the  elections,  but  ^h  -  have  ^^^^^^^ 
Lavs  in  many  cases.     My  own  prospects  are  good.     4-  People  were  rather  surprised 
lately  by  The  commencemint  of  a  discussion  in  the  senate  about  Caesar's  provinces 
T  e  qu  stion  will  be  resumed  on  Pompey's  return.     He  used  expr™^^^^^^ 
ereat  respect  for  the  senate.     5.  Please  to  attend  to  my  requests  about  the  bill  of 
llXs  and  the  panthers  which  I  want.    We  hear  that  the  king  of  Alexandria  is  dead ; 
what  do  you  think  should  be  done  about  his  kingdom? 

CAELIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 
Invideo  tibi :   tarn  multa  quotidie,  quae   mirere,  istoc  perfe-  1 
runtur :   primum  illud,  absolutum  Messallam ;   deinde  eundem 
5  condemnatum ;   C.  Marcellum  consulem  factum  ;   M.  Calidium 


401  Obs.  2.  Bibulus  delayed  entering  his 
province,  because  he  wished  not  to  have  to 
leave  it  so  soon  as  would  be  necessary  if  he 
entered  it  at  the  proper  time.  According  to 
a  decree  of  the  senate,  mentioned  Ad  Fam. 
3.  3,  2,  ex-magistrates  were  to  hold  their 
provinces  for  a  year,  dating  from  the  day  of 
their  entry.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  15.  !• 

M.  Caelius  Rufus,  the  writer  of  this 
letter,  was   defended  by  Cicero  in  56  B.C. 
on  charges  of  sedition  and  of  poisoning.   Cp. 
Inlr.  to  Part  II,  §  5-     He  was  a  man  of 
little  constancy ;  when  tribune  in  52  B.C.  he 
supported  Milo;  in  51  and  50  B.C.  we  find 
him  in  friendly  correspondence  with  Cicero; 
afterwards    he  joined   Caesar,    and    urged 
Cicero  to  be  neutral  in  the  civil  war  between 
him   and  Pompey.     But   he   soon  became 
discontented,  intrigued  with   Milo  to  raise 
an   insurrection  in  Italy,  and  was   put  to 
death  near  Thurii  by  some  foreign  cavalry 
in  48  B.C.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  12. 
2    Invideo  tibi,  »1  envy  you  having  so 

much  news  to  near. 

4.  Messallam.     M.  Valerius  MessaUa 


was    elected    consul   for    53   B.C.   after    an 
interregnum,  to  hold   office   at  once.     He 
was  accused  of  bribery,  but  the  'supplicatio 
for  Caesar's  victories  interposed  to  prevent 
his   being   brought    to  trial,    and   he    held 
office  for  the  latter  part  of  53  B.C.  with 
Cn.  Domitius  Calvinus.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part 
II,  §   13;   Ad  Q^F.  3-  8,  3-     In  5^  «c-. 
after  being  once  acquitted,  he  seems  to  have 
been   convicted,   probably    under   the    Lex 
Licinia  Pompeia  de  Sodaliciis,     Cp.  Rein, 
Criminalrecht,  pp.  731.  732-    He  was  prob- 
ably afterwards  a   legate   of  Caesar  in  the 
African  war. 

5.  C.  Marcellum,  son  of  a  C.  Mar- 
cellus, and  cousin  of  the  two  Marcelli,  who 
were  consuls  51  and  49  B.C.  There  are 
letters  to  him.  Ad  Fam.  15.  10  and  11. 

M.  Calidium.  Calidius  is  mentioned 
as  an  eminent  orator.  Brut.  79,  274.  He 
appeared  as  advocate  for  Gabinius  (Ad  CL  F. 
3.  2,  l) ;  supported  Milo  in  52  B.C.  (Ascon. 
in  Milonian.  143)  ;  and  took  part  in  the 
discussion  of  the  senate  on  Caesar's  recall, 
when  he  pleaded  for  moderation  (cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  I.  3). 


EP.33.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIII.  ^.     229 

ab  repulsa  postulatum  a  Galliis  duobus  ;  P.  Dolabellam  XV. 
virum  factum.  Hoc  tibi  non  invideo,  caruisse  te  pulcherrimo 
spectaculo  et  Lentuli  Cruris  repulsi  voltum  non  vidisse.  At 
qua  spe,  quam  certa  opinione  descenderat !  quam  ipso  diffidente 
Dolabella!  et  hercules,  nisi  nostri  equites  acutius  vidissent,  paene  ,5 
2  concedente  adversario  superasset.  Illud  te  non  arbitror  miratum, 
Servaeum,  designatum  tribunum  pi.,  condemnatum,  in  cuius  locum 
C.  Curio  petit.  Sane  quam  incutit  multis,  qui  eum  facilitatemque 
eius  non  norunt,  magnum  metum ;  sed,  ut  spero  et  volo  et  ut 
se  fert  ipse,  bonos  et  senatum  malet ;  totus,  ut  nunc  est,  hoc  10 
scaturit.  Huius  autem  voluntatis  initium  et  causa  est,  quod  eum 
non  mediocriter  Caesar,  qui  solet  infimorum  hominum  amicitiam 


I.  Ab  repulsa,  ♦  after  his  defeat,' prob- 
ably as  a  candidate  for  the  consulship.  He 
had  been  praetor  in  57  b  c.  Manut.  Cp. 
Post  Red.  in  Sen.  9,  22,  and  for  this 
sense  of  '  ab,'  cp.  Forcell.,  and  Livy  44,  34 
'  ab  his  praeceptis.' 

A  Galliis  duobus.  M.  and  Q.  Gallius 
apparently,  sons  of  a  Q.  Gallius,  whom 
Cicero  defended  in  64  b.c.  against  a  charge 
of  bribery  brought  by  Calidius.  Cp.  Brut. 
80;  Ascon.  Orat.  in  Tog.  Cand.  p.  113. 
A  fragment  of  Cicero's  speech  is  extant.  A 
Gallius  is  also  mentioned  among  the  friends 
of  Atitony.     Philipp.  13.  12,  26. 

P.  Dolabellam.  Perhaps  the  same  who 
afterwards  married  TuUia.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  II,  §  26. 

XV  virum,  sc.  sacris  faciundis.  These 
officers  kept  the  Sibylline  books,  and  presided 
at  the  ludi  saeculares.  Cp.  Tac.  Ann.  Il, 
11;  Hor.  Carm.  Saec.  70.  Originally  the 
office  was  discharged  by  two  men,  necessarily 
patricians ;  but  these  were  increased  to  ten, 
five  patricians  and  five  plebeians,  in  369  B.C. 
(cp.  Livy  6.  37  and  42),  and  afterwards,  prob- 
ably by  Sulla,  to  fifteen  (cp.  Smith,  Diet,  of 
Aniiq.  p.  387). 

3.  Lentuli  Cruris.  L.  Lentulus  Crus 
was  consul  49  b  c,  and  a  strong  opponent 
of  Catsar.  After  the  battle  of  Pharsalus 
he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  government  of 
Alexandria,  and  was  put  to  death.  Cp.  Epp. 
15.  16;  87,  2.  ,_       ,  r 

4.  Descenderat,  sc.  *  to  the  place  of 
election.' 

5.  Nostri  equites.  The  equites,  from 
their  wtalth  and  strong  class  feeling,  had 
great  influence  at  elections.  '  Nostri,'  per- 
haps, refers  to  their  attachment  to  Cicero, 
of  which  he  often  boasts.  Cp.  Ep.  9,  8, 
Manulius  remarks  that  Caelius'  father,  like 


Cicero's,  had  not  risen  above  the  position  of 
an  '  eques.'     Cp.  pro  Cael.  2,  3. 

Acutius  vidissent,  either  *had  been 
too  clear-sighted  for  that,'  or  *  more  clear- 
sighted than  Dolabella.'  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  15, 
39  'plus  vidisse.'  I  cannot  discover  why 
the  equites  were  so  bitter  against  Lentulus. 

Paene  .  .  superasset, 'he  would  have 
succeeded  almost  without  opposition  from 
Dolabella.' 

7.  Servaeum.  A  man  named  Servaeus 
is  mentioned  (Pro  Font.  5.  19)  as  an  officer 
of  Fonteius.  The  condemnation  of  the 
one  here  mentioned  would  prevent  his 
entering  upon  office  apparently. 

8.  C.  Curio  :  cp.  Ep.  30,  first  note. 
Sane  quam,  'certainly' =  *valdequidem.' 

Forcell. 

Facilitatem,    *  his   docility*   or   *  good 

nature.' 

9.  Ut  spero  .  .  ipse,  *  to  judge  from 
my  hopes  and  wishes,  and  from  his  present 
demeanour.* 

10.  Malet,  «he  will  prefer  to  support.' 
A  rare  use  of  the  word. 

Hoc  scaturit,  'he  overflows  with  this 
feeling,'  or,  perhaps,  as  Manut.  ♦  with  eager- 
ness to  be  tribune.'  The  word  occurs  here 
only,  apparently,  in  a  metaphorical  sense. 

n.  Huius  voluntatis,  •  of  this  disposi- 
tion of  his.' 

12.  Non  mediocriter  .  .  valde  con- 
tempsit,  'has  shewn  great  contempt  for 
him  in  no  ordinary  way.*  So  Metzg.  ren- 
ders *  mediocriter.'  Or  '  valde '  may  be  re- 
sumptive after  the  intervening  words.  Be- 
nedict, ap.  Suringar  ad  loc.  Manutius  says 
that  Cicero  adds  the  word  '  valde,'  '  fortasse 
ut  magis  augeat.'  For  this  sense  of  *  con- 
temnere,'  cp.  Pro  Muren.  7,  15  'contempsisti 
L.  Murenae  genus,  extulisti  tuum.* 


31,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


230 

sibi  qualibet  impensa  adiungere,  valde  contempsit ;  qua  m  re 
mihi  videtur  iUud  perquam  venuste  cecidisse,  quod  a  rehquis 
quoque  [usque  eo]  est  animadversum,  ut  Curio,  qui  nihil  consilio 
facit,  ratione  et  insidiis  usus  videretur  in  evitandis  iis  consi  11s, 

6  ^  ^  qui  se  intenderant  adversarios  in  eius  tribunatum :  Laelios 
et  Antonios  et  id  genus  valentes  dico.      Has  ego  tibi  litteras  3 
eo  maiore  misi  intervallo,  quod  comitiorum  dilationes  occupa- 
tiorem  me  habebant  et  exspectare  in  dies  exitum  cogebant,  ut 
confectis  omnibus  te  facerem  certiorem.      Ad  Kalendas  Sext. 

10  usque  exspectavi.  Praetoriis  morae  quaedam  inciderunt.  Mea 
porro  comitia  quem  eventum  sint  habitura,  nescio ;  opinionem 
quidem,  quod  ad  Hirrum  attinet,  incredibilem  aedilium  pi.  comi- 
tiis  nacta  sunt.     Nam  M.  Coelium  Vinicianum  mentio  ilia  fatua, 

Id  genus  valentes.  '  Influential'  or 
«energetic  people  of  that  sort.*  Manutius 
explains  '  valentes  '  as  =  *  animo  et  vigilantia 
praestantes.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  3,  5  'tribunos 
valentes.'  On  the  construction  of  *  id 
genus/ =  •  eius  generis,'  cp.  Madv.  238. 

7.  Occupatiorem  me  habebant, 'kept 
me  employed  more  than  usual.'  For  the 
two  accusatives,  cp.  preceding  section,  note. 

8.  Exitum,  the  result  of  the  comitia. 
Caelius  was  only  able  to  report  that  of  the 
consular  comitia.  He  was  himself  a  candi- 
date for  the  curule  aedileship. 

11.  Opinionem  .  .  .  incredibilem, 
'  wonderful  hopes  of  success.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
I.  6,  2  •  non  fallam  opinionem  tuam.'  The 
word  does  not  seem,  however,  to  be  often 
used  without  a  qualifying  epithet  to  denote 
good  expectations. 

12.  Q,uod  ad  Hirrum  attinet,  •  so  far 
as  the  opposition  of  Hirrus  is  concerned.* 
C.Lucceius,or  Lucilius,  Hirrus  recommended 
in  53  B.C.  that  Pompey  should  be  made 
dictator.  Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  8, 4.  He  did  not 
support  Cicero's  claims  for  a  *  supplicatio.' 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  8.  ii,  2.  He  raised  troops 
for  Pompey  in  Italy  during  the  civil  war. 
Ep.  49. 

Aedilium  plebis  comitiis,  *at  the 
time  of  election  of  the  aediles  of  the  plebs.' 
On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Ep.  8,  11,  note. 

13.  M.  Coelium  Vinicianum.  This 
man  seems  only  to  be  mentioned  here  and 
Bell.  Alex.  77. 

Mentio  ilia  fatua,  *  his  stupid  sugges- 
tion,' that  Pompey  should  be  made  dictator. 
The  proposals  of  Hirrus  and  Vinicianus  seem 
to  have  been  made  in  the  same  year,  and 
were  not  popular.  Cp.  Merivale,  I.  535; 
Drumann  4,  528. 


I.  Adiungere  amicitiam,  'to  win  the 
friendship  of.'  Cp.  Pro  Muren.  20,  41 
*  adiungit  benevolentiam.' 

a.  Ulud  refers  to  ut  Curio  .  .  videre- 
tur.'   On  the  mood  and  tense  of  •  videretur,' 

cp.  Madv.  373  and  382.  ,    ,    .„ 

Perquam  venuste, 'very  neatly.       fer- 

quam  maxime  auget.'      Forcell.      Cp.  De 

Orat.   2.  49,   201    'perquam   breviter   per- 

strinxi.'     '  Venuste '  seems  rarely  to  occur 

in  the  earlier  Latin  writers. 

3.  Usque  eo.  If  these  words  be  re- 
tained they  probably  mean,  'up  to  this 
time.'     Wesenb.  omits  them. 

4.  Iis='eorum*  probably.  Cp.  Madv. 
314*.     Wesenb.  suggests  '  eorum,'  or  '  consi- 

liariis.' 

5.  Qui  se  intenderant  .  .  tribuna- 
tum, •  who  had  prepared  themselves  to 
oppose  his  election  to  the  tribuneship.'  For 
the  double  accus.  se  .  .  adversarios,  cp. 
Madv.  227,  and  for  the  gender  of '  qui,'  lb. 

215  b. 

Laelios.  A  D.  Laelius  accused  L.  Flac- 
cus  in  59  B.C.,  and  afterwards  commanded 
some  of  Pompey's  ships  in  the  civil  war,  cp. 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  5-  a^d  100.  He  is  also 
mentioned  Ad  Att.  II.  7,  3. 

6.  Antonios.  Three  brothers  of  this 
family  are  mentioned— Marcus,  the  triumvir, 
Caius,  and  Lucius.  I  cannot  find  that 
either  of  the  two  last  sought  the  office  of 
tribune  at  this  time,  unless  the  three  brothers 
are  referred  to  Ad  Fam.  a.  18,  2  '  tres  fra- 
tres  sum  mo  loco  natos  .  .  quos  video  dein- 
teps  tribunos  plebis  per  triennium  fore. 
Perhaps  the  plural  is  used  of  one  person,  as 
in  Tac.  Ann.  i.  10  '  interfectos  Romae  Var- 
roiies,  Egnatios.  lulos.'  Cp.,«also,  luv.  Sat. 
1,  109;  10,  108. 


f 


EP.  33.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   VIII.  4.     231 

quam  deriseramus  olim,  et  promulgatio  de  dictatore  subito  deiecit 
et  deiectum  magno  clamore  insecuta  est ;  inde  Hirrum  cuncti  iam 
non  faciendum  flagitare.  Spero  te  celeriter  et  de  nobis,  quod 
4  sperasti,  et  de  illo,  quod  vix  sperare  ausus  es,  auditurum.  De 
re  publica  iam  novi  quicquam  exspectare  desieramus ;  sed  cum  5 
senatus  habitus  esset  ad  Apollinis  a.  d.  XI.  Kal.  Sext.  et  refer- 
retur  de  stipendio  Cn.  Pompeii,  mentio  facta  est  de  legione  ea, 
quam  expensam  tulit  C.  Caesari  Pompeius,  quo  numero  esset, 
quoad  peteretur.  f  Cum  Pompeius  '  esse  in  Gallia,'  coactus  est 
dicere  Pompeius  se  legionem  abducturum,  sed  non  statim  sub  10 
mentionem  et  convitium  obtrectatorum  ;  inde  interrogatus  esl 
de  successione  C.  Caesaris,  de  qua  [hoc  est  de  provinciis]  placi- 
tum  est,  ut  quam  primum  ad  urbem  reverteretur  Cn.  Pompeius, 
ut  coram  eo  de  successione  provinciarum  ageretur  ;  nam  Arimi- 
num  ad  exercitum  Pompeius  erat  iturus,  et  statim  iit.  Puto  15 
Idibus  Sext.  de  ea  re  actum  iri.   Profecto  aut  transigetur  aliquid. 


1.  Deiecit,  'defeated.'  Forcell.,  who 
quotes  Livy. 

2.  Insecuta  est.  This  is  very  harsh  as 
applying  to  'promulgatio,'  If  the  words 
are  to  be  translated  as  they  stand  they 
must  mean  •  led  to  his  being  greeted  with 
outcries  after  his  defeat.'  Ernesti  suggests 
the  insertion  of  '  plebs.* 

3.  Non  faciendum,  'should  not  be 
elected.' 

4.  De  illo,  sc.  Hirro. 

Quod,  i.e.  'that  he  has  been  defeated.* 
De  re  publica. .  desieramus,  'we  had 

ceased    to    expect   any   novelty   in    public 

affairs 

6.  Ad  Apollinis.     Cp.  Ep.  23,  3,  note. 

7.  De  stipendio,  'about  a  vote  of 
money  for  the  troops.'  For  a  notice  of  a 
similar  vote  in  Caesar's  favour,  cp.  Ep.  26, 

10. 

8.  Expensam  tulit,  'lent.»  Cp.  Livy 
6.  20,  and  for  the  fact,  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  6. 
I ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  341  and  353  ;  Merivale 
I.  489.  The  legion  was  lent  to  replace 
men  lost  in  a  contest  with  the  Eburones  in 
53  B.C.     Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  12  ;  13. 

Quo  numero  esset,  'what  place  it 
held,'  i.e.  'whether  it  was  reckoned  to 
belong  to  Pompey's  or  Caesar's  army.* 
Wiel.  Billerb.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  29,  71  *  quo 
numero  fuisti;'  lb.  3.  6,  16  'homo  nullo 
numero.' 

9.  Quoad  peteretur,  *  for  how  long  its 
services  were  demanded.* 

Esse  in  Gallia, sc.'dixisset.'  Cp.  Madv. 


479b.  The  repetition  of  the  name  Pom- 
peius after '  dicere'  seems  strange.  Wesenb. 
suggests  *  quae  cum  esset  in  Gallia,'  omitting 
the  first  Pompeius. 

10.  Sub  mentionem  .  .  obtrectato- 
rum, 'just  after  hints  and  abusive  attacks 
made  by  Caesar's  traducers.' 

12.  De  successione  C.  Caesaris,  'as 
to  the  appointment  of  a  successor  to  C. 
Caesar.'     Cp.  Appendix  6,  §  5. 

Placitum  est.  Cp.  Ep.  107,  §  2;  Cic. 
de  Rep.  i.  12,  18. 

14.  Coram  eo.  Either  Pompey  might 
be  released  from  the  restriction  of  the  laws, 
or  the  senate  might  be  held  without  the 
'  pomoerium,'  so  that  he  might  attend  it 
without  forfeiting  his  '  imperium.'    Manut. 

Nam  explains  «reverteretur,'  *I  say 
should  have  returned,  for.'     Cp.  Ep.  26,  2, 

note. 

Ariminum,  the  first  important  town 
south  of  the  Rubicon.  Pompey  seems  to 
have  assembled  a  force  there ;  whether  for 
service  in  Spain  or  in  Italy  seems  doubtful. 
Cp.  Drumann  4.  532. 

15.  Erat  iturus,  'was  about  to  depart,* 
on  the  day  of  the  debate. 

16.  De  ea  re,  '  about  the  appointment  of 
a  successor  to  Caesar.* 

Aut  transigetur  .  .  intercedetur. 
•  either  some  arrangement  will  be  made,'  or 
'there  will  be  scandalous  opposition  by  a 
tribune,'  which  Pompey,  by  his  threat  men- 
tioned in  the  next  sentence,  seemed  to  anti- 
cipate. 


233 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


y 


aut  turpiter  intercedetur.  Nam  in  disputando  coniecit  illam 
vocem  Cn.  Pompeius,  omnes  oportere  senatui  dicto  audientes 
esse.  Ego  tamen  sic  nihil  exspecto,  quo  modo  Paulum,  consulem 
designatum,  primum  sententiam  dicentem.  Saepius  te  admoneo  5 
5  de  syngrapha  Sittiana  ;  cupio  enim  te  intetlegere  earn  rem  ad 
me  valde  pertinere  ;  item  de  pantheris,  ut  Cibyratas  arcessas 
curesque,  ut  mihi  vehantur;  praeterea  nuntiatum  nobis  est  et 
pro  certo  iam  habetur,  regem  Alexandrinum  mortuum  ;  quid  mihi 
suadeas,  quo  modo  regnum  illud  se  habeat,  quis  procuret,  dili- 
'10  genter  mihi  perscribas.     K.  Sext. 


34.    M.   CAELIUS    RUFUS    TO    CICERO 

(AD   FAM.  VIII.  8). 

Rome,  early  in  October,  51  b.c.  (703  a.u.c.) 

I.  Your  acquaintance,  C.  Sempronius  Rufus,  has  been  declared  guilty  of  bringing 
a  malicious  charge;  I  assisted  in  his  discomfiture.  2.  M.  Servilius  has  been 
charged  with  extortion  and  corruption  before  the  praetor  M.  Laterensis,  but  3. 
owing  to  the  ignorance  of  that  magistrate  no  decision  has  been  come  to  upon  his 
case,  and  he  is  left  rather  discredited  to  stand  another  trial.  4.  The  senate  has 
adopted  various  important  resolutions  about  Caesar's  provinces,  after  ascertaining 
Pompey's  wishes  in  the  matter.  I  send  you  copies  of  a  decree  and  of  three  reso- 
lutions.    5.  Decree.     That  the  consuls  for  next  year  shall  bring  forward  the  question 


1.  Coniecit.  Rare  without  mention  of 
the  person  against  whom  the  expression  is 
directed.  Here  it  seems  simply  to  mean 
*  uttered.* 

2.  Dicto  audientes  esse  =*  obtempe- 
rare.'  Cp.  In  Verr.  2.  Act.  5.  32,  85  ;  Livy 
5.  3;  Zumpt,  L.  G.  412. 

3.  Ego  tamen  .  .  dicentem,  'there  is 
nothing  to  which  I  look  forward  with  so 
much  interest  as  to  hearing  Paulus  giving 
his  opinion  first  (in  the  senate)  as  consul 
elect.'  L.  Aemilus  Paulus,  consul  in  50  B.C., 
seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  small  capacity. 
Caesar  purchased  his  support  for  a  consider- 
able sum.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  27  ;  Suet, 
lul.  29 ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  354. 

5.  De  syngrapha  Sittiana.  P.  Sittius 
seems  to  have  given  a  bill  to  Caelius,  and 
may  now  have  been  in  Cicero's  province,  or 
have  had  funds  there.  Sittius  afterwards 
did  Caesar  good  service  in  Africa,  at  the 
head  of  a  Mauretaniau  force.  Cp.  Bell. 
Afric.  36  ;  95  ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  442. 

Ad  me  valde  pertinere,  *  interests  me 


very  much.* 

6.  De  pantheris.  Caelius  wanted  to 
conciliate  the  people,  with  a  view  to  his 
election  as  aedile,  by  providing  wild  beasts 
for  a  combat  in  the  arena 

Cibyratas.  Cibyra  was  a  town  on  the 
borders  of  Phrygia  and  Cilicia.      The  word 

♦  Cibyratae'  is  here  probably  used  of  hunters 
from  Cibyra,  who  would  be  wanted  to 
catch  the  panthers.      Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  1,  21 

*  alienum  esse  existimatione  mea  Cibyratas 
imperio  meo  publice  venari;'  also  Ad  Fani. 

^-  9.  3-  .  ^    r 

8.  Regem     Alexandrinum.      Caelius 

refers  to  Ptolemy  XII  Auletes,  restored  by 
Gabinius  in  55  b.c.      Cp.  lutr.  to  Part  II, 

§9- 

Quid  mihi  suadeas,  'what  steps  you 

recommend  me  to  take.'     Perhaps  the  king 

had  owed  Caelius  money. 

9.  Quis  procuret,  'who  administers 
his  property.'  Pothinus,  an  eunuch,  did  so. 
Cp.  Plut.  Pomp.  77;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2,  84  ; 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  108. 


EP.34.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIIL%.    tX33 

of  the  Gallic  provinces  on  March  i,  and  press  its  discussion  in  every  way.  6-8.  Re- 
solutions. (I)  That  no  one  interpose  any  obstacle  to  the  discussion  of  this  question 
in  the  senate:  (2)  That  the  claims  of  Caesar's  soldiers  to  a  discharge  be  brought 
before  the  senate  :  (3)  That  provision  be  made  for  the  government  of  Cilicia  and  of 
the  other  eight  praetorian  provinces  by  men  of  praetorian  rank.  9.  Pompey  says  ne 
will  not  hesitate  after  March  1  to  aid  in  providing  Caesar  with  a  successor;  and 
other  expressions  of  his  shew  a  determination  to  resist  the  interference  of  tribunes 
He  is  clearly  on  bad  terms  wHh  Caesar;  the  latter  is  anxious  for  a  compromise  and 
,0  Curio  is  preparing  to  resist  him.  I  have  to  thank  Curio  for  some  African 
panthers ;  let  me  have  some  from  Asia,  too.  I  hope  you  will  attend  to  my  claim 
upon  Sittius. 

CAELIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

1  Etsi  de  re  publica  quae  tibi  scribam  habeo,  tamen  nihil  quod 
magis  gavisurum  te  putem  habeo  quam  hoc :  scito  C.  Sempronium 
Rufum,  [Rufum,]  mel  ac  delicias  tuas,  calumniam  maximo  plausu 
tuIisse.'Quaeris  'qua  in  causa?'  M.  Tuccium,  accusatorem  suum, 
post  ludos  Romanos  reum  lege  Plotia  de  vi  fecit  hoc  consilio,  5 
quod  videbat,  si  extraordinarius  reus  nemo  accessisset,  sibi  hoc 
anno  causam  esse  dicendam  :  dubium  porro  illi  non  erat,  quid 
futurum  esset.  Nemini  hoc  deferre  munusculum  maluit  quam 
suo  accusatori.  Itaque  sine  ullo  subscriptore  descendit  et  Tuccium 


1.  Quod  .  .  gavisurum.  This  accusa- 
tive with  'gaudeo'  seems  rare,  except  in 
Caelius'  letters.  It  is  found,  however,  with 
other  verbs  of  similar  meaning.     Cp.  Madv. 

229. 

2.  C.  Sempronium  Rufum.  For  an 
account  of  this  man,  and  of  Vestorius,  cp. 
below,  and  Ep.  38,  10.  If  the  second  '  Ru- 
fum '  be  genuine,  it  may  express  surprise  or 
pleasure.     '  Rufus,  I  say.' 

3.  Mel  ac  delicias  tuas,  'your  fa- 
vourite and  darling.'  This  is  apparently 
the  only  pass;;ge  where  '  mel  *  is  used  in  a 
metaphorical    sense    by   a    classical    prose 

author. 

Calumniam  .  .  tulisse,  'has  been  con- 
victed of  bringing  a  calumnious  accusation.' 
Hofm.  Wiel.  Billerb.  Forcellini's  explana- 
tion hardly  suits  the  sense  of  this  passage. 

Maximo  plausu,  'amid  the  greatest 
applause.'     Cp.  on  the  ablat.,  Madv.  257. 

4.  M.  Tuccium.  This  man  seems  not 
to  be  elsewhere  mentioned. 

Accusatorem.  This  word  seems  to  be 
used  of  a  plaintiff  on  a  civil  charge  some- 
times.    Partit.  Oral,  32,  no. 

5.  Post  ludos  Romanos.  The  Roman 
games  seem  to  have  lasted  from  the  4th  to 
the  1 2th  of  September.  Cp.  Smith's  Diet, 
of  Antiq.  p.  715« 


Lege  Plotia.  This  law  was  probab'y 
passed  89  B.C.,  and  provided  that  trials  for 
'  vis '  need  not  be  suspended  on  festivals. 
Cp.  Pro  Caelio  i.  i.  It  was  supplemented 
by  a  Lex  Lutatia  in  78  B.C.  (?)  lb.  29,  70; 
Rein,  C.  R.  736,  foil. 

6.  Extraordinarius, *a  defendant  whose 
trial  would  claim  precedence  of  other  suits.' 
Trials  'de  vi '  seem  to  have  claimed  this 
precedence.  Forcell.  explains  '  extraordina- 
rius '  as  said  of  those  '  de  quibus  nihil  est 
lege  constitutum.'  But  this  passage  clearly 
implies  that  a  man  accused  '  de  vi  *  would 
be  'reus  extraordinarius;'  and  there  were 
definite  statutes  about  '  vis.* 

Hoc  anno.  Perhaps  Sempronius  would 
prefer  a  new  praetor;  perhaps  he  was  merely 
anxious  to  gain  time  without  any  definite 
hopes. 

7.  Quid  futurum  esset,  i.e.  that  he 
would  be  convicted. 

8.  Hoc  .  .  munusculum,  'this  little 
favour,'  of  a  prosecution. 

9.  Sine  ullo  subscriptore,  'without 
any  one  to  support  his  charge.'  The  *  sub- 
scriptores'  were  the  subordinate  advocates 
for  the  prosecution  (cp.  Ep.  13,  3.  note; 
Div.  in  Caec.  15),  and  to  appear  without 
such  support,  though  in  accordance  with  old 
precedent  (cp.  Pro  Cluent.  70,  199),  may  in 


234 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


reum  fecit.  At  ego,  simul  atque  audivi,  invocatus  ad  subsellia  rei 
occurro ;  surgo,  neque  verbum  de  re  facio :  totum  Sempronium 
usque  eo  perago,  ut  Vestorium  quoque  interponam  et  illam  fabulam 
narrem,  quern  ad  modum  tibi  pro  beneficio  dederit,  t  si  quod 

5  iniuriis  suis  esset,  ut  Vestorius  teneret.      Haec  quoque  magna  2 
nunc  contentio  forum  tenet :  M.  Servilius  postquam,  ut  coeperat, 
omnibus  in  rebus  turbarat  nee  quod  non  venderet  quicquam  re- 
liquerat  maximaque  nobis  traditus  erat  invidia,  neque  Laterensis 
praetor  expostulante  Pausania,  nobis  patronis,  QVO  EA  PECVNIA 

10  PERVENISSET,  recipere  voluit,  Q.  Pilius,  necessarius  Attici  nostri, 


this  case  have  been  thought  to  shew  weak- 
ness. 

1.  Invocatus  .  .  occurro,  *I  hasten  to 
present  myself  uninvited  (Forcell.)  at  the 
side  of  the  accused.'  For  this  sense  of 
•occurro/  cp.  Philipp.  i.  4.  9  ?  L^^y  31.  29; 
36.  24.  CaeHus  apparently  only  wished  to 
annoy  Sempronius. 

Ad  subsellia  rei.  A  space  at  the  end 
of  a  basilica  was  set  apart  for  judicial  busi- 
ness; sometimes  rectangular,  sometimes  a 
semicircle  projecting  from  one  or  both  the 
ends  of  the  building.  The  praetor's  seat 
would  be  in  the  middle  of  this  space ;  the 
•  subsellia  rei '  would  probably  run  round 
one  side  of  it.  See  Ep.  24,  i,  note,  and 
Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc.  *  Basilica,' 
pp.  198,  199. 

2.  Totum  .  .  .  perago.  'Peragere 
reum '  is  properly  '  to  prosecute  to  a  con- 
viction.* Cp.  examples  in  Forcell.  This 
passage  perhaps  means,  *  I  accuse  Sempronius 
so  uncompromisingly.'  Manutius  gives '  exa- 
gito,'  'vexo*  as  equivalents  for  'perago.'  On 
the  adverbial  use  of  *  totus '  and  similar  ad- 
jectives, cp.  Ep.  iy  2,  note. 

3.  Interponam, 'introduce.* 

Illam  fabulam,  'the  old  story.*  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  5.  2,  2  ;  14.  14,  2.  Rufus  appa- 
rently had  owed  Vestorius  some  money,  and 
had  been  invited  to  settle  the  dispute  by 
Cicero's  arbitration.  He  then  seems  to  have 
made  it  a  favour  to  Cicero  that  he  forbore 
to  oppose  the  just  claims  of  Vestorius. 

4.  Quem  ad  modum  .  .  teneret,  *how 
as  a  favour  to  you  he  allowed  Vestorius  to 
retain  whatever  he  had  possession  of,  to  the 
injury  of  Sempronius.'  In  substance  from 
Man.  Hofm.  reads  'iniuriis  suum  esset,' 
Wesenb.  *  si  quid  iniuria  ipsius  (Rufi)  esset,* 
Victorius  •  si  quid  iuris  sui  esset,'  in  which 
case  I  suppose  'sui'  would  refer  to  Ves- 
torius. 

5.  Iniuriis,  similar  to  'ingratis*  in  con- 
struction. 


Iniuriis  suis.  *  Si  quid  esset  suo  damno 
suaque  iniuria  quod  Vestorius  teneret,  quasi 
ademptum  sibi  aliquiJ  ac  teneri  a  Vestorio 
diceret    quod     aliqua    eius    iniuria    fieret.' 

Manut. 

Haec,  '  the  following.* 

6.  Forum  tenet,  'occupies  the  attention 
of  the  courts.' 

M.  Servilius.  Orell.  says  he  was  tribune 
in  60  B.C.  There  were  both  patrician  and 
plebeian  Servilii. 

Ut  coeperat  .  .  turbarat,  'had  carried 
through  all  his  career  the  extravagance  with 
which  he  had  begun.'  '  Conturbo '  is  more 
common  in  this  sense.    Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  7,  i. 

7.  Quod  non  venderet,  'unsold;*  or 
perhaps,  as  Mr.  Jeans  renders,  '  which  was 
not  for  sale.'    On  the  conj.,  cp.  Madv.  364. 

8.  Maxima  .  .  invidia,  'and  had  been 
given  me  as  a  client  with  a  very  bad  repu- 
tation.'    For  the  ablat.,  cp.  Madv.  257. 

Laterensis:  cp.  Ep.  ii,  2. 

9.  Expostulante,  'in  spite  of  the  repre- 
sentations of.* 

Pausanias  seems  not  to  be  elsewhere 
mentioned.  Hofm.  suggests  that  he  may 
have  been  agent  for  the  Asiatic  provincials 
on  the  trial  of  C.  Claudius.  Or  perhaps  he 
was  one  of  the  creditors  of  Servilius. 

Nobis  patronis,  'while  I  was  counsel 
for  the  defence.' 

Qvo  EA  PECVNIAPERVENISSET  reci- 

pere,  *  to  receive  a  demand  for  enquiry 
"  what  had  become  of  that  money  " : '  i.e. 
whither  the  unjust  gains  of  Claudius  had 
gone.  The  words  printed  in  capitals  seem 
to  be  a  regular  form  denoting  the  object  of 
a  legal  inquiry.  The  Lex  lulia  de  Repe- 
tundis  of  59  B.C.  allowed  the  injured  parties 
to  require  restitution  from  any  one  who 
was  proved  to  have  profited  by  a  governor's 
unjust  gains.     Cp.  Pro  Rab.  Post.  4. 8. 

10.  Q:  Pilius.  Probably  connected  with 
Atticus  by  marriage.  He  is  only  mentioned 
here  and  Ad  Att.  4.  17,  3  [4- 1^,  5.    Bait.] 


i 


EP.34.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIIL^.    235 

de  repetundis  eum  postulavit :  magna  ilico  fama  surrexit  et  de 
damnatione  ferventer  loqui  est  coeptum.  Quo  vento  proiicitur 
Appius  minor,  ut  indicaret  pecuniam  ex  bonis  patris  pervenisse 
ad  Servilium  praevaricationisque  causa  diceret  depositum  HS. 
LXXXL  Admiraris  amentiam  :  immo  si  actionem  stultissimasque  5 
3  de  se,  nefarias  de  patre  confessiones  audisses  ?  Mittit  in  con- 
silium eosdem  illos,  qui  lites  aestimarant,  indices.  Cum  aequo 
numero  sententiae  fuissent,  Laterensis  leges  ignorans  pronun- 
tiavit,  quid  singuli  ordines  iudicassent,  et  ad  extremum,  ut  solent, 
NONREDIGAM.  Postquam  discessit  et  pro  absoluto  Servilius  haberi  10 


I.  De  repetundis,  sc.  *pecuniis,'  'for 
extortion '  or  misgovernment.  The  suit 
was  brought  for  the  restitution  of  money 
said  to  have  been  illegally  exacted;  but 
charges  of  oppression  in  general  were  intro- 
duced by  the  prosecutor,  if  the  speeches 
against  Verres  are  a  fair  specimen  of  the 
pleadings  on  such  occasions.  A  permanent 
court  for  the  trial  of  such  cases  was  first 
established  in  149  B.C. 

Eum,  sc.  Servilium.  It  seems  likely  that 
Pausanias  wished  to  prosecute  Servilius  as 
having  shared  the  unjust  gains  of  C.  Clau- 
dius, and  that  when  the  praetor  refused  to 
entertain  the  charge,  Q^  Pilius  prosecuted 
Servilius  directly  for  '  repetundae.'  Cp. 
Hofm. 

2.  Loqui  est  coeptum.  Forcell.  makes 
'  loqui '  passive,  but  Hofm.  says  that '  coep- 
tum est  '«= '  coeperunt.' 

Quo  vento  proiicitur,  '  is  impelled  by 
that  rumour.'     Forcell. 

3.  Appius  minor.  Younger  son  of 
C.  Claudius  and  nephew  of  P.  Clodius. 
Manutius  on  this  passage  suggests  that  he 
and  his  brother  may  have  been  adopted  by 
Ap.  Claudius  Pulcher,  consul  in  54  b.c.  ;  but 
Schiitz  doubts  this.  C.  Claudius  governed 
Asia  in  55-54  b.c.  (cp.  Pro  Scauro  31-35)» 
and  seems  to  have  been  dead  at  the  time  of 
Milo's  trial  for  the  murder  of  Clodius  in  52 
B.C.   Cp.  Ascon.  Argum.  in  Milonian.  p.  143. 

4.  Praevaricationis  .  .  causa.  The 
most  natural  sense  of  these  words  would  be, 
that  Servihuswas  the  accuser  of  C.Claudius, 
and  promised  to  betray  his  clients.  But 
perhaps  it  suits  the  general  sense  better  to 
suppose  that  Servilius  received  the  money 
to  bribe  the  accuser,  and  kept  it  himself 
instead.  '  Praevaricatio  *  was  the  legal  term 
for  collusion  of  an  accuser  with  the  de- 
fendant. 

Depositum,  *had  been  placed   in   the 
hands  of  Servilius.* 

H.  S.  Lxxxi.     Probably   lxxx  =  octogies, 


but  the  sum  seems  very  large,  more  than 
£70,000.     Cp.,  however,  In  Verr.  Act.   i. 

13.  38. 

5.  Immo  si,  'how  much  more  would 
vou  have  wondered  if.'    Cp.  Hofm. ;  Madv. 

454* 

Actionem,  'his  pleading.* 

6.  Confessiones,  'of  his  own  and 
his  father's  misconduct  in  Asia'  probably. 
About  himself  such  confessions  would  be 
foolish  ;  about  his  father,  unnatural. 

Mittit  in  consilium,  sc.  Appius.  'He 
allows  the  same  judges  who  had  assessed 
his  father's  fine  to  act  in  this  case.'  This 
must  surely  be  an  exaggeration ;  it  is 
hardly  likely  that  precisely  the  same  body 
of  judges  would  have  acted  in  two  different 
years.  Manutius  suggests  that  the  trial  for 
•  praevaricatio '  would  come  on  '  extra  ordi- 
nem,'  as  a  supplement  to  the  trial  of  the 
elder  Appius.  Forcell.  says  the  phrase  '  nait- 
tere  in  consilium  '  was  used  of  the  presiding 
magistrate  ;  but  the  passage  he  quotes  from 
In  Verr.  2.  Act.  1.9,  26,  shews  that  it  niay 
also  apply  to  the  parties  on  the  conclusion 
of  the  proceedings  ;  cp.  also  Pro  Cluent.  30, 
83.  For  the  phrase  '  lites  aestiniare,'  *  to  fix 
the  amount  to  be  repaid  by  the  defendant/ 
cp.  Pro  Muren.  20,  42  ;  In  Verr.  Act.  I.  13, 
38.  It  corresponded  to  the  Attic  rifirjais, 
and  was  most  important  in  trials  for  ex- 
tortion and  peculation,  and  of  course  in  all 
civil  suits. 

7.  Cum  aequo  .  .  fuissent,  'when  the 
votes  of  the  whole  court  had  been  equally 
divided,*  though  very  likely  a  majority  in 
two  orders  had  acquitted  Servilius. 

9.  Singuli  ordines,  the  senators,  equites, 

and  tribuui  aerarii.   Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  5  ; 

II,  §  8. 

Ut  solent,  i.e.  in  cases  of  acquittal. 

10.  NoN  REDiGAM,  'I  shall  uot  require 
the  restitution  of  the  money.'  These  words 
were  very  likely  the  regular  form  for  de- 
claring an  acquittal  in  cases  of  *  repetundae,' 


VJ'13S!^  . 


2^6 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


'1 


coeptus  estlegisque  unum  et  centesimum  caput  legit,  in  quoita  erat, 

QVOD  EORVM  IVDICVM  MAIOR  PARS  IVDICARIT,  ID  IVS  RATVM- 
QVE  ESTO,  in  tabulas  absolutum  non  rettulit,  ordinum  indicia  per- 
scripsit ;  postulante  rursus  Appio  cum  L.  Lollio  transegit  et  se 
5  relaturum  dixit.  Sic  nunc  neque  absolutus  neque  damnatus  Ser- 
vilius  de  repetundis  saucius  Pilio  tradetur.  Nam  de  divinatione 
Appius,  cum  calumniam  iurasset,  contendere  ausus  non  est  Pilio- 
que  cessit,  et  ipse  de  pecuniis  repetundis  a  Serviliis  est  postulatus 
et  praeterea  de  vi  reus  a  quodam  suo  emissario,  Sex.  Tettio,  factus. 
lo  Recte  hoc  par  habet.  Quod  ad  rem  publicam  pertinet,  omnino  4 
multis  diebus  exspectatione  Galliarum  actum  nihil  est;  aliquando 
tamen,  saepe  re  dilata  et  graviter  acta  et  plane  perspecta  Cn. 
Pompeii  voluntate  in  eam  partem,  ut  eum  decedere  post  Kalendas 


but  I  cannot  find  them  elsewhere  in  this 
sense.  Cp.,  however,  Div.  in  Caec.  17,  56 
*  bona  vendit,  pecuniam  redigit/ 

Postquam  discessit,  sc.  Laterensis, 
•after  he  went  home.' 

I.  Legis, '  luliae  de  repetundis  *  probably. 
It  would  appear  that  this  law  required  an 
absolute  majority  of  the  whole  court  for 
acquittal  or  conviction,  and  did  not  provide 
for  the  case  of  equal  division. 

3.  In  tabulas  .  .  perscripsit,  'did  not 
record  an  acquittal  in  his  register,  but  wrote 
out  the  verdicts  of  the  different  orders.' 

4.  Postulante  rursus  Appio,  'when 
Appius  renewed  his  charge,'  apparently  on 
the  ground  that  Servilius  had  not  been 
acquitted. 

Cum  L.  Lollio  transegit,  foil.,  'after 
a  conference  with  L.  Lollius,  Laterensi§  said 
he  would  record  Servilius  as  acquitted.' 
But  the  words  *  neque  absolutus  neque  dam- 
natus '  seem  to  imply  that  he  did  not  do  so 
at  once,  or  that  the  proceeding  was  con- 
sidered informal.  L.  Lollius  seems  to  be 
only  mentioned  here.  For  '  transigo  *  as  a 
neuter  verb,  cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  2.  32,  79 
*  qui  cum  reo  transigit.' 

6.  De  repetundis  .  .  tradetur,  'will 
pass  with  a  damaged  reputation  into  the 
hands  of  Pilius  for  prosecution  on  a  charge 
of  "  repeiundae."  ' 

Nam,  'I  say  of  Pilius,  for.'  Cp.  Ep.  9, 
8,  note. 

De  divinatione,  'on  the  discussion  who 
should  be  named  accuser.'  The  judges  who 
decided  this  seem  not  necessarily  to  have 
been  the  same  body  who  afterwards  tried 
the  main  issue.  Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  i.  6, 
15. 


7.  Calumniam  iurasset,  'had  made 
oath  that  he  had  good  grounds  for  his 
prosecution.*  The  defendant  might  require 
the  prosecutor  to  take  such  an  oath.  Cp. 
Smith,  Diet,  of  Anliq.,  p.  235. 

Contendere,  'to  dispute  the  point,*  'to 
come  into  court.'  • 

8.  A  Serviliis.  Probably  the  M.  Ser- 
vilius of  this  letter,  and  some  relation. 

9.  A  quodam  suo  emissario,  'by  a 
certain  spy  of  his  own.' 

10.  Recte  .  .  habet,  'this  pair  is  well 
matclied.'  Cp.  Pro  Muren.  6,  14  '  bene 
habet,'  Ep.  77,  i  'minus  belle  habuit.'  For 
this  sense  of  'par,'  cp.  De  Opt.  Gen.  Orat, 
6,  1 7  '  gladiatorum  par  nobilissimum  ; '  Hor. 
Sat.  2.  3,  243  '  par  nobile  fratrum.' 

11.  Exspectatione  Galliarum,  'be- 
cause people  are  waiting  to  see  what  will 
be  done  about  the  Gallic  provinces,'  where 
Caesar's  term  of  government  was  drawing 
to  a  close. 

Aliquando  . .  placeret,  'at  length,  after 
frequent  postponements,  and  serious  discus- 
sion of  the  question,  when  it  had  been 
clearly  ascertained  to  be  Pompey's  wish  that 
after  the  first  of  March  the  senate  should 
decree  Caesar's  recall.'  On  the  conj.  '  pla- 
ceret,' cp.  Ep.  26,  9,  note,  and  for  '  in  eam 
partem,'  sc.  '  inclinante,'  Ad  Att.  16.  i,  6 
'  has  scrips>i  in  eam  partem  ne  me  motum 
putares.'  As  to  the  facts,  the  Lex  Pompeia 
Licinia  of  55  B.C.  probably  provided  that 
the  appointment  of  a  successor  to  Caesar 
should  not  be  discussed  before  March  i,  50 
B.C.  Cp.  below,  §  5  ;  Ad  Fam.  8.  9,  5 ; 
Caes.  de  Bell.  Gall.  8.  53;  Appendix  6,  §§ 
I ;  4,  and  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  21 ;   27. 


EP.34.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIIL^,    237 

Martias  placeret,  senatus  consultum,  quod  tibi  misi,  factum  est 
auctoritatesque  perscriptae. 
5      S.  C.  Auctoritates.   Pr.  Kal.  Octobres  in  aede  Apollinis 
scrib.  adfuerunt  L.  Domitius  Cn.  f.  Fab.  Ahenobarbus, 
Q.  Caecilius  Q.  f.  Fab.  Metellus  Pius  Scipio,  L.  Villiuss 
L.  F.  Pom.  Annalis,  C.  Septimius  T.  f.  Quirina,  C.  Luci- 
lius  C.  f.  Pup.   Hirrus,  C.  Scribonius  C  f.  Pop.   Curio, 
L.  Ateius  L.  f.  An.  Capito,  M.  Eppius  M.  f.  Ter.     Quod 
M.  Marcellus  cos.  v.  f.  de  provinciis  consularibus,  d.  e.  r.  i. 
c,  uti  L.   Paulus  C.   Marcellus  coss.,  cum  magistratum  10 
inissent,  ex  Kal.  Mart.,  quae  in  suo  magistratu  futurae 
essent,  de  consularibus  provinciis  ad  senatum  referrent, 
neve  quid  prius  ex  Kal.  Mart,  ad  senatum  referrent,  neve 
quidconiunctim  de  ea  re  referretur  a  consulibus,  utique 
eius  rei  causa  per  dies  comitiales  senatum  haberent  15 
senatusque   cons,   facerent,  et,   cum  de  ea  re  senatum 
referretur  a   consulibus,   qui   eorum   in    CCC.    iudicibus 


I.  Misi,  epistolary  =  'mitto.' 

3.  Auctoritates  :  cp.  Ep.  22,  4,  note. 
•  One  decree  and  three  resolutions  follow. 

4.  Scribendo  adfuerunt,  sc.  'senatus 
consulto.'  '  There  were  present  at  the  draw- 
ing up  of  the  decree.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  i,  7  ; 
Ad  Fam.  15.  6,  2  ;   12.  29,  2. 

On  L.  Domitius  and  Q.  Scipio  cp.  Ep. 
I,  3.  notes. 

Fabia,  sc.  '  tribu.'  For  the  ablat.,  cp. 
Madv.  275,  Obs.  3.  The  other  tribes  men- 
tioned are  Pomptina,  Quirina,  Pupinia,  Popi- 
lia,  Aniensis,  Teretina. 

5.  L.  Villius,  only  mentioned  here.  The 
surname  Annalis  probably  dates  from  the 
year  180  e.c,  when  the  Lex  Villia  Annalis 
passed.     Cp.  Livy  40.  44. 

6.  C.  Septimius,  perhaps  a  praetor  of 
57BC.,  who  supported  Cicero's  restoration 
from  exile.     Cp.  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  9,  23. 

C.  Lucilius  .  .  Hirrus,  perhaps  the 
Hirrus  mentioned  Ep.  33,  3.  It  seems  doubt- 
ful if  his  name  was  Lucilius  or  Lucceius. 

7.  C.  Scribonius  ..  Curio  :  cp,  Ep.  30, 
first  note. 

H.  L.  Ateius  .  .  Capito.  Only  here 
mentioned  bv  Cicero.  Caesar  pardoned  an 
Ateius  in  Africa.     Cp.  Bell.  Afric.  89. 

M.  E  ppius  served  under  Pompey  in  the 
civil  war,  and  was  pardoned  by  Caesar  in 
Africa.     Cp.  Ep   50,  i  ;  Bell.  Afric.  1.  c. 

Quod,  *  whereas.' 

9.  M.  Marcellus  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 


§17;  Epp.  31,  2,  note ;  90,  3  ;  95  ;  loi. 

v.  f.  = '  verba  fecit,'  said  of  a  magistrate 
who  laid  a  question  before  the  senate  for 
discussion. 

De  provinciis  consularibus:  cp. Ap- 
pendix 6,  §  5. 

D.  e.  r.  i.  c.  =  *  de  ea  re  ita  censuerunt.* 
The  tenses  which  follow  shew  that  the  prin- 
cipal verb  must  be  in  the  past  tense. 

10.  L.  Paulus  :  cp.  Ep,  13,  2,  note. 

C.  Marcellus:  cp.  Ep.  33,  i,  note. 

13.  Ex  Kal.  ..  essent,i.e.  from  March  I, 
50  B.C. 

14.  Coniunctim,  *  in  combination  with 
it.*  The  question  was  to  be  brought  before 
the  senate  simply,  without  having  any  other 
bound  up  with  it.  The  force  of  '  con- 
iunctim '  may  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  the 
account  of  the  discussion  of  the  Licinian 
Rogations.     Cp.  Livy  6.  39. 

15.  Per  dies  comitiales.  After  the 
enactment  of  the  Lex  Pupia,  first  mentioned 
in  56  B.C.,  it  seems  not  to  have  been  usual 
to  hold  meetings  of  the  senate  on  days  on 
which  the  comitia  could  be  held.  Cp,  Ad. 
Qi  F.  2.  2,  3  ;  2.  13,  3 ;  Ad  Fam.  i.  4,  i ; 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  1.5.  The  author  of  the 
Lex  Pupia  was  probably  M.  Pupius  Piso 
Calpurnianus,  consul  in  61  B.C.,  though 
some  assign  it  to  a  Cn.  Pupius,  tribune  ia 
226-5  B.C. 

17.  Eorum,  sc.  *  senatorum.* 

In  CCC  iudicibus.     Probably  ccclx  is 


238 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


k 


essent,  eos  adducere  liceret.  Si  quid  de  ea  re  ad  popu- 
lum  plebemve  lato  opus  esset,  uti  Ser.  Sulpicius  M. 
Marcellus  coss.,  praetores  tribunique  pi.,  quibus  eorum 
videretur,   ad   populum   plebemve   ferrent:    quod   si  ii 

5  non  tulissent,  uti,  quicumque  deinceps  essent,  ad  popu- 
lum plebemve  ferrent.  i.  n. 

Pr.  Kal.  Octobres  in  aede  Apollinis  scrib.  adfuerunt  6 
L.  Domitius  Cn.  f.  Fab.  Ahenobarbus,  Q.  Caecilius  Q.  f. 
Fah  Metellus  Pius  Scipio,  L.  ViUius  L.  f.  Pom.  Annalis, 

lo  C.  Septimius  T.  f.  Quirina,  C  Lucilius  Cf.  Pup^  Hirrus, 
C.  Scribonius  C  f.  Pop.  Curio,  L.  Ateius  L.  f.  An.  Capito, 
M.  Eppius  M.  f.  Teretina.  Quod  M.  Marcellus  cos.  v.  f.  de 
provinciis,  d.  e.  r.i.c,  senatum  existimare  neminem  eo- 
rum, qui  potestatem  habent  intercedendi,  impediendi, 

15  moram  adferre  oportere,  quo  minus  de  r.  p.  p.  R.  Q.  ad 
senatum  referri  senatique  consultum  fieri  possit:  qui 
impedierit,  prohibuerit,  eumsenatum  existimare  contra 
rem  publicam  fecisse.  Si  quis  huic  s.  c  intercesserit, 
senatui  placere  auctoritatem  perscribi  et  de  ea  re  ad 

20  senatum   populumque   referri.      Huic   s.    c.    intercessit 


the  right  number.  Cp.  Ep.  59,  2,  note ; 
Veil.  2.  76;  Plut.  Pomp.  55.  Billerb.thmks 
the  first  or  senatorial  '  decuria'  of  judges,  as 
constituted  by  the  Lex  Pompeia  of  55  b.c, 
is  referred  to.  The  object  of  the  decree 
was  to  make  it  lawful  to  summon  such 
senators  as  belonged  to  this  body  from  the 
courts  in  which  they  served  to  attend  the 
senate's  debates. 

1.  Si  quid  .  .  lato  opus  esset,  Mf  any 
enactment  were  required.*     Cp.  Madv.  266, 

Obs. 

Ad  populum  plebemve,  *by  thepeo- 
pie  assembled  by  centuries  or  tribes.*  The 
expression  seems  to  have  been  retained  from 
a  time  at  which  only  plebeians  voted  in  the 
♦comitia  tributa.*  See,  among  other  pas- 
sages, Livy  2.  56.  Mommsen  (Rom.  Forsch. 
I.  194  foil.),  referring  especially  to  a  quota- 
tion from  Laelius  Felix  in  A.  Gellius,  N.  A. 
15,  27,  maintains  that  'plebs*  in  such  pas- 
sages as  the  present  is  equivalent  to,  not 
*  comitia  tributa,'  but  'concilium  plebis,*  an 
assembly  of  the  tribes  from  which  patricians 
were  excluded  and  the  only  one  convoked 
by  plebeian   magistrates.      Cp.  Ep.  20,  6, 

note.  .      ^    .    .  . 

2.  Ser.   Sulpicius,   an  emment  jurist, 


was  consul  with  M.  Marcellus.  Cicero  had 
a  very  high  opinion  of  him.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
4.  1-6;  Philipp.  9;  and  several  passages  in 
the  oration  of  Pro  Murena. 

5.  Quicumque  deinceps  essent, 'their 
successors  in  those  several  offices.' 

6.  I.  n.  = '  intercessit  nemo.'  The  tribu- 
nician  veto  could  not  legally  be  exercised  in 
discussions  about  the  consular  provinces,  as 
a  Lex  Sempronia  C.  Gracchi  forbade  it. 
Cp.  De  Prov.  Cons.  7,  1 7,  and  Appendix  6, 

§  4* 

12.  Teretina.  This  word  is  also  written 

Terentina.     Cp.  Livy  10.  9. 

15.  De  r.  p.  p.  R.  CL='  de  re  publica 
populi  Romani  Quiritium.' 

16.  Senati.  On  this  form,  cp.  Madv. 
46,  Obs.  2. 

18.  Fecisse.      On  the  tense,  cp.  Madv. 

407. 

19.  Auctoritatem  .  .  referri,  'that  a 
resolution  should  be  drawn  up,  and  the 
senate  and  people  consulted  on  the  affair.* 
The  next  step  would  be  '  agere  cum  tri- 
bunis'  to  negotiate  with  the  protesting 
tribunes.     Cp.  Philipp.  2.  2 1,  52. 

20.  Intercessit.  For  the  sing.,  cp. 
Madv.  213  a. 


^    V 


EP.  34.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIIL  8.     239 

C.  Caelius,  L.  Vinicius,  P.  Cornelius,  C.  Vibius  Pansa, 

trihuni  pL 

7  Item  senatui  placere  de  militibus,  qui  in  exercitu  C. 
Caesaris  sunt :  qui  eorum  stipendia  emerita  aut  causas, 
quibus  de  causis  missi  fieri  debeant,  habeant,  ad  hunc  5 
ordinem  referri,  ut  eorum  ratio  habeatur  causaeque 
cognoscantur.  Si  quis  huic  s.  c.  intercessisset,  senatui 
placere  auctoritatem  perscribi  et  de  ea  re  ad  hunc 
ordinem  referri.  Huic  s.  c.  intercessit  C.  Caelius, 
C.  Pansa,   tribuni   pi.  ^  '° 

8  Itemque  senatui  placere  in  Ciliciam  provinciam,  in 
VIII  reliquas  provincias,  quas  praetorii  pro  praetore 
obtinerent,  eos,  qui  praetores  fuerunt  neque  in  provin- 
ciam cum  imperio  fuerunt,  quos  eorum  ex  s.  c.  cum  im- 
perio  in  provincias  pro  praetore  mitti  oporteret,  eos  15 
sortito  in  provincias  mitti  placere;  si  ex  eo  numero, 
quos  ex  s.  c.  in  provincias  ire  oporteret,  ad  numerum  non 
essent,  qui  in  eas  provincias  proficiscerentur,  tum  uti 


I,  Of  the  four  protesting  tribunes  only 
C.  Vibius  Pansa  seems  to  be  mentioned 
elsewhere.  Cicero  speaks  of  him  as  a  friend 
Ad  Q.  F.  3.  5,  5,  and  Ad  Fam.  6.  12.  On 
his  conduct  after  Caesar's  death,  cp.  Intr.  lo 
Part  V,  §§12;  15-17- 

4.  Qui  eorum,  sc.  *de  iis  qui.'  Cp. 
Madv.  321,  and  Obs. 

Stipendia  emerita  .  .  habeant,  •have 
completed  their  time  of  service,  or  have  other 
pleas  for  discharge.'  The  full  number  of 
campaigns  is  said  to  have  been  twenty  for 
the  infantry,  and  ten  for  the  cavalry.  Cp. 
Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc.  *  Exercitus,' 
p.  499. 

Causas,  quibus  de  causis.  On  the 
pleonasm,  cp.  Zumpt,  L.  G.  743;  also  §  8 
below,  note.  '  The  'causae'  would  be  pleas 
for  discharge,  such  as  sickness,  and,  perhaps, 
distinguished  services.  A  discharge  obtained 
on  the  ground  of  sickness  was  called  '  missio 
causaria.'  Forcell.  The  object  of  this  reso- 
lution probably  was  to  hold  out  inducements 
to  Caesar's  snidiers  to  desert  him. 

11.  In  octo  reliquas.  These  would  be 
I.  Sicily;  2.  Sardinia,  with  Corsica;  3.  Ma- 
cedonia, with  Achaia ;  4.  Asia;  5.  Africa; 
6.  Crete;  7.  Cyrene;  8.  Bithynia.  Cp. 
Mommsen,  Rechtsfrage,  pp.  45,  46.  Cilicia 
was  to  be  a  praetorian  province  after  the 
expiration  of  Cicero's  term  of  office. 

12.  Praetorii,  '  men  who  had  been  prae- 


tors ;  *  an  analogous  term  to  '  consulares.* 
13  Obtinerent.  Wesenb.  hasobtin[er]ent. 

Eos  qui  .  .  mitti  placere,  'that  from 
the  number  of  those  who  have  been  prae- 
tors, and  have  not  governed  provinces,  such 
as  ought,  according  to  the  decree  of  the 
senate,  to  be  sent  to  govern  provinces  as 
propraetors  should  be  sent  by  lot.*  The 
second  •  eos  '  and  the  second  '  placere  *  seem 
pleonastic. 

In  provinciam  .  .  fuerunt.  On  the 
accusal.,  cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  5.  38,  98  '  in 
potestatem  futurum: '  Ad  All.  15.  4,  a  '  quo 
die  in  Tusculanum  essem  fulurus,'  according 
to  the  Medicean  MS.  Wesenb.,  however, 
suggests  '  in  provincias  .  .  iverunt.* 

14.  Ex  s.  c.  =  '  ex  senatus  consulto.*  For 
the  facts,  cp.  Intr.  lo  Part  II,  §  17;  Appen- 
dix 6,  §  4 ;  Ad  Fam.  3.  2,  2. 

15.  Eos  sortito,  the  pronoun  'eos'  is 
resumptive  after  a  parenthesis.  Cp.  Madv. 
489  a. 

16.  Ex  eo  numero  =  *  ex  eorum  nu- 
mero.'    Cp.  Ep.  32,  2,  note. 

17.  Quos,  plural,  as  referring  to  a  noun 
of  multitude.     Cp.  Madv.  215  a. 

Ad  numerum  non  essent,  'there  were 
not  enough.'  Forcell.  Cp.  AdQ^F.  2.  13, 
2,  (II,  2  Bait.)  *ad  numerum  iudices  ha- 
bere.* 

18.  Tum  uti ..  proficiscerentur,  *lhen 
the  praetors  of  the  following  years  should  be 


240 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


M 


quodque  collegium  primum  praetorum  fuisset  neque  in 
provincias  profecti  essent,  ita  sorte  in  provincias  pro- 
ficiscerentur;  si  ii  ad  numerum  non  essent,  tunc  dein- 
ceps  proximi  cuiusque  collegii,  qui  praetores  fuissent 

5  neque  in  provincias  profecti  essent,  in  sortem  coniice- 
rentur,  quoad  is  numerus  effectus  esset,  quern  ad  nume- 
rum in  provincias  mitti  oporteret;  si  quis  huic  s.  c. 
intercessisset,  auctoritas  perscriberetur.  Huic  s.  c  in- 
tercessit  C.  Caelius,  C.  Pansa,  tribuni  pi. 

,0      Ilia  praeterea  Cn.  Pompeii  sunt  animadversa,  quae  maxime  con-  9 
fidentiam  attulerunt  hominibus,  ut  diceret  se  ante  Kal.  Martias 
non  posse  sine  iniuria  de  provinciis  Caesaris  statuere,  post  Kal. 
Martias  se  non  dubitaturum.      Cum  interrogaretur,  si  qui  tum 
intercederent,  dixit  hoc  nihil  interesse,  utrum  C.  Caesar  senatui 

,5  dicto  audiens  futurus  non  esset  an  pararet  qui  senatum  decernere 
non  pateretur.  '  Quid,  si'  inquit  alius  ^et  consul  esse  et  exer- 
citum  habere  volet?'  At  ille  quam  clementer:  'quid,  si  filius 
mens  fustem  mihi  impingere  volet  ? '  His  vocibus,  ut  existimarent 
homines  Pompeio  cum  Caesare  esse  negotium,  effecit ;   itaque 

20  iam,  ut  video,  alteram  utram  ad  condicionem  descendere  volt 


sent,  according  to  the  priority  of  election  of 
each  college.'     On  the  plural  'essent,'  cp. 

Madv.  215.  .  u     ,j 

5.  In  sortem  coniicerentur,  'should 
be  admitted  to  the  allotment.'  The  expres- 
sion is  used  by  Livyof  the  'provinciae,'  30.  i. 

6.  Is  numerus  .  .  quem  ad  nume- 
rum. On  the  repetition  of  the  subst.,  cp. 
note  on  §  7  above  ;  Madv.  315,  and  Ob^2. 

7.  Mitti  oporteret,  sc.'rectores.  The 
import  of  this  decree  seems  to  be  that  if 
there  were  not  nine  'praetorii'  of  five  years* 
standing,  the  deficiency  should  be  made  good 
by  taking  successively  'praetorii'  of  four, 
three,  and  two  years'  standing.  Its  object 
was,  by  assigning  as  many  provinces  as 
possible  to  •  praetorii,'  to  diminish  the  num- 
ber of  provinces  disposable  for  '  consulares,' 
and  so  to  strengthen  the  arguments  for 
Caesar's  recall  in  order  to  provide  for  such 
'consulares'  as  might  wish  to  govern  pro- 
vinces. The  combination  of  the  indic. 
fueru'nt  in  the  early  part  of  the  decree  with 
conjunctives  in  the  rest  of  it,  may  perhaps 
be  accounted  for  by  Caelius  quotmg  the 
actual  words  of  the  decree  in  the  words 
qui  praetores  .  .  fuerunt,  and  giving  the 
rest  of  it  in  his  own  words. 

10.  Ilia, 'the  following  demonstrauons. 


Cp.  Madv.  485  b. 

Con  fidentiam,  'confidence  that  there 
was  an  understanding  between  Pompey  and 
the  optimates.'  It  is  more  often  used  by 
Cicero  in  a  bad  sense  for  '  effrontery.' 

11.  Ut  diceret, 'how  he  said.'  Cp.  Hor. 
Carm.  i.  9,  i;  Madv.  356. 

12.  Sine  iniuria:  cp.  §  4,  note. 

13.  Si  qui  tum  intercederent,  sc. 
'  quid  faciendum  esset.' 

15.  An  pararet  eum,  sc.  *  tribunum.' 
Billerb.  On  the  omission  of  a  demonstrative, 
cp.  §  7,  above. 

16.  Quid  si.     On  the  ellipse,  cp.  Madv. 

479  <*• 

Et  consul  esse  .  .  volet.    The  position 

of  Pompey  himself  in  52  b.c,  when  he  was 

sole   consul   and  his  legates   governed   the 

Spanish  provinces,  was  more  commanding 

than  that  here  suggested  for  Caesar. 

17.  At   ille,   Pompeius,  sc.  *  respondit.* 

Cp.  Madv.  1.  c. 

Quam  clementer!  of  course  ironical. 

Quid,  si  .  .  impingere  volet,  =  either 
'absurd,'  or  'I  should  chastise  such  pre- 
sumption.' 

19.  Negotium  =*inimicitiam.'  Forcell. 

20.  Descendere  =  *se  accommodare  ' 
(Forcell.),  *is  willing  to  agree  to  one  of 


i 


\ 


[ 


F.P.  35.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   VIII.  6.     241 

Caesar,  ut  aut  maneat  neque  hoc  anno  sua  ratio  habeatur,  aut.  si 
10  designari  poterit,  decedat.     Curio  se  contra  eum  totum  parat ; 
quid  adsequi  possit,  nescio :   iUud  video,  bene  sentientem,  ets. 
nihil  effecerit,  cadere  non  posse.    Me  tractat  hberahter  Cuno  e 
mihi  suo  munere  negotium  imposuit;  nam  si  mih.  non  ded.sset  5 
feras  quae  ad  ludos  ei  advectae  erant  Africanae,  potuit  super- 
sederi.      Nunc,  quoniam  dare  necesse  est,  velim  tibi  curae  sit, 
quod  a  te  semper  petii,  ut  aliquid  istinc  bestiarum  habeamus, 
Sittianamque  syngrapham  tibi  commendo.     Libertum  Ph.lonem 
istoc  misi  et  Diogenem  Graecum,  quibus  niandata  et  htteras  ad  10 
te  dedi :  eos  tibi  et  rem,  de  qua  misi,  velim  curae  habeas  ;  nam, 
quam  v^hementer  ad  me  pertineat,  in  lis,  quas  tibi  illi  reddent, 
litteris  descripsi. 

35.     M.   CAELIUS    RUFUS    to    CICERO. 

(AD  FAM.  VIII.  6). 
Rome,  February,  50  b.c.  (704  a.u.c.) 

I    Appius  has  been  accused  by  Dolabella.    1  hope  you  will  show  the  sincerity  of 
your  reconciliation  with  Appius  by  doing  what  you  can  in  your  province  to  promote 


these  alternatives,  either  to  remain  in  his 
province  without  claiming  to  be  allowed  to 
sue  for  the  consulship  this  year,  or  to  leave 
his  province  if  he  can  secure  his  election  as 
consul.*     On  ut  .  .  decedat,  cp.  Ep.  26,  9, 

note. 

1.  Hoc  anno.  These  words  cannot 
mean  '  in  this  present  year,'  for  the  consular 
election  was  already  over.  Cp.  §  5-  ^* 
would  seem  most  natural  to  refer  them  to 
50  B  c,  as  Hofmann  does  ;  but  Mommsen, 
Rechtsfrage,  p.  53.  and  note,  understands 
them  to  mean  '  in  the  year  m  question,  i.e. 

49  B.C.  Cp.  Appendix  6,  §  2,  and  Ad  Fam. 
S:    II,  3.  where  Caelius,  writing   in  June 

50  B.C.,  says  that  Pompey  was  anxious  «ut 
Caesar  Id.  Novembr.  decedat.* 

Sua  ratio  ='sui  ratio:'  cp.  De  Off.  I. 
39,  1 39.  The  phrase  '  rationem  habere  *  was 
used  of  the  presiding  magistrate  at  elections, 
when  he  accepted  votes  for  any  one  as  a 
candidate.     It  occurs  frequently  in  Livy. 

2.  Se  contra  .  .  parat,  '  i^s  preparing 
his  whole  strength  to  resist  him.* 

3.  Bene  sentientem  .  .  non  posse, 
•that  one   of  sound  views  cannot  have  a 

fall.'  ,       . 

^.  Suo  munere  .  .  imposuit,  'has  im- 
posed a  burden  by  his  gift.'  i.e.  the  burden 


of  adding  to  it.    Caelius  remarks  just  below 
that  he  need  not  have  exhibited  any  wild 
beasts  at  all  but  for  the   present   he  had 

received.     Cp.  Ep.  33-  5-  ,  ,      _    . 

6.  Ludos.  Games  celebrated  by  Cuno 
perhaps  in  honour  of  his  deceased  father. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  2  ;  2.  3,  i ;  cp.  also 
•theatrum  Curioiiis'  Ad  Fam.  8.  2,  I. 

Yo\v.\\  =  Hy\vh.v\  cp. 'ut  potest' Ep.  2  3. 
4,  note  ;  and  for  the  indic,  Ep.  4,  i,  noie. 

Supersederi,  'be  dispensed  with,'  i.e. 

the  panthers. 

8.  Aliquid    bestiarum  :     cp.    Madv. 

285,  b. 

istinc, 'from  Cilicia.' 

9.  Sittianam  syngrapham:  cp.  Ep. 
33,  5.  It  probably  was  the  'res  de  qua 
misi  '  mentioned  just  below. 

Phi  Ion,  of  Pessinus  in  Galatia,  a  freed- 
man  of  Caelius. 

10.  Diogenes:  cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  12,  a 
•  Diogenes  tuus,  homo  modestus,  a  me  .  . 
discessit.* 

February.  So  Baiter.  Suringar,  in  his 
edition  of  the  correspondence  between  Cicero 
and  Caelius.  suggests  March  as  the  probable 
date,  guided  by  a  combination  of  Ad  Att.  0. 
2,  6  with  Ad  Fam.  2. 15,  5  and  8.  7,  a. 


R 


w 


242 


M.  TULLll  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


EP.  35.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIII,  6.    243 


his  interest.  Dolabella  has  separated  from  his  wife  during  the  proceedings.  2.  I  re- 
member your  parting  instructions,  but  think  you  had  better  be  silent  on  the  subject 
at  present.  3.  Pompey  is  said  to  be  anxious  for  Appius.  All  trials  have  ended  in 
acquittals  lately,  and  there  is  great  political  apathy.  Curio  is  quite  inactive.  4.  We 
hear  that  Bibulus  has  lost  some  men  on  Mount  Amanus.  P.S.  5.  Curio  has  gone 
over  to  Caesar's  side  and  is  much  abused.  Let  Appius  know  that  I  have  made 
representations  to  you  on  his  behalf.  I  think  you  had  better  not  decide  about 
Dolabella. 

CAELIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

Non  dubito  quin  perlatum  ad  te  sit,  Appium  a  Dolabella  reum  1 
factum,  sane  quam  non  ea,  qua  existimaveram,  invidia :   neque 
enim  stulte  Appius ;  qui,  simul  atque  Dolabella  accessit  ad  tri- 
bunal, introierat  in  urbem  triumphique  postulationem  abiecerat, 

5  quo  facto  rettudit  sermones  paratiorque  visus  est,  quam  speraverat 
accusator.  Is  nunc  in  te  maximam  spem  habet.  Scio  tibi  eum 
non  esse  odio :  quam  velis  eum  obligate,  in  tua  manu  est  ;  cum 
quo  si  simultas  tibi  non  fuisset,  liberius  tibi  de  tota  re  esset. 
Nunc,  si  ad  illam  summam  veritatem  legitimum  ius  exegeris, 

10  cavendum  tibi  erit  ne  parum  simpliciter  et  candide  </(^posuisse 
inimicitias  videaris.  In  banc  partem  porro  tutum  tibi  erit,  si 
quid  volueris^  gratificari ;  nemo  enim  necessitudine  et  amicitia  te 
deterritum  ab  officio  dicet.    Illud  mihi  occurrit,  quod  inter  postu- 


1.  Reum  factum:  of  'ambitus'  and 
•maiestas:'  cp.  Epp.  38,  10,  note;  42,  i, 
note. 

2.  Sane  quam  :  cp.  Ep.  33,  2,  note. 
Non  ea  .  .  invidia,  *  without  so  much 

ill-feeling  against  the  accused  as  I  had  ex- 
pected.' Wiel.  On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Ep.  34,  2, 
note. 

Neque  enim  . .  Appius,  sc.  'fecit:'  cp. 
Ep.  34,  9,  note  on  '  at  ille.' 

3.  Accessit  ad  tribunal, 'preferred  his 
charge.' 

4.  Introierat  in  urbem.  By  thus 
entering  the  city  Appius  laid  down  his 
*  imperium,'  and  shewed  confidence  in  his 
cause.  Cp.  the  case  of  Caesar  on  his  return 
from  Spain,  lutr.  to  Part  I,  §  15 ;  and  Note 
E,  p.  123. 

5.  Rettudit  sermones,  'has  taken  the 
edge  off  gossip.* 

7.  Odio.  The  word  seems  to  mean 
serious  and  lasting  hatred.  Cicero  and  Ap- 
pius had  nearly  quarrelled,  but  Cicero  was 
placable. 

Quam  velis  . .  est,  'it  depends  on  your- 
self to  place  him  under  any  obligation  you 
wish:'   i.e.  'any  seivice  you  do  him  now 


will  be  much  valued.'  Cicero  would  have 
many  opportunities  of  suppressing  evidence 
against  Appius  by  using  his  influence  with 
the  inhabitants  of  Cilicia.  Cp.  the  beha- 
viour of  L.  Metellus  as  successor  to  Verres, 
In  Verr.  2  Act.  3.  53,  122. 

8.  Liberius,  sc.  '  eligere  quid  faceres.' 

9.  Si  ad  illam  .  .  exegeris,  'if  you 
make  your  well-known  and  rigorous  justice 
the  standard  of  your  lawful  privileges;'  *if 
you  make  exact  justice  the  standard  of  your 
exercise  of  your  legal  powers.'  Cp.  For- 
cell.  for  this  sense  of  '  exigere  : '  also  Livy 
34.  31.  The  sense  is,  'if  you  will  not  stretch 
a  point  in  a  friend's  interest.' 

Veritatem.  Veritas  =  ' justice:*  cp.  Pro 
Quinctio  2,  10. 

10.  Parum    simpliciter   et    candide, 

*  with  a  want  of  frankness  and  sincerity.* 

11.  In  hanc   partem   .  .  gratificari, 

*  you  will  be  safe  in  doing  any  favour  you 
can  to  Appius  in  this  matter.'  Cicero  was 
not  supposed  to  be  on  the  best  terms  with 
Appius,  though  they  had  been  formally 
reconciled.  Hence  he  would  not  be  sus- 
pected of  partiality. 

13.  Illud,  •  the  following  fact.* 


( 


{ 


2  lationem  et  nominis  delationem  uxor  a  Dolabella  discessit.  Quid 
mihi  discedens  mandaris,  memini ;  quid  ego  tibi  scripserim,  te 
non  arbitror  oblitum.  Non  est  iam  tempus  plura  narrandi. 
Unum  illud  monere  te  possum  :  si  res  tibi  non  displicebit,  tamen 
hoc  tempore  nihil  de  tua  voluntate  ostendas,  et  exspectes  quem  5 
ad  modum  exeat  ex  hac  causa ;  denique  invidiosum  tibi  sit,  si 
emanarit ;  porro,  si  significatio  ulla  intercesserit,  clarius,  quam 
deceat  aut  expediat,  fiat.  Neque  ille  tacere  eam  rem  poterit, 
quae  suae  spei  tam  opportuna  accident  quaeque  in  negotio  con- 
ficiendo  tanto  illustrior  erit  ;  cum  praesertim  is  sit,  qui,  si  perni-  10 
ciosum  sciret  esse  loqui  de  hac  re,  vix  tamen   se    contineret. 

3  Pompeius  dicitur  valde  pro  Appio  laborare,  ut  etiam  putent 
alterum  utrum  de  filiis  ad  te  missurum.  Hie  nos  omnes  absol- 
vimus  ;  et  hercules  consaepta  omnia  foeda  et  inhonesta  sunt. 
Consules  autem  habemus  summa  diligentia;  adhuc  senatus  con-  15 


Postulationem  .  .  delationem.  The 
first  word  means  properly  the  application  for 
leave  to  prosecute :  the  last,  the  first  step  in 
the  actual  prosecution :  i.e.  the  report  of 
the  defendant's  name  to  the  magistrate  who 
would  preside  at  the  trial. 

1.  Quid  mihi  .  .  mandaris,  'your 
parting  instructions '  as  to  finding  a  suitable 
husband  for  TuUia.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  4,  i  ; 
Ad  Fam.  7.  32,  3. 

2.  Quid  .  .  scripserim.  Caelius  had 
probably  mentioned  Dolabella's  disagree- 
ment with  his  wife  and  suggested  hira  as  a 
husband  for  Tullia. 

4.  Res,  'the  proposal.' 

5.  Et  =  'sed:'  cp.  Ep.  32,  3,  note. 

Quem  ad  modum  . .  causa,  'how  Do- 
labella comes  out  of  this  case,*  i.e.  how  he 
acquits  himself  as  an  accuser  of  Appius. 

6.  Denique  .  .  emanarit,  'in  a  word 
it  would  bring  you  into  disrepute  if  it  were 
divulged.'  Wesenb.  suggests  '  vide  ne  qua 
invidiosum  sit.' 

7.  Porro  . .  fiat,  'moreover  if  you  give 
any  hint  of  your  intentions  they  will  become 
clearer  than  will  suit  either  your  credit  or 
your  interest,'  i.e.  '  it  will  be  divulged,  for 
Dolabella  has  no  reticence ;  and  it  will  be 
unbecoming  for  you  just  after  your  recon- 
ciliation with  Appius  to  ally  yourself  with 
his  accuser ;  inexpedient  to  offend  so  pow- 
erful a  man  as  Appius.'  On  the  tenses 
of  sit   .  .    emanarit   .  .  fiat,  cp.  Madv. 

347  b. 

8.  Ille,  Dolabella. 

9.  Suae  spei  .  .  acciderit,  'will  come 


R 


so  opportunely  to  further  his  hope.'  It  does 
not  appear  whether  Caelius  refers  to  his 
hope  of  getting  Appius  convicted,  or  to  his 
general  political  prospects. 

In  negotio  conficiendo,  'by  helping 
to  effect  his  object.'  The  marriage,  and 
the  success  of  his  prosecution,  would  each 
make  the  other  famous. 

10.  Cum  .  .  is  sit  .  .  contineret, 'and 
that  especially  as  he  is  a  man  who  could  not 
restrain  himself  even  if  he  knew  garrulity 
would  injure  him.'  Cp.  Madv.  364  for  '  is 
es  qui '  with  the  conj. 

12.  Putent,  sc. 'homines.'  Fortheomis- 
sion,  cp.  Zumpt  L.  G.  381. 

13.  Alterum  utrum  de  filiis.  Pompey 
had  two  sons,  the  elder  named  Gnaeus,  the 
younger  Sextus.  Both  served  in  the  civil 
wars ;  Gnaeus  was  killed  shortly  after  the 
battle  of  Munda,  45  B.C.  Sextus  took  an 
important  part  in  politics  after  Caesar's 
death,  and  was  long  master  of  Sicily. 
Horace  calls  him  *  dux  Neptunius  *  Epod. 
9,  7.  He  was  killed  in  35  B.C.  at  the  age 
of  39,  and  must  therefore  have  been  about 
24  when  Caelius  wrote  this  letter.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Parts  III,  §  10;  IV,  §§  4 ;  12  ;  V, 
§§  II  ;  18. 

Missurum,  i.e.  to  intercede  for  Appius. 

Hie  .  .  absolvimus,  'we  at  Rome 
are  acquitting  everybody  who  comes  into 
court.' 

14.  Consaepta  . .  sunt,  *  every  thing  base 
and  scandalous  is  well  protected.' 

15.  Summa  diligentia,  ablat.  qualitatis. 
The  words  are  of  course  used  iu  irony, 

2 


/ 


244 


M  TULLII  CICERO NIS 


[part  II. 


sultum  nisi  de  feriis  Latinis  nullum  facere  potuerunt     Curioni 
nostro  tribunatus  conglaciat.     Sed  dici  non  potest,  quo  modo  hic  4 
omnia  iaceant :  nisi  ego  cum  tabernariis  et  aquariis  pugnarem, 
veternus  civitatem  occupasset.     Si  Parthi  vos  nihil  calficiunt,  nos 

5  non  nihil  frigore  rigescimus.    Tamen,  quoquo  modo  potuit,  sme 
Parthis  Bibulus  in  Amano  nescio   quid   cohorticularum  amisit. 
Hoc  sic  nuntiatum  est.     Quod  tibi  supra  scripsi  Curionem  valde  5 
frigere,   iam   calet ;    nam   ferventissime   concerpitur ;    levissime 
enim,  quia  de  intercalando  non  obtinuerat,  transfugit  ad  populum 

10  et  pro  Caesare  loqui  coepit,  legemque  viariam,  non  dissimilem 


1.  De  feriis  Latinis:  cp.  Ep.  24,  2, 
note.  A  decree  to  fix  their  date  would  be 
merely  formal.  ^ 

2.  Conglaciat,  Ms  getting  benumbed, 
•is   very   inactive    and    idle.*     The   word 
seems  only  to  occur  here  in  this  sense. 

Quo  modo  . .  iaceant,  'what  slackness, 
or  listlessness,  there  is  here.'     Cp.  Ad  Att. 

7.  23,  3  *  tota  Capua  et  omnis  hic  de- 
lectus iacet.'  Wieland  remarks  on  this  pas- 
sage, 'It  was  the  deep  calm  before  the 
outbreak  of  a  terrible  tempest.'  A  modern 
reader  may  remember  the  early  summer  of 

1870. 

3.  Cum    tabernariis,  *  with  the  small 
shopkeepers.'     Cp.  Forcell.,  and  Pro  Place. 

8,  18.  Perhaps  those  especially  are  meant 
whose  trades  required  a  good  deal  of  water. 
They  may  have  bribed  the  aquarii,  or 
managers  of  the  public  water  supply,  to 
favour  them,  and  have  so  required  the  in- 
tervention of  Caelius  as  aedile.  Cp.  Smith, 
Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc.  •  Aedilis,'  p.  18. 

4.  Veternus, 'lethargy.' 

Calficiunt,'warm  you,'  'give  you  exer- 
cise.' Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  3.  2,  I  *  Gabinium  .  . 
calefecerat  Memmius;'  Nagelsb.  127,  356. 

5.  Non  nihil  .  .  rigescimus,  '  we  are 
getting  rather  dull.' 

Sine  Parthis,  'without  having  Parthians 

to  fight.' 

6.  In  Amano.  Mt.  Amanus  separated 
most  of  old  Cilicia  from  Cyrrhestica  and 
Commagene. 

Cohorticularum.  A  diminutive  only 
used  here.  '  A  few  poor  cohorts.'  On  the 
losses  of  Bibulus,  cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  4.         ^ 

7.  Quod  .  .  scripsi,  '  whereas  I  wrote. 
Cp.  Ep.  26,  2,  note.     A  postscript  begins 

here.  ,    , 

8.  Calet,  'is  in  hot  water  enough,  Ms 
busy  enough.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  11  (4, 
18,  3.  Bait.)  'indicia  calent;'  Ep.  28,  7 
*  ardet  ambitus/ 


Concerpitur,  =  *dictis  laceratur.'     For- 
cell. 

9.  De    intercalando.     The   power  of 
inserting  intercalary  months  seems  to  have 
rested  with  the  pontifices  under  a  Lex  Acilia 
of  181   B.C.     Cp.  Macrob.   Saturn,   i.   13; 
Smith's    Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voc.   '  Calen- 
darium,'  p.  230.     Curio  may  have  belonged 
to  their  body.    An  intercalary  month  should 
have  been  inserted  in  50  B.C.,  as  there  had 
not  been    one  in  5 1.     See   Appendix  viii. 
Its  insertion  would  have  given  Curio  more 
time  for  bringing  forward  his  proposals,  as 
it  would  have  been  inserted  after  February 
23,  and  it  had  been  arranged  that  the  dis- 
cussion  on   the   consular  provinces   should 
begin  on  March  i.    Cp.  Ep.  34.  4-5'  «0^«^  J 
Lange,    Rom.    Alt.    3.    382-383-      Cuno 
may   also    have   wished   to   secure   a   pro- 
longation of  his   own   term   of  office,  and 
perhaps  to  defer  the  day  when  Caesar  would 
be  required  to  surrender  his  provinces.     In 
any  case  the  refusal  of  his  request  gave  him 
an  excuse  for  changing  his  party.     Caelius 
either  did  not  know,  or  did  not  choose  to 
tell  Cicero,  that  Caesar's  bribes  accounted 
for  Curio's  change  of  policy.     Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  II,   §   27.     Cicero  was  very  anxious 
not   to   have   his    proconsular    government 
lengthened  as  it  would  have  been  by  the 
insertion  of  an  intercalary  month. 

10.  Legem  .  .  viariam, '  a  law  for  the 
repair  of  the  roads.'     Such   a  work  might 
easily  be  made  a  reason  for  the  appointment 
of  a  commission  with  very  large    powers. 
According  to  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  2.27.)  Curio 
brought    forward   this    law    in   the    expec- 
tation that  Pompey  and  his  friends  would 
oppose  it,  and  so  give  him  an  excuse  for 
changing    sides.     For    an    account    of  the 
agrarian  law  of  RuUus,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I, 
§  9.     The  similarity  of  the  bill  of  Curio  to 
that  of  RuUus  may  have  consisted  in  the 
large  powers  which  it  would  have  conferred 


EP. 36.]        EPISTOLARVM  AD  ATTICUM  T.  ai.  245 

agrariae  Rulli,  et  alimentariam,  qua  iubet  aediles  metiri,  iactavit : 
hoc  nondum  fecerat,  cum  priorem  partem  epistolae  scripsi. 
Amabo  te,  si  quid,  quod  opus  fuerit,  Appio  facies,  ponito  me  ei 
in  gratia.  De  Dolabella  integrum  tibi  reser\^es,  suadeo  ;  et  huic 
rei,  de  qua  loquor,  et  dignitati  tuae  aequitatisque  opinioni  hoc  5 
ita  facere  expedit.  Turpe  tibi  erit  pantheras  Graecas  me  non 
habere. 


36.    TO    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.  V.    21). 
Laodicea,  Feb.  13,  50  B.C.  (704  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  glad  you  have  arrived  safely  in  Epirus.  2.  The  successes  of  C.  Cassius 
have  been  much  exaggerated,  and  the  movements  of  the  Parthians  are  very  threatening. 
Under  these  circumstances,  3.  I  fear  that  the  dispute  between  Caesar  and  Pompey 
may  indirectly  lead  to  the  prolongation  of  my  term  of  office  ;  and  you  seem  to  have 
some  such  apprehension  yourself.  4.  Your  letters  do  not  reach  me  very  regularly.  I 
will  do  what  I  can  for  M.  Laenius  5.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  what  you  told 
M.  Octavius;  use  the  same  language  in  all  doubtful  cases.  My  moderation  and 
integrity  are  unprecedented,  and  all  my  officers,  except  L.  Tullius,  follow  my  example. 
6.  At  the  beginning  of  winter  I  put  Quintus  in  charge  of  Cilicia  and  my  winter  camp, 
and  sent  Q.  Volusius  to  Cyprus.  7.  I  left  Tarsus  on  January  5,  and  crossed  the 
Taurus ;  my  arrival  in  the  districts  beyond  that  mountain  had  been  eagerly  expected. 
I  have  relinquished  fees  which  were  a  heavy  burden  to  our  subjects,  and  I  allow  no 
expensive  honours  to  be  paid  me.  8.  The  distress  caused  by  famine  has  been  greatly 
mitigated  by  my  exertions ;  I  have  induced  many  holders  of  corn  to  bring  out  their 
stores.  9.  I  mean  to  devote  three  months  to  the  judicial  business  of  my  northern  and 
western  districts,  and  then  to  spend  June  in  Cilicia,  and  July  in  returning  through  my 
province ;  I  ought  to  leave  it  on  July  30,  and  hope  my  brother  will  consent  to  act  as 


on  its  proposer.  Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  27, 
with  Cic.  De  Leg.  Agr.  2.  8-13.  From  an 
allusion  in  Ad  Att.  6.  i,  25,  it  has  been  in- 
ferred that  Curio's  proposal  would,  if  adopted, 
have  imposed  a  tax  or  toll  on  such  as  tra- 
velled with  a  numerous  retinue,  but  perhaps 
the  reference  in  that  passage  is  to  another 

bill. 

I.  Alimentariam.  This  word  seems 
only  to  occur  here :  it  may  mean  a  law  for 
the  distribution  of  corn  to  the  people ;  such 
a  law  would  usually  be  called  '  frumentaria.' 
Cp.  Ep.  12,3. 

Metiri,  'to  distribute  to  the  people  by 
measure.'     Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  i.  16. 

Iactavit,  '  has  brought  forward  ostenta- 
tiously.' 

3.  Amabo  te,  *  I  beseech  you,'  an  ellipt- 
ical expression  = '  si  facias  quod  volo  amabo 
te,'  Liudem.  ap.  Forcell.  Cp.  also  Ad  Q^Y. 
2.  10,  4 ;  (2.  8.  4  Bait.) ;  Ad  Att.  2.  2,  i. 

Si   quid  .  .  facies,  '  if  you  do  anything 


for  the  benefit  of  Appius.'      Cp.  Mad  v.  241 
for  the  dat. 

Ponito  .  .  gratia.  Met  him  know  how 
I  have  served  him.'  Cp.  Ep.  31,  6,  and  for 
Cicero's  anxiety  to  have  his  own  services 
appreciated  in  a  similar  case,  cp.  Ep.  14,  i. 

4.  Integrum  tibi  reserves  :  cp.  Ep.  29, 
10,  note. 

Huic  rei,  either  'the  trial  of  Appius,* 
Billerb. ;  or  *  the  marriage  of  Tullia,'  Metzg. 

5.  Dignitati  .  .  opinioni,  •  for  your 
dignity  and  reputation  for  fairness.'  Cicero 
would  damage  both  by  virtually  expressing 
approval  of  Dolabella's  conduct.  Cp.  note 
on  §  2. 

Hoc  ita  facere,  'to  manage  the  affair 
thus,'  i.e.  '  integrum  tibi  reservare.' 

6.  Pantheras :  cp.  Ep.  33,  5,  note. 
Graecas,  i.e.  from  the  Hellenized  East, 

opposed  to  Africa,  whence  Caelius  had  re- 
ceived panthers  as  a  present  from  Curio. 
Cp.  Ep.  34,  10. 


24^ 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  II. 


my  successor.  lo.  Now  for  the  affair  of  Brutus.  He  recommended  to  me  two  men 
who  have  lent  money  to  the  people  of  Salamis  ;  one  of  them,  Scaptius,  visited  my 
camp,  and  I  promised  to  do  what  I  could  for  him.  I  refused,  however,  to  give  him 
a  command,  and  ordered  some  horsemen,  whom  Appius  had  placed  at  his  disposal, 
to  leave  Cyprus,  ii.  Afterwards  a  deputation  from  Cyprus  came  to  me,  and  I  asked 
them  to  pay  Scaptius.  They  said  they  were  quite  willing  to  do  so,  but  Scaptius 
claimed  most  usurious  interest,  which  was  specified  in  his  bond:  my  edict  had 
named  a  more  moderate  rate.  12.  I  thought  Scaptius  misconstrued  the  decrees  of 
the  senate  on  which  he  relied.  He  afterwards  tried  to  represent  the  debt  as  larger 
than  it  really  was,  but  the  Salaminians  shewed  him  his  mistake,  and  were  eager  to 
pay  what  they  really  owed.  I  yielded,  however,  to  Scaptius,  so  far  as  to  leave  the 
case  unsettled.  13.  I  am  sure  any  fair  judge  would  say  that  Brutus  ought  not  to 
complain,  especially  considering  some  decrees  recently  made  on  the  subject,  which, 
by  the  way,  Lucceius  fears  may  impair  the  public  credit.  14.  I  agree  with  you  as  to 
the  *  secret '  you  mention.  You  will  not  hear  from  Quintus  for  some  time,  owing 
to  the  heavy  snow.  I  do  what  I  can  for  Thermus,  as  you  wished.  Deiotarus  says 
that  P.  Valerius  is  insolvent.     Let  me  know  how  the  calendar  is  fixed  for  next  year. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Te  in  Epirum  salvum  venisse  et,  ut  scribis,  ex  sententia  i 
navigasse  vehementer  gaudeo,  non  esse  Romae  meo  tempore 
pernecessario  submoleste  fero,  hoc  me  tamen  consolor :  non 
spero  te  istic  iucunde  hiemare  et  libenter  requiescere.  C.  Cas-  2 
5  sius,  frater  Q.  Cassii,  familiaris  tui,  pudentiores  illas  litteras 
miserat  —  de  quibus  tu  ex  me  requiris,  quid  sibi  voluerint  — 
quam  eas,  quas  postea  misit,  quibus  per  se  scribit  confectum 
esse  Parthicum  bellum  :  recesserant  illi  quidem  ab  Antiochia 
ante  Bibuli  adventum,  sed  nullo  nostro  evr^/xep^joiart,  hodie  vero 


2.  Meo  tempore  pernecessario. 
The  last  word  seems  not  to  occur  elsewhere 
in  this  sense,  *  at  a  time  when  my  interests 
urgently  require  your  presence.'  Cp.  for 
the  pron.,  Ep.  29,  20,  note.  The  senate 
were  to  discuss,  on  or  soon  after  March  I, 
the  provision  to  be  made  for  the  government 
of  the  provinces.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  7  *  est 
totum,  quod  Kalendis  Martiis  futurum  est/ 
foil. ;  Ep.  34,  5  and  9,  notes.  Cicero  often 
expresses  his  anxiety  to  leave  Cilicia  as  early 
as  he  legally  could  do  so.     Cp.  Epp.  31,5; 

36,  3- 

3.  Submoleste  occurs  only  here,  appa- 
rently. 

Hoc.  'by  the  following  expectation.* 

4.  Spero.  On  the  use  of  this  verb  with 
the  infin.  pres.,  cp.  Ep.  i,  i.note,  and  Mad  v. 
395,  Obs.  3 

Istic,  'where  you  are,   m  Epirus. 

5.  CL  Cassii.  Qi  Cassius  Longinus, 
tribune  in  50-49  B.C.,  vetoed  the  senate's 


commands  to  Caesar  early  in  that  year,  and 
afterwards  commanded  in  Spain  for  Caesar. 
Cp.   Appendix   6,   §  5  ;    Intr.  to  Part  III, 

§13- 

Pudentiores    illas  .  .  bellum,    'that 

first  letter  of  C.  Cassius,  as  to  the  meaning 

of    which    you    consulted    me,    was    more 

modest    than    his   later   one,  in   which   he 

writes  that  he  has  put  an  end  to  the  Parthian 

war.'     The  C.  Cassius  here  mentioned  was 

quaestor  to  M.  Crassus  in  Syria ;  commanded 

the  remains  of  his   army  till    the   arrival 

of  Bibulus;    and  was  subsequently  one  of 

Caesar's  murderers.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  II, 

§  20;    IV,  §§  3;   13;    15  ;  V,  §§   2;    4; 

II.  alib. 

8.  IIH,  Parthi,  to  be  supplied  from 
'Parthicum  helium.'  Cp.  Madv.  317  d, 
Obs.  I. 

9.  Nullo  nostro  ivrjuepri  fiari,  *  with 
no  great  success  to  us.'  For  the  Greek 
word,  cp.  Polyb.  3.  72. 


\ 


EP.  36.]       EPISTOLARUM  AB  ATTICUM    V.  21.  247 

hiemant  in  Cyrrhestica  maximumque  bellum  impendet ;  nam  et 
Orodi,  regis  Parthorum,  filius  in  provincia  nostra  est,  nee  dubi- 
tat  Deiotarus,  cuius  filio  pacta  est  Artavasdis  filia,  ex  quo  sciri 
potest,  quin  cum  omnibus  copiis  ipse  prima  aestate  Euphraten 
transiturus  sit.  Quo  autem  die  Cassii  litterae  victrices  in  senatu  5 
recitatae  sunt,  id  est  Nonis  Octobribus,  eodem  meae  tumultum 
nuntiantes.  Axius  noster  ait  nostras  auctoritatis  plenas  fuisse, 
illis  negat  creditum.  Bibuli  nondum  erant  allatae,  quas  certo 
3scio  plenas  timoris  fore.  Ex  iis  rebus  hoc  vereor,  ne,  cum 
Pompeius  propter  metum  rerum  novarum  nusquam  dimittatur,  10 
Caesari  nullus  honos  a  senatu  habeatur,  dum  hie  nodus  expe- 
diatur,  non  putet  senatus  nos,  antequam  successum  sit,  oportere 
decedere  nee  in  tanto  motu   rerum   tantis   provinciis   singulos 


1.  In  Cyrrhestica.  Cyrrhestica  was  a 
district  on  the  borders  of  Syria  and  Cilicia. 
It  lay  west  of  the  Euphrates  and  south  of 
Commagene.  Politically,  it  seems  to  have 
been  attached  to  Syria.  Cp.  Metzg.,  Billerb., 
and  Ad  Att.  5.  18,  I. 

2.  Nostra  need  only  mean  'Roman.' 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  8.  10,  i,  where  Caelius,  who 
was  at  Rome,  calls  Cilicia  '  provinciam  nos- 
tram.'  For  an  account  of  the  operations  of 
Cassius,  see  Mommsen  4.  2,  339.  Cicero 
depreciates  his  successes,  but  they  had  really 
been  considerable.  Orodes,  king  of  Parthia, 
had  put  to  death  Surena,  the  victor  of  Char- 
rae,  and  had  sent  his  own  son  Pacorus,  and 
a  chief  named  Osaces,  to  invade  Syria  (cp. 
Ad  Att.  5.  18,  i),  and  Cassius  had  defeated 
them  near  Antioch.  Osaces  died  not  long 
afterwards  of  his  wounds  (cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  20, 
3  ;  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  20).  Orodi  is,  per- 
haps, a  genitive,  cp.  Madv.  42,  2.  If  a  da- 
tive, perhaps  it  falls  under  the  rule  Madv.  246. 
The  form  Orodi  recurs  Ad  Fam.  15.  I,  2, 
but  Orodis  is  found.  Ad  Att.  5.  18,  I. 

3.  Artavasdis.  Artavasdes  was  king 
of  Armenia.  In  55  B.C.,  he  offered  Crassus 
auxiliary  cavalry,  and  a  free  passage  through 
his  country,  which.however,  Crassus  declined. 

Ex  quo,  either  'from  Artavasdes' (Wiel., 
Metzg.),  or  *  from  the  son  of  Deiotarus.' 
The  Deiotarus  here  mentioned  was  the 
one  whom  Cicero  defended  before  Caesar 
in  a  speech  still  extant.  He  was  te- 
trarch  of  Galatia,  and  afterwards  received 
the  title  of  king,  and  fought  on  Pompey's 
side  at  Pharsalus.    Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3,  4. 

4.  Ipse,  Orodes,  whose  son  Pacorus 
married  a  sister  of  Artavasdes.    Cp.  Ad  Fam. 

15   3-  I- 

6.  Nonis  Octobribus.    This  date  pre- 


sents difficulties.  When  Cicero  wrote  the 
letter  Ad  Fam.  15,  i  from  his  province, 
towards  the  close  of  September  51,  he  had 
not  heard  of  the  success  of  Cassius,  and  the 
latter's  despatch  must  have  been  carried 
with  unusual  speed  if  it  reached  Rome  on 
October  7.  Wesenb.  suggests  '  Nonis  No- 
vembribus;  Hofm.  (ap.  Wesenb.)  *datae  N. 
Oct.'     See  also  Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  3.  380. 

Meae.  Probably  the  despatch  which  we 
possess  as  Ad  Fam.  15.  i. 

7.  Q..  Axius:  cp.  Ep.  28,  5,  note. 
Auctoritatis  plenas  fuisse, 'produced 

a  great  impression.* 

8.  Illis,  sc.  'Cassii  litteris.' 

9.  Ex  iis  rebus  .  .  praeesse,  'I  fear 
lest  Pompey  being  detained  at  Rome  as  a 
protection  against  revolution,  and  Caesar 
receiving  no  honour  from  the  senate,  until 
this  difficulty  be  settled  the  senate  may 
think  that  I  ought  not  to  leave  my  province 
till  a  successor  has  been  appointed,  and  that 
the  provinces  ought  not  to  be  entrusted  each 
to  one  legate.'  The  '  refusal  of  honour  to 
Caesar,'  refers  probably  to  Pompey's  opposi- 
tion to  the  proposals  suggested  on  CaesaT*s 
behalf.  Ep.  34,  9.  While  the  result  of  the 
discussion  about  Caesar's  provinces  was  un- 
certain, and  Pompey  was  detained  at  Rome 
(cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  18,  i),  the  most  important 
provinces  of  the  west  would  be  without 
regular  governors,  and  the  senate  might 
object  to  extend  such  a  provisional  system 
to  the  East,  and  so  insist  on  Cicero's  re- 
maining in  Cilicia.  Spain  was  governed  by 
legates  in  Pompey's  absence  (Intr.  to  Part  II, 

§  14)- 

13.  In    tanto    motu    rerum.      These 

words  refer  to  the  Parthian  war  and  the 

impending  revolution. 


248 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


legates  praeesse.  Hie,  ne  quid  mihi  prorogetur,  quod  ne  inter- 
cesser  quidem  sustinere  possit,  horreo,  atque  eo  magis,  quod  tu 
abes,  qui  consilio,  gratia,  studio  multis  rebus  occurreres.  [SedJ 
dices  me  ipsum  mihi  sollicitudinem  struere :  cogor,  et  velim  ita 

.  sit.      Sed  omnia  metuo.      Etsi  bellum  aKpor^X^^nov  habet  ilia 

^  tua  epistola,  quam  dedisti  nauseans  Buthroto  :   '  tibi,  ut  video 
et  spero,  nulla  ad  decedendum  mora.'    Mallem  '  ut  video  ;    nihil 
opus  fuit  '  ut   spero.'      Acceperam  autem  satis  celeriter  Iconii  4 
per  publicanorum  tabellarios  a  Lentuli  triumpho  datas.     In  his 

,o  ykvKv-niicpov  illud  confirmas,  moram  mihi  nullam  fore,  deinde 
addis,  si  quid  secus,  te  ad  me  esse  venturum.  Angunt  me 
dubitationes  tuae ;  simul  et  vides,  quas  acceperim  litteras.  Nam 
quas  Hermoni,  centurionis  Canuleii,  ipse  scribis  te  dedisse,  non 
accepi.     Laenii  pueris  te  dedisse  saepe  ad   me  scripseras :    eas 

15  Laodiceae  denique,  cum  eo  venissem,  tertio  Idus  Februar.  Lae- 
nius  mihi  reddidit,  datas  a.  d.  X.  Kal.  Octobres.  Laenio  tuas 
commendationes  et  statim  verbis  et  reliquo  tempore  re  probabo. 
Eae  litterae  cetera  vetera  habebant,  unum  hoc  novum,  de  Ciby-  5 


1.  Ne  quid  mihi  .  .  possit,  '  lest  my 
government  should  be  prolonged  by  a  mea- 
sure against  which  even  the  tribunes'  veto 
V  (  uld  be  of  no  avail.*  The  veto  was  illegal 
in  questions  affecting  the  consular  provinces. 
Cp.  Ep.  34,  5,  note. 

2.  Sustinere,  «to  resist/     Cp.  Philipp. 

^-  '•  ^-  .     •  V,f 

X.  Multis  rebus   occurreres,  'might 

provide  for  many  ditiicuhies. 

4.  Sollicitudinem  struere,  '  am  crea- 
ting anxieties.' 

Cogor  .  .  ita  sit,  *I  cannot  help  it,  and 
ho  ie  you  may  be  right.' 

5.  Etsi,  'however.'     Cp.  Madv.  443. 
OLKpoTiXivriov,  'a  concluding  clause:' 

vsuiUy  of  a  verse.'     Cp.  Thucyd.  2.  17. 

6.  Nauseans,    'still  suffering  from  the 

vovage.' 

'7.   Mora,    sc.    '  erit,'    which    Wesenb. 

ins  rts.  ^ 

Ut  video,  sc.  * scripsisses. 

8.  Autem,  'moreover.' 

9.  A  Lentuli  triumpho  datas. 'sent 
just  alter  the  triumph  of  Lentulus.'  Cicero 
refers  to  P.  Lentulus  Spinther,  consul  57 
B.C.,  who  preceded  Appius  Claudius  as 
governor  of  Cilicia.  The  letters  of  the  first 
book  'Ad  Familiares'  are  addressed  to  him, 
with  one  exception. 

10.  yXvKviriKpov  illud,  'that  mixture 
of  sweet  and  bitter  which  I  found  in  the 


last  words  of  your  previous  letter,  i.e.  in 
the  dKpoT(\€VTiov  mentioned  above.  The 
word  yXvKvniKpov  is  found  in  Sappho  40, 
(Bergk). 

Confirmas,  'you  repeat.' 

11.  Si  quid  secus,  *  if  things  turn  out 
otherwise  in  any  way.' 

12.  Qjias  .  .  litteras,  'what  letters  I 
have  received,*  and  therefore  what  I  have 

not. 

13.  Hermoni.  Apparently  Hermon  was 
a  slave  or  freedman  of  Canuleius.  Wesenb. 
inserts  '  liberto.' 

14.  Laenii.  It  does  not  appear  to  whom 
Cicero  refers.  A  M.  Laenius  protected  him 
at  Brundisium  in  58  B.C.  Cp.  Pro  Plane. 
41,  97  ;  Pro  Sestio  63,  131  ;  Ad  Fam.  13. 

63. 

Pueris,  '  slaves.*      Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  8 

'  quas  Laenii  pueris  scribis  datas.* 

17.  Et  statim  verbis,  sc.  '  probavi.' 
For  the  omission  of  the  verb,  cp.  Madv. 
478. 

Probabo,  '  will  shew  my  value  for.* 

18.  Unum  hoc  novum,  *  the  only  new 
topic  they  mention.* 

De  Cibyratis  pantheris  :  cp.  Ep.  33, 5. 
M.  Octavius,  curule  aedile  elect  with  Caelius, 
probably  asked  Atticus  if  he  thought  Cicero 
would  send  him  some  panthers,  and  Cicero 
is  obliged  to  Atticus  for  saying  he  thought 
not. 


4 


EP.  36.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   V,  %i.  249 

ratis  pantheris.     Multum  te  amo,  quod  respondisti  M.  Octavio 
te  non  putare ;    sed  posthac  omnia,  quae  certa  non  erunt,  pro 
certo  negato.     Nos  enim  et  nostra  sponte  bene  firmi  et  meher- 
cule   auctoritate   tua   inflammati   vicimus   omnes~hoc   tu   ita 
reperies  — cum   abstinentia,  turn   iustitia,  facilitate,   dementia.  5 
Cave  putes  quicquam  homines  magis  umquam  esse  miratos  quam 
nullum  teruncium  me  obtinente  provinciam  sumptus  factum  esse 
nee  in  rem  publicam  nee  in  quemquam  meorum,  praeterquam 
in   L.   Tullium   legatum.     Is,   ceteroqui   abstinens,   [sed]    lulia 
lege  transita,  semel  tamen  in  diem,  non,  ut  alii  solebant,  omni-  10 
bus  vicis,  [praeter  eum  semel  nemo  accepit]  facit  ut  mihi  exci- 
piendus  sit,  cum  teruncium  nego  sumptus  factum  ;  praeter  eum 

6  accepit  nemo.     Has  a  nostro  Q.  Titinio  sordes  accepimus.     Ego 
aestivis  confectis  Quintum  fratrem  hibernis  et  Ciliciae  praefeci ; 
Q.  Volusium,  tui  Tiberii  generum,  certum  hominem  et  mirifice  15 
abstinentem,  misi   in   Cyprum,  ut   ibi   pauculos  dies  esset,  ne 
cives  Romani  pauci,  qui  illic  negotiantur,  ius  sibi  dictum  nega- 

7  rent ;  nam  evocari  ex  insula  Cyprios  non  licet.     Ipse  in  Asiam 
profectus  sum  Tarso  Nonis  lanuariis,  non  mehercule  dici  potest, 


2.  Te  non  putare,  sc.  «me  missurum. 

Omnia  .  .  negato,  'say  no  as  to^ every- 
thing of  which  you  are  not  certain,'  i.e.  as 
to  my  ability  and  wish  to  execute  the  com- 
mission in  question. 

4.  Auctoritate  tua.  Cp.  e.g.  Ad  Att 
5.  20,  6  '  laboras  ut  etiam  Ligurino  ixufuv 

satis  faciamus.*  ^ 

8.  In  rem  publicam, 'on  public  objects. 

Cicero  must  mean,  '  besides  the  regular  sup- 
plies ; '  he  cannot  mean  that  he  kept  up  his 
public  establishment  at  his  own  expense. 
For  the  double  negatives  nullum  .  .  nee, 
cp.  Ep.  32,  3,  note. 

9.  L.  Tullium:  cp.  Ep.  31,  4,  note. 


Is,    ceteroqui 


vicis,    'he,    in 


other  respects  abstinent,  has  transgressed 
the  Julian  law  (cp.  Ep.  32,  3,  note),  but 
only  once  in  each  day,  not  in  every  village, 
like  others.*  This  seems  a  rare  sense  of 
'transita;'  the  best  MS.  has  '  transitam,* 
which  makes  no  sense.  Wesenb.  suggests 
'sed  qui  .  .  transitans,'  i.e.  on  his  way 
through  towns.  He  would  also  insert  a 
preposition  before  'omnibus  vicis.' 

II.  Facit  ut  .  .  sit.  'must  be  excepted.* 
Cp.  Madv.  481  b. 

13.  Has  .  .  sordes,  'the  discredit  of  this 
covetousuess.* 


A  ..  Qi  Titinio.  Q.  Titinius,  a  Ro- 
man knight,  and  common  friend  of  Cicero 
and  Atticus,  had  apparently  recommended 
Tullius  as  legate  to  Cicero.  A  son  of  Titinius 
is  mentioned,  Ep.  62,  I. 

14.  Aestivis  confectis, 'after  the  sum- 
mer campaign.*  The  military  successes 
detailed  in  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  and  Ad  Fam.  15. 
4,  were  obtained  towards  the  close  of  5 1 
B.C.  Hence  '  aestiva  *  must  be  taken  rather 
loosely.    Cp.  Forcell.,  and  Ad  Fam.  3.  9,  4. 

15.  CL  Volusium.  This  Volusius,  per- 
haps the  same  with  one  mentioned  Ep.  31,  4, 
defended  an  Illyrian  pirate,  on  his  trial  before 
Vatinius,  in  44  B.C.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  10  a, 
2.  Who  his  'father-in-law  Tiberius' was, 
seems  not  to  be  known. 

18.  Evocari  probably  means,  'to  be 
summoned  to  a  court  held  elsewhere.'  Cp. 
In  Verr.  2.  Act.  3.  28,  68.  Cicero  would 
go  therefore  to  Cyprus  to  decide  cases 
pending  between  Cyprians  and  Roman  citi- 
zens. 

In  Asiam.  Cicero  means,  '  to  the  dis- 
tricts north  of  Taurus,*  which  belonged 
geographically  to  Asia  in  the  Roman  sense, 
but  were  pohtically  annexed  to  Cilicia.  Cp. 
infra  §  9;    Ep.    32,  2;    Intr.    to   Part  II, 

§  17- 


2S0 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


qua  admlratione  Ciliciae  civitatum  maximeque  Tarsensium ; 
postea  vero  quain  Taurum  transgressus  sum,  mirifica  exspec- 
tatio  Asiae  nostrarum  dioecesium,  quae  sex  mensibus  imperii 
mei  nullas  meas  acceperat  litteras,  numquam  hospitem  viderat. 

5  Illud  autem  tempus  quotannis  ante  me  fueiat  in  hoc  quaestu  ; 
civitates  locupletes,  ne  in  hiberna  milites  reciperent,  magnas 
pecunias  dabant,  Cyprii  talenta  Attica  CC,  qua  ex  insula — non 
v7rep/3oAiK&)9,  sed  verissime  loquor— nummus  nullus  me  obtinente 
erogabatur.      Ob  haec  beneficia,  quibus  illi  obstupescunt,  nullos 

10  honores  mihi  nisi  verborum  decerni  sino ;  statuas,  fana,  T^dpnnra 
prohibeo,  nee  sum  in  ulla  re  alia  molestus  civitatibus,  sed  for- 
tasse  tibi,  qui  haec  praedicem  de  me.     Perfer,  si  me  amas ;  tu 
enim  me  haec  facere  voluisti.      Iter  igitur  ita  per  Asiam  feci,  8 
ut  etiam  fames,   qua  nihil  miserius   est,  quae  tum  erat  in  hac 

15  mea  Asia — messis  enim  nulla  fuerat — ,  mihi  optanda  fuerit :  qua- 
cumque  iter  feci,  nulla  vi,  nullo  iudicio,  nulla  contumelia  auctori- 
tate  et  cohortatione  perfeci,  ut  et  Graeci  et  cives  Romani,  qui 
frumentum  compresserant,  magnum  numerum  populis  pollice- 
rentur.      Idibus   Februariis,  quo  die   has   litteras   dedi,   forum  9 

20  institueram  agere  Laodiceae  Cibyraticum  et  Apamense,  ex  Idibus 
Martiis  ibidem  Synnadense,  Pamphylium — tum  Phemio  dispiciam 


I.  Qua  admiratione, 'amid  what  ad- 
miration.'   On  the  abl.,  cp.  Ep.  34,  2,  note. 

3.  Nostrarum  dioecesium,  '  so  far  as 
my  districts  extended.'  For  the  word,  cp. 
Ep.  38,  4;  Ad  Fam.  13.  53,  2.  It  is  used 
in  classical  Greek  only  of  the  administration, 
not  of  the  district  administered.  On  the 
genitive  (defin.),  cp.  Madv.  286,  Obs.  2. 

4.  Meas  .  .  litteras,  'demands  from 
me.'  On  this  use  of  the  poss.  pron.,  cp.  Ep. 
34,  9,  note. 

Numquam  hospitem  viderat,  *had 
had  no  one  quartered  on  them.'  The  '  hos- 
pites'  would  be  soldiers  or  others  employed 
on  the  public  service,  probably. 

5.  Illud  .  .  tempus  .  .  fuerat,  *the 
half  year,  from  sunmier  to  winter,  had  been 
employed  after  the  following  fashion.' 

8.  vir(p^o\iKUfS,  'with  exaggeration.' 
Quite  classical. 

9.  Erogabatur,  not,  I  think,  episto- 
lary. 'Erogare'  means  'to  draw  money.* 
Wesenb.  has  *  erogabitur.' 

10.  TfOpnriTa,  'statues  in  chariots 
drawn  by  four  horses,'  of  bronze  or  marble. 
The  word  is  quite  classical. 

12.  Tibi,  sc.  *  molestus  sum.' 

13.  Voluisti :  cp.  §  5  'auctoritate  tua.' 


14.  Ut  etiam  fames  .  .  optanda  fu- 
erit, *  that  I  had  reason  to  be  glad  even  of 
the  famine  which  has  prevailed  in  my  Asiatic 
districts,*  that  is,  '  my  visit  was  a  pleasure, 
though  it  took  place  under  such  painful  cir- 
cumstances.* 

In  hac  mea  Asia,  i.e.  in  the  districts 
mentioned  in  §  7. 

15.  Fuerat,  i.e.  in  51  B.C. 

16.  Auctoritate,  'but  by  my  influence.* 
On  the  omission  of  an  adversative  conj.,  cp. 
Ep.  29,  25,  note. 

18.  Compresserant, 'had secreted.*  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  3.  12,  2  ;  10.  4,  6;  In  Verr.  2  Act. 

3-  77.  179- 

Numerum,  'amount,'  commonly  used  of 

provisions.     I  presume  the  corn  was  to  be 

sold  at  a  moderate  price. 

Populis,  'the  different  cities.* 

19.  Forum  ..  agere  ..  Apamense, 'to 
try  at  Laodicea  cases  from  Cibyra,  and 
Apamea.* 

21.  Phemio.  Phemius  seems  to  have 
been  a  musician ;  perhaps  a  freedman  of 
Atticus.  Mr.  F.  Madan  has  pointed  out  to 
me  that  the  name  occurs  as  that  of  a  musi- 
cian.   Hom.  Odyss.  i.  154. 

Dispiciam,  'I  will  look  about  for,* 


^ 


\ 


EP.  36.]         EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  F.  21.  ^^t 

Kifjas—,  Lycaonium,  Isauricum  ;    ex  Idibus  Maiis  in  Ciliciam, 
ut  ubi  Junius  consumatur,  velim  tranquille  a  Parthis.    QuinctiHs, 
si  erit,  ut  volumus,  in  itinere   est   per  provinciam  redeuntibus 
consumendus :  venimus  enim  m  provinciam  [Laodiceam]  Sul- 
picio  et  Marcello  consulibus,  pridie  Kalendas  Sextiles  ;  inde  nos  5 
oportet  decedere  a.  d.  III.  Kalendas  Sextiles.   Primum  contendam 
a  Quinto  fratre,  ut  se  praefici  patiatur,  quod  et  illo  et  me  invi- 
tissimo  fiet ;  sed  aliter  honeste  fieri  non  potest,  praesertim  cum 
virum  optimum,  Pomptinum,  ne  nunc  quidem  retinere  possim  : 
rapit  hominem  [enim]  Postumius  Romam,  fortasse  etiam  Pos-  10 
tumia.      Habes    consilia    nostra.      Nunc   cognosce   de   Bruto. 
10  Familiares  habet  Brutus  tuus  quosdam  creditores  Salaminiorum 
ex  Cypro,   M.  Scaptium  et  P.  Matinium,  quos  mihi  maiorem 
in   modum   commendavit.      Matinium  non  novi ;   Scaptius  ad 
me  in  castra  venit :  pollicitus  sum  curaturum  me  Bruti  causa,  15 
ut  ei  Salaminii  pecuniam  solverent ;  egit  gratias.     Praefecturam 
petivit:    negavi  me  cuiquam  negotianti  dare,   quod    idem    tibi 
ostenderam.     Cn.  Pompeio  petenti  probaram  institutum  meum, 
quid  dicam  ?    Torquato  de  M.  Laenio  tuo,  multis  aliis  :  si  prae- 
fectus  vellet  esse  syngraphae  causa,  me  curaturum  ut  exigeret.  20 


1.  KfpaSf  'a  musical  horn.*  Cp.  Liddell 
and  Scott,  sub  voc.  I  presume  those  of 
Pamphylia  were  famous. 

In  Ciliciam,  sc.  'ire.* 

2.  A  Parthis,  'as  regards  the  Parthians.* 
Cp.  Madv.  253,  Obs. 

3.  Si  erit,  ut  volumus,  i.e.  'if  I  am  not 
obliged  to  outstay  my  year  of  office.*  'Esse' 
is  here  used  in  the  same  sense  as  in  '  bene 
est.'     Cp.  Ep.  4,  T. 

6.  A.  d.  111.  Kalendas  Sextiles,  'July 
30.'  The  best  MS.  has  '  ini.  Kal.  Sext.,'  but 
Cicero  entered  his  province  on  the  31st  (cp. 
Ad  Att.  5.  15, 1),  and  could  have  no  pretext 
for  leaving  on  the  29th  (cp.  also,  Ad  Att. 
6.  2,  6;  6.  3,  I). 

Contendam,  'strive  to  obtain.' 

7.  Praefici,  'to  be  left  in  charge  of  the 
province,'  on  the  departure  of  Marcus. 

9.  Pomptinum  :  cp.  Ep.  31,  4,  note. 

10.  Postumius  was  on  very  intimate 
terms  with  Cicero,  and  a  friend  of  Pomp- 
tinus.  He  took  part  with  Caesar  in  the 
civil  war.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  15,  2 ;  Ad  Fam. 
6.  12,  2  ;  Pro  Sestio  52,  ill. 

Pos  tumia,  wife  of  Servius  Sulpicius. 
Pomptinus,  apparently,  was  her  lover. 

11.  Nunc  cognosce:  cp.  Ep.  29,  20, 
*  now  let  me  tell  you.* 


13.  Ex  Cypro,  with  Salaminiorum, 
'  of  the  people  of  Salamis  in  Cyprus.'  Cp. 
the   expression  '  Magnetes  a   Sipylo  *  Tac. 

Ann.  2.  47. 

M.  Scaptium.  Another  M.  Scaptius  is 
mentioned  Ad  Att.  6.  I,  4,  as  a  praefect  in 
Cappadocia. 

P.  Matinium.  Of  this  man  nothing 
more  seems  to  be  known. 

Maiorem  in  modum, 'earnestly.' 

17.  Negavi  me  .  .  dare,  *I  said  that  it 
was  not  my  practice  to  give,'  or  '  that  I 
would  not  give.'     Cp.  audire  in  §  11. 

18.  Cn.  Pompeio  .  .  meum,  'I  had 
shewn  the  soundness  of  my  rule  to  Pompey, 
when  he  asked  for  a  similar  place.'  On  the 
fact,  cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  I,  6. 

19.  Torquato  .  .  aliis,  sc.  «petenti  .  . 
petentibus.'  Cicero  probably  refers  to  L. 
Manlius  Torquatus,  praetor  49  B.C.,  and 
son  of  the  consul  in  65  b.c.  He  sided  with 
Pompey  in  the  civil  war  (see  Ep.  50,  i),  and 
was  killed  in  Africa  (cp.  Bell.  Afric.  96). 

M.  Laenio  :  cp.  §  4,  note. 

20.  Syngraphae  causa,  i.e. 'to  get  his 
debt  paid.'  According  to  the  Pseudo-Asco- 
nius  (on  In  Verr.  2  Act.  i.  36,  91),  •  syngra- 
pha*  means  a  bill  which  might  be  givea 
without  any  value  received  by  the  giver. 


2S2 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


EP.  36.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    V.  21, 


^53 


Gratias  egit,  discessit.     Appius  noster  turmas  aliquot  equitum 

•    dederat  huic  Scaptio,  per  quas  Salaminios  coerceret,  et  eundem 

habuerat  praefectum  ;  vexabat  Salaminios.  Ego  equites  ex  Cypro 

decedere  iussi :  moleste  tulit  Scaptius.    Quid  multa  ?  ut  ei  fidem  n 

5  meam  praestarem,  cum  ad  me  Salaminii  Tarsum  venissent  et 

in  iis   Scaptius,   imperavi   ut   pecuniam   solverent.      Multa   de 

syngrapha,  de  Scaptii  iniuriis :  negavi  me  audire.    Hortatus  sum, 

petivi  etiam  pro  meis  in  civitatem  beneficiis,  ut  negotium  con- 

ficerent ;  denique  dixi  me  coacturum.     Homines  non  modo  non 

10  recusare,  sed  etiam  hoc   dicere,  se  a  me  solvere  ;   quod  enim 

praetori  dare  consuessent,  quoniam   ego  non  acceperam,  se   a 

me  quodam   modo   dare,  atque  etiam  minus  esse  aliquanto  in 

Scaptii  nomine  quam  in  vectigali  praetorio.     Collaudavi  homines. 

*  Recte,'  inquit  Scaptius  '  sed  subducamus  summam.'     Interim 

15  cum  ego  in  edicto  tralaticio  centesimas  me  observaturum  haberem 

cum  anatocismo  anniversario,  ille  ex  syngrapha  postulabat  qua- 

ternas.     *Quidais.?'  inquam 'possumne  contra  meum  edictum?' 


Exigeret,  'should  get  his  debt  paid*«» 
*exigendo  obtineret/     Forcell. 

I.  Turmas  aliquot  equitum.  For  an 
account  of  the  misdeeds  of  these  troops,  cp. 
Ep.  38,  8. 

4.  Ut  ei  fidem  meam  praestarem, 
*  to  fulfil  my  promise  to  him '  of  getting  his 
debt  paid. 

6.  Multa  de  syngrapha,  sc. 'dixerunt.' 
10.  A  me,  *from  my  own  funds.'  Cp. 
Pro  Plancio  42,  103  *  a  vobis  persolvere.* 
As  Cicero  had  not  received  what  they  usually 
paid  to  governors,  they  would  pay  the  money 
asked  for  by  Scaptius  out  of  what  they  had 
thus  saved. 

II.  Praetori.  Cilicia  had  been  for  some 
years  a  consular  province,  but  perhaps  the 
Salaminians  used  the  old  title  for  a  pro- 
vincial governor,  the  oldest  provinces  having 
been  governed  by  praetors ;  or  praetor,  as 
Manutius  thinks,  may  be  used  here  as  a 
general  title  = '  governor.*  His  note  is '  Prae- 
tori] Proconsuli  :  antiquo  more  cum  omnes 
magistratus,  quibus  pareret  exercitus,  Praetor 
appellabantur.* 

Consuessent,  conj.,  as  a  quotation.  Cp. 
Madv.  369. 

Non  acceperam,  'had  not  been  in  the 
habit  of  receiving.'  The  verb  is  in  the 
indie,  as  giving  Cicero's  statement  of  his 
own  conduct. 

12.  Minus  . .  praetorio,  'their  debt  to 
Scaptius  amounted  to  much  less  than  the 


exactions    of  governors    had   usually    cost 
them.' 

14.  Subducamus  summam.  Met  us 
compute  the  amount.'     Forcell. 

15.  Tralaticio,  'customary.*  Cp.  Ep. 
19,  2,  note.  This  provision  with  regard  to 
the  rate  of  interest  seems  to  have  originated 
during  the  administration  of  L.  Lucullus. 
Cp.  Plut.  LucuU.  20;  Mommsen  4.  2,  526. 

Centesimas.  The  words  'centesimae 
usurae '  have  been  variously  explained  :  one 
per  cent,  per  month,  or  twelve  per  cent,  per 
annum,  seems  most  likely  to  be  the  meaning 
of  the  expression. 

16.  Cum  anatocismo  anniversario. 
This  expression  is  explained  by  Ernesti  as 
meaning  that  compound  interest  was  to  be 
paid  on  the  first  year  only,  and  simple  interest 
in  following  years.  But  Boot  quotes  Savigny 
as  explaining  it  thus ;  that  the  interest  was 
only  to  be  added  to  the  principal  at  the  end 
of  each  year,  not  at  the  end  of  each  month. 
Thus  a  man  who  borrowed  1000  sesterces 
at  12  per  cent.,  if  he  failed  to  pay  the 
interest  at  the  proper  time,  would  be  liable 
for  the  interest  of  1120  sesterces  in  the 
second  year,  and  of  1254  in  the  third,  and 
so  on. 

Qu  at  em  as,  sc.  *  centesimas  *  =  48  per 
cent,  per  annum. 

17.  Contra  meum  edictum?  sc. 'qua- 
ternas  dare.'  Cp.  on  the  ellipse  Ep.  23,  2, 
note. 


1 


At  ille  profert  senatus  consultum  Lentulo  Philippoque  consulibus, 

VT  QVI  CiLICIAM  OBTINERET  IVS  EX  ILLA  SYNGRAPHA  DICERET. 

12  Cohorrui  primo ;   etenim   erat   interitus   civitatis :    reperio  duo 
senatus  consulta  isdem  consulibus  de  eadem  syngrapha ;  Sala- 
minii cum  Romae  versuram  facere  vellent,  non  poterant,  quod  5 
lex    Gabinia   vetabat.      Tum    iis    Bruti   familiares,  freti   gratia 
Bruti,  dare  volebant  quaternis,  si  sibi  senatus  consulto  caveretur. 
Fit  gratia  Bruti  senatus  consultum,  VT  NEVE  SALAMINIIS  NEVE 
QVI  EIS  DEDISSET  FRAVDI  ESSET  :  pecuniam  numerarunt.     [Et] 
postea   venit   in    mentem   faeneratoribus   nihil   se   iuvare   illud  10 
senatus   consultum,  quod   ex   syngrapha   ius   dici  lex    Gabinia 
vetaret.      Tum  fit  senatus  consultum,  VT  EX  EA  SYNGRAPHA 
*  ^  -^  esset  quam  ceterae,  sed  ut  eodem.     Cum  haec  disseruis- 
sem,  seducit  me  Scaptius;  ait  se  nihil  contra  dicere,  sed  illos 
putare  talenta  CC.  se  debere  ;  ea  se  velle  accipere,  debere  autem  15 
illos  paulo  minus  :  rogat,  ut  eos  ad  ducenta  perducam.    '  Optime ' 
inquam.     Voco  illos  ad  me,  remoto  Scaptio.    ^Quid  vos?  quan- 
tum '  inquam  '  debetis  ? '  Respondent '  CVI.'  Refero  ad  Scaptium. 
Homo  clamare.    '  Quid  opus  est '  inquam  *  quam  ut  rationes  con- 
feratis?'     Adsidunt,  subducunt ;  ad  nummum  convenit.     Illi  se  20 
numerare  velle,  urgere,  ut  acciperet.    Scaptius  me  rursus  seducit, 
rogat,  ut  rem  sic  relinquam.     Dedi  veniam  homini  impudenter 


1.  Lentulo  Philippoque  consulibus. 

In  56  B.C. 

2.  Ex  ILLA  SYNGRAPHA,  *  in  accord- 
ance with  the  stipulations  of  that  bill,'  i.e. 
recognizing  it  as  valid.  Cp.  the  next  sec- 
tion. 

3.  Erat  interitus  civitatis,  *  that  pro- 
vision involved  the  ruin  of  the  community.' 

5.  Versuram  facere,  *  to  borrow  money.* 

6.  Lex  Gabinia.  This  law  forbade  all 
lending  of  money  to  provincials  at  Rome. 
It  was  probably  passed  when  Gabinius  was 
tribune,  68-67  b.c.  Cp.  Orell.  Onomast. 
tom.  iii.,  sub  voc.  The  decree  of  the  senate 
here  mentioned  was  probably  passed  to 
protect  both  the  lenders  and  the  borrowers 
from  the  consequences  of  their  breach  of  the 
law,  but  Cicero  contends  that  it  could  not 
interfere  with  the  rules  laid  down  by  himself 
in  his  province.  It  appears  that  Brutus  was 
the  real  lender,  though  he  wished  the  con- 
tract to  be  made  in  another  name.  Cp.  Ad 
Att  6.  I,  6. 

9.   Pecuniam  numerarunt,  sc.  *Bruti 

familiares.' 

12.  Vt  ex  ea  syngrapha  .  .  eodem. 


Boot  suggests  '  ut  ex  ea  syngrapha  ius  dice- 
retur  non  ut  alio  iure  ea  syngrapha  esset 
quam  ceterae  syngraphae  sed  ut  eodem.* 
That  is,  the  bill,  though  given  irregularly, 
was  not  to  be  void;  but  according  to  Cicero 
the  terms  of  the  senate's  decree  bound  the 
lender  to  be  content  with  the  rate  of  interest 
fixed  in  the  province  by  the  governor's  edict. 
Cp.  Ep.  38,  7,  notes. 

16.  Ad  ducenta  perducam,  •induce 
them  to  pay  two  hundred.' 

17.  Quid  vos?   sc.  '  dicitis.* 

19.  Quid  opus  .  .  conferatis?  *what 
is  wanted  but  that  you  should  cast  up,*  or 
perhaps  as  Mr.  Jeans  renders  '  compare  your 
accounts?*  Wesenb.  suggests  the  omission 
of  'quam  ut'  and  the  insertion  of  'licet' 
after  'conferatis.' 

20.  Subducunt, 'they  add  up.' 

Ad  nummum  convenit,  sc.  '  subduc- 
tio,'  •  the  accounts  agree  to  a  penny.' 

22.  Ut  rem  sic  relinquam,  'that  I 
would  leave  the  affair  unsettled.'  He  hoped 
Cicero  might  have  a  more  accommodating 
successor. 

Dedi  veniam,  *  I  indulged  him/ 


^54 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


petenti ;  Graecis  querentibus,  ut  in  fano  deponerent  postulan- 
tibus,  non  concessi.  Clamare  omnes  qui  aderant,  nihil  impu- 
dentius  Scaptio,  qui  centesimis  cum  anatocismo  contentus  non 
esset ;   alii,  nihil  stultius.      Mihi  autem  impudens  magis  quam 

5  stultus  videbatur :  nam  aut  bono  nomine  centesimis  contentus 
erat  aut  non  bono  quaternas  centesimas  sperabat.     Habes  meam  13 
causam,  quae  si  Bruto  non  probatur,  nescio,  cur  ilium  amemus, 
sed  avunculo  eius  certe  probabitur,  praesertim  cum  senatus  con- 
sultum   modo   factum  sit,  puto,   postquam  tu   es  profectus,  in 

10  creditorum  causa,  ut  centesimae  perpetuo  faenore  ducerentur : 
hoc  quid  intersit,  si  tuos  digitos  novi,  certe  habes  subductum. 
In  quo  quidem,  6601;  Trdpepyov,  L.  Lucceius  M.  f.  queritur  apud 
me  per  litteras  summum  esse  periculum,  ne  culpa  senatus  his 
decretis   res    ad   tabulas  novas  perveniat ;    commemorat,    quid 

15  olim  mali  C.  lulius  fecerit,  cum  dieculam  duxerit;  numquam 
rei  publicae  plus.  Sed  ad  rem  redeo.  Meditare  adversus  Brutum 
causam  meam,  si  haec  causa  est,  contra  quam  nihil  honeste 
dici  potest,  praesertim  cum  integram  rem  et  causam  reliquerim. 
Reliqua   sunt  domestica.      De  lvho\i.vy^  probo  idem,  quod   tu,  14 


I.  Ut  in  fano  deponerent.  If  this 
deposit  in  a  temple  were  made  in  accordance 
with  a  judicial  sentence,  interest  would  cease 
to  become  due  from  the  day  on  which  it 
was  made.  Billerb.,  Wiel. ;  cp.  also  Ad 
Fam.  13.56,  3. 

3.  Anatocismo, 'addition  ofinterestto 
the  principal.* 

5.  Nam  aut  bono  . .  sperabat,  'either 
he  was  satisfied  with  12  per  cent.,  hoping  to 
have  the  principal  repaid,  or  hoped  to  repay 
the  principal  out  of  interest  at  48  per  cent.' 
Bono  and  non  bono  nomine  perhaps 
mean,  '  a  debt  recogwized  and  unrecognized 
by  law,'  in  this  passage. 

6.  Habes  :  cp.  Ep.  29,  20,  note. 

8.  Avunculo.  M.  Cato  was  half-brother 
of  Servilia,  the  mother  of  Brutus.  Cp.  Ep. 
38,  8,  and  luv.  Sat.  14,  43  'sed  nee  Brutus 
erit  Bruti  nee  avunculus  usquam.' 

9.  Modo,  'lately.*  Cp.  Mommsen  4.  2, 
526. 

In  creditorum  causa,  'relating  to  the 
position  of  creditors/ 

10.  Ut  centesimae  .  .  ducerentur, 
•  that  1 2  per  cent,  simple  interest  should  be 
the  standard  rate.'  Cp.  Ep.  38,  7  ;  Forcell. 
sub  voc.  '  Fenus.' 

II.  Hoc  quid  intersit,'  'the  difference 
between  this   and   the  lowest  offer  of  the 


Salaminians,'  i.e.  the  Salaminians  offered 
more  than  strictly  could  be  required  of  them. 

Tuos  digitos,  'the  activity  of  your 
fingers  in  calculation.' 

Habes  subductum,  'you  have  already 
computed.'  Cp.  Madv.  427  for  the  differ- 
ence between  this  and  '  subduxisti.' 

12.   In  quo,  'as  to  which  matter.' 

bhov  irdpepyov,  'by  the  way.'  Cp. 
Ad  Alt.  7.  I,  5. 

L.  Lucceius.  Not  the  historian  to 
whom  Cicero  addressed  the  letter  Ad  Fam. 
5.  1 2,  for  the  latter  is  called  Q.  F. 

14.  Ad  tabulas  novas.cp.  Ep.  7i,2,note. 

15.  C.  Julius.  Cicero  generally  speaks 
of  the  subsequent  dictator  as  C.  Caesar. 
Perhaps  this  is  the  C.  lulius  Caesar  men- 
tioned by  Asconius,  in  Scaurianam,  p.  136. 

Dieculam  duxerit,  'allowed  the  time 
of  payment  to  be  deferred  a  little.'  Boot, 
Cp.  Ter.  Andr.  4.  2,  27. 

16.  Plus,  sc.  'mali  factum  esse.' 
Meditare  .  .  dici  potest.     'Consider 

how  to  plead  my  cause  against  Brutus,  if 
one  can  speak  of  pleading  a  cause  when 
nothing  can  be  said  on  the  other  side.' 

18.  Integram,  'undecided.'  Cicero  had 
left  the  case  of  Brutus  and  the  Salaminians 
to  his  successor's  decision. 

19.  Reliqua,  •  my  remaining  topics.' 


i 


1| 


EP.37.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   II.  13.      255 

Postumiae  filio,  quoniam  Pontidia  nugatur;  sed  vellem  ad  esses. 
A.  Quinto  fratre  his  mensibus  nihil  exspectaris  ;  nam  Taurus 
propter  nives  ante  mensem  lunium  transiri  non  potest.  Ther- 
mum,  ut  rogas,  creberrimis  litteris  fulcio.  P.  Valerium  negat 
habere  quicquam  Deiotarus  rex,  eumque  ait  se  sustentare.  Cum  5 
scies,  Romae  intercalatum  sit  necne,  velim  ad  me  scribas 
certum,  quo  die  mysteria  futura  sint.  Litteras  tuas  minus  paulo 
exspecto,  quam  si  Romae  esses,  sed  tamen  exspecto. 

37.    To  M.  CAELIUS   RUFUS   (AD   FAM.  II.  13). 
Laodicea,  Early  in  May,  {})  50  e.g.  (704  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  mucli  pleased  with  your  letters,  though  I  wish  they  came  more  often. 
2.  I  feel  much  affection  for  Appius,  and  I  saw,  as  soon  as  our  quarrel  was  made  up, 
that  he  had  the  same  regard  for  me.  I  wonder  how  you  can  doubt  my  wish  to  be 
on  good  terms  with  him.  3.  I  can  assure  you  I  expected  Curio's  change  of  party. 
I  intend,  as  I  have  finished  my  judicial  and  financial  business,  and  earned  the  good 
opinion  of  all  classes,  to  set  things  in  order  in  Cilicia,  and  then  return  to  Rome,  where 
1  am  most  anxious  to  be. 


M.  CICERO  IMP.  S.  D.  M. 

1  Raras  tuas  quidem — fortasse 
suaves  accipio  litteras,  vel  quas 
dentes !  quam  multi  et  officii  et 

T)Q€vhofxvxV>  'about  the  family  secret,' 

i.e.  his  plans  for  the  marriage  of  Tullia.  The 

-    word  occurs  in  another  sense,  Soph.  Philoct. 

1.  Postumiae  filio,  sc.  *  earn  nubere.* 
Strvius  Sulpicius  the  younger,  whose  mother 
Postumia  was,  is  here  referred  to. 

Pontidia.  She  seems  to  have  suggested 
another  match  for  Tullia,  perhaps  with  a  son 
of  her  own.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  i,  10.  Nothing 
more  seems  to  be  known  of  her. 

Nugatur,  'is  trifling  with  me.* 

Adesses,  'were  in  Rome.' 

2.  Taurus.  Q.  Cicero  had  been  left  in 
Cilicia,  and  his  messengers  could  not  cross 
the  Taurus  in  winter. 

3.  Thermum:  cp.  Ep.  I,  2,  note.  He 
governed  Asia  as  propraetor  53-50  B.C. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  17,  6  ;  Ad  Att.  5,  13,  2. 
It  does  not  appear  how  he  was  in  want  of 
Cicero's  support. 

4.  P.  Valerium  :  cp.  Ad  Fam.  14.  2,  2  ; 
Ad  Att.  16.  7, 1.  Perhaps  Atticus  had  asked 
Cicero  to  procure  repayment  through  Deio- 
tarus, with  whom  Valerius  was,  of  money 


CAELIO  AEDILI  CUR. 

enim   non   perferuntur — ,    sed 
proxime  acceperam  quam  pru- 10 
consilii !  etsi  omnia  sic  consti- 

due  from  the  latter  to  Atticus. 

6.  Intercalatum  sit,  ' if  an  intercalary 
month  has  been  inserted.'  Cp.  Ep.  35,  5  ; 
Appendix  8.  For  Cicero's  anxiety  on  this 
subject,  cp.  Ep.  35,  5,  note. 

7.  Certum.  The  accusative  is  rare  in 
this  sense.     *  Pro  certo '  is  more  common. 

Mysteria,  the  festival  of  the  Bona  Dea, 
on  which  cp.  Ep.  6,  3,  note, 

MAY.  Part  of  §  3  of  this  letter  (mihi 
erat  in  animo  .  .  .  Nonis  Mails)  compared 
with  Ep.  38,  §§  4-6,  suggests  that  the  two 
letters  were  written  between  May  i  and  7. 
The  allusions  generally  are  to  the  two  letters, 
34  and  35. 

IMP.:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  20. 

10.  Vel  =' even.'    Cp.  Madv.  436,  Obs. 

11.  Quam  multi  .  .  consilii,  'how 
full  of  friendly  advice  !'  Cp.  Madv.  287  for 
the  genit.  qualitatis. 

Omnia  .  .  admonebas,  i.e.  in  my  rela- 
tions with  Appius  and  with  Dolabella.  Cp. 
Ep-  35*  2  and  5. 


2^6 


M    TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  ii. 


tueram  mihi  agenda,  ut  tu  admonebas,  tamen  confirmantur  nostra 
consilia,  cum  sentimus  prudentibus  fideliterque  suadentibus  idem 
videri.  Ego  Appium— ut  saepe  tecum  locutus  sum— valde  diligo  2 
meque  ab  eo  diligi  statim  coeptum  esse,  ut  simultatem  depo- 

5  suimus,  sensi ;  nam  et  honorificus  in  me  consul  fuit  et  suavis 
amicus  et  studiosus  studiorum  etiam  meorum.  Mea  vero  officia 
ei  non  defuisse  tu  es  testis,  cui  iam  K(ii\kiKo%  fxaprvs,  ut  opinor, 
accedit  Phania,  et  mehercule  etiam  pluris  eum  feci,  quod  te 
amari  ab  eo  sensi.    Iam  me  Pompeii  totum  esse  scis  ;  Brutum 

10  a  me  amari  intellegis.  Quid  est  causae,  cur  mihi  non  in  optatis 
sit  complecti  hominem  florentem  aetate,  opibus,  honoribus,  in- 
genio,  liberis,  propinquis,  adfinibus,  amicis  collegam  meum  prae- 
sertim  et  in  ipsa  collegii  laude  et  scientia  studiosum  mei  ?  haec 
eo  pluribus  scripsi,  quod  non  nihil  significabant  tuae  litterae  sub- 

15  dubitare  U,  qua  essem  erga  ilium  voluntate.  Credo  te  audisse 
aliquid :  falsum  est,  mihi  crede,  si  quid  audisti.     Genus  insti- 


4.  Ut  simultatem  deposuimus.  The 
quarrel  to  which  Cicero  here  refers  seems  to 
have  taken  place  before  the  consulship  of 
Appius,  in  54  B.C.  Perhaps  it  arose  out  of 
the  part  taken  by  Appius  in  some  disturb- 
ances in  57  B.C.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  3,  4.  The 
reconciliation  was  effected  by  Pompey. 
Qnintil.  Inst.  Orat.  9.  3.  41. 

6.  Studiosus  .  .  meorum,  •  devoted  to 
the  same  pursuits  with  myself.*  Appius 
wrote  a  book  on  the  augur's  office,  of  which 
he  dedicated  the  first  book  to  Cicero.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  3.  4,  i  ;  3-  9'  3-  There  is  also  a 
hint  of  Appius'  literary  tastes.  Ad  Fam.  3. 

I,  I. 

7.  Cui=*CaeHo.* 

KQjfiiKos  fidpTvi,  *a.  well-schooled  wit- 
ness' (Metzg.),  i.e.  'one  who  had  learned 
his  pr^rt  of  mediator  as  thoroughly  as  a 
comedian  learns  his  on  the  stage.'  This 
seems  far-fetched.  Manutius  thinks  that 
the  words  mean  *  intervening  suddenly  to 
remove  difficulties,*  like  a  character  in  a 
comedy  who  ♦  patefacta  veritate  sedat  omnes 
turbas.'  Cicero  expresses  a  very  favourable 
opinion  of  this  Phania,  who  was  a  freedman 
of  Appius.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  3.  i. 

8.  Accedit,  'adds  his  testimony.* 
Q.Pompeii.     Gnaeus,  eldest  son  of  the 

great  Pompey,  married  one  of  the  daughters 
of  Appius;  another  was  married  to  M. 
Brutus.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  3  4,  2.  These  con- 
nections would  be  additional  reasons  for 
Cicero's  wishing  well  to  Appius. 

10.  Cur    mihi    non    in    optatis   sit, 


•  why  I  should  not  desire.* 

11.  Complecti,  sc.  *  amore/  *  to  regard 
with  much  affection.* 

Hominem,  sc.  Appium. 

Florentem,  'distinguished.'  Cp.  Na- 
gelsb.  1 28,  363. 

Honoribus.  He  was  consul  54  B.C., 
and  censor  50  B.C.     Cp.  Ep.  41,  4. 

12.  Liberis.  Appius  had  three  daugh- 
ters, and  had  apparently  adopted  the  two 
sons  of  his  brother  Caius.     Cp.  Ep.  34,  a, 

note. 

Propinquis.  I  cannot  be  sure  to  whom 
Cicero  refers.  Appius'  brother  Caius  had 
governed  Asia  as  propraetor,  but  was  now 
dead.  ^ 

Adfinibus  :  see  above  for  his  daughters 
marriages. 

Collegam,  as  augur. 

13.  In  ipsa  .  .  mei,  'and  who,  in  his 
learned  work  in  praise  of  our  body,  shews  a 
desire  to  please  me.'  On  this  work  of 
Appius'  see  De  Leg.  2.  13,  32  ;  Ad  Fam.  3. 
9,  3;  3.  II,  4;   and  Billerbeck's  note  on 

this  passage. 

14.  Subdubitare, 'were  rather  doubtful.* 

The  word  seems  only  to  occur  here  and  Ad 
Att.  14.  15,  2.  Caelius  had  written  of  Ap- 
pius, '  scio  tibi  eum  non  esse  odio*  (Fp.  35, 
I),  words  not  suggestive  of  a  warm  friendship 
betwten  Appius  and  Cicero. 

15.  Te  audisse  aliquid, 'that youhave 
heard  something  of  a  quarrel  between  us.* 

16.  Institutorum  et  rationum  mea- 
rum,  'of  my  rules  and  plans.     Cp.  Ad  Fam. 


1 


f 


/ 


'H 


EP.  37.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  II.  13.       257 

tutorum  et  rationum  mearum  dissimilitudinem  non  nullam  habet 
cum  illius  administratione  provinciae:  ex  eo  quidam  suspicati 
fortasse  sunt,  animorum  contentione,  non  opinionum  dissensione 
me  ab  eo  discrepare ;  nihil  autem  feci  umquam  neque  dixi,  quod 
contra  illius  existimationem  esse  vellem.     Post  hoc  negotium  5 
autem  et  temeritatem  nostri  Dolabellae  deprecatorem  me  pro 
3  illius  periculo  praebeo.     Erat  in  eadem  epistola  '  veternus  civi- 
tatis ;'  gaudebam  sane  et  congelasse  nostrum  amicum  laetabar 
otio.     Extrema  pagella  pupugit  me  tuo  chirographo.     Quid  ais  '> 
Caesarem  nunc  defendit  Curio }   quis  hoc  putarat  praeter  me  ">  10 
nam,  ita  vivam,  putavi.    Di  immortales !  quam  ego  risum  nostrum 
desidero !  Mihi  erat  in  animo,  quoniam  iurisdictionem  confeceram, 
civitates  locupletaram,  publicanis  etiam  superioris  lustri  reliqua 
sine  sociorum  ulla  querela  conservaram,  privatis  summis  infimis 
fueram   iucundus,  proficisci   in    Ciliciam   Nonis   Mails   et,   cum  15 
prima  aestiva  attigissem  rem  militaremque  conlocassem,  decedere 
ex  senatus  consulto.     Cupio  te  aedilem  videre  miroque  desiderio 
me  urbs  adficit  et  omnes  mei  tuque  in  primis. 


3.  8,  7.  Cicero  speaks  in  more  decided 
terms  about  Appius'  conduct  elsewhere  ;  cp. 
Ep.  32,  2. 

2.  Cum  illius  .  .  provinciae,  'with 
his  provincial  administration.' 

3.  Animorum  .  .  discrepare,  'that 
the  divergence  in  our  conduct  arose  from 
mutual  animosity,  and  not  from  a  difference 
in  opinion.'  On  the  ablatives  contentione 
.  .  dissensione,  cp.  Ep.  26,  9,  note  on 
p.  187.  '  Discrepare' =  •  discordare,'  'diver- 
sum  esse.'     Forcell. 

•  5.  Hoc  negotium,  foil.,  'this  affair  of 
the  trial,  in  which  our  friend  Dolabella  has 
behaved  so  rashly.' 

7.  Erat  in  eadem  .  .  civitatis,  'in 
the  same  letter  (Ep.  35)  you  wrote  of  a 
"  lethargy  of  the  state."  ' 

8.  Congelasse,  'had  grown  inactive.'  The 
word  seems  only  to  occur  here  in  the  meta- 
phorical sense.  Cp.  '  conglaciat '  (Ep.  35,  3). 

Amicum,  sc.  Curionem. 

9.  Pupugit  .  .  chirographo,  'annoy- 
ed me  by  its  autograph  contents.'  Caelius 
appears  to  have  added  a  few  lines  in  his  own 
hand  (§  5)  to  Ep.  35,  which  was  written  by 
his  secretary. 

II.  Ita  vivam,  'as  truly  as  I  hope  to 
live.*     Cp.  Madv.  444  a,  Obs.  3. 

Risum  nostrum  desidero,  'I  miss  the 
laugh  we  might  have  had  over  it.' 


12.  Erat.  This  and  the  following  tenses 
down  to  conlocassem,  are  epistolary. 

13.  Reliqua,  'the  arrears.*  On  the 
merits  of  Cicero's  provincial  government, 
see  Ep.  38,  4-6,  notes. 

16.  Prima  aestiva.  'Prima' =  'primum' 
(cp.  Madv.  300  b),  'as  soon  as  I  have 
visited  the  summer  quarters,  and  arranged 
my  military  affairs.' 

Militaremque.  This,  as  Mr.  Yonge 
remarks,  can  hardly  be  right.  In  Baiter's 
list  of  various  readings  I  find  'militem 
que,  Orellius,  militarem  que  rem  alii.' 
Wesenb.  suggests  '  rem  que  militarem  conlo- 
cassem,' or  •  militarem  que  conlocassem 
rem.' 

Conlocassem  :  'conlocare  «=  ordinare, 
componere.'  Forcell.  A  Parthian  inroad 
was  still  not  impossible. 

17.  Ex  senatus  consulto.  This  decree 
was  probably  passed  to  carry  out  a  '  Lex 
Pompeia'  of  52  b.c.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 
§  1 7.  A  decree  of  somewhat  similar  import 
to  the  one  here  mentioned  is  given  Ep.  34, 
8.  Cicero  says  in  various  places,  that  he 
considers  himself  to  be  holding  his  province 
for  one  year  only.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.9,  2  ;  5. 
15»  I J  Ep.  36,  9;  and  such  appears  to 
have  been  the  import  of  the  decree  oi  the 
senate  above  referred  to.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  15. 
9»  2  ;  15.  14,  5. 


2^8 


38. 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 

To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  VI.  2). 
Laodicea,  May,  50  B.C.  (704  a.u.c.) 


[part  II. 


EP.38.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VI,  %. 


259 


..  Quintus  is  liable  to  hasty  anger,  but  is  soon  'PP^-^  af^;  ^^^'.^^Tw  can  do 
our  families  must  do  his  best  to  keep  up  a  good  -'^"^'^""l'"^  '  "y^^P*^;.^,^  ^ 

but  Scaptiu     on  benal  ^^^    ^^^.^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^  ^„  p,„p<,,, 

::  frXi^ice  soX  at  the  disposal  of  Scaptius.     9-    Appius  was  more 

t   huf  t^e  peoZ  of  Salamis  complained  bitterly  of  his  conduct.    You 

ra:'"nl     mXonsideration  for  BrLs;    I   may  have  shewn  too  liule 

lo   I  Im  doir^g  all  I  can  to  serve  Appius.    You  know  that  Cael.us  rs  commg  here 
lo.  1  am  doing  ^.^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^^^^     I  ^^3  ^l^eady 

Twa^J  owlish  ^oLcI  ol  Sempronius"    Your  messenger,  Philogenes.  is  in  a 
hurry,  so  farewell.  ciCERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Cum  Philogenes,  libertus  tuus,  Laodiceam  ad  me  salutandi  i 
causa  venisset  et  se  statim  ad  te  navigaturum  esse  diceret,  has  ei 
litteras  dedi,  quibus  ad  eas  rescripsi,  quas  acceperam  a  Bruti 
tabellario ;  et  respondebo  primum  postremae  tuae  pagmae  quae 
5  mihi  magnae  molestiae  fuit,  quod  ad  te  scriptum  est  a  Cmcio 
de  Statu  sermone,  in  quo  hoc  molestissimum  est,  Statium  d.cere 
a  me  quoque  id  consilium  probari.  Probari  autem?  de  .sto 
hactenus.     Dixerim  me  vel  plurima  vincla  tecum  summae  con- 


I.  Philogenes 


1.  xixxxv,5^..^^.  cp.  Ad  Att.  5- I3..2- 
He  was  now  probably  engaged  in  looking 
after  his  patron's  affairs  in  Asia. 

c.  A  Cincio:  cp.  Ep.  i,  I,  note. 

6  In  quo  .  .  probari,  *  in  this  matter 
what  annoys  me  most  is  that  Statins  says  I 
approve  my  brother's  design/  i.e.  of  divorc- 
ingPomponia.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  3.  8.    Statms 


and  Cincius  had  apparently  met  and  discussed 
the  aflfairs  of  the  families  to  which  they  were 

attached. 

7.  Probari  autem, '  do  I  say  approved.' 
no  more  of  that.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  13,  3» 
Livy  21.  44  'transcendes  autem?' 

8.  Dixerim,  '  let  me  say.*  Cp.  Ep.  26, 
3,  note.     Kayser   and  Wesenb.  would   re- 


iunctionis  optare,  etsi  sunt  amoris  artissima ;  tantum  abest,  ut 

2  ego  ex  eo,  quo  astricti  sumus,  laxari  aliquid  velim.  Ilium  autem 
multa  de  istis  rebus  asperius  solere  loqui  saepe  sum  expertus, 
saepe  etiam  lenivi  iratum :  id  scire  te  arbitror ;  in  hac  autem 
peregrinatione  militiave  nostra  saepe  incensum  ira  vidi,  saepe  5 
placatum.  Quid  ad  Statium  scripserit,  nescio  :  quicquid  acturus 
de  tali  re  fuit,  scribendum  tamen  ad  libertum  non  fuit.  Mihi 
autem  erit  maximae  curae,  ne  quid  fiat  secus,  quam  volumus 
quamque  oportet ;  nee  satis  est  in  eius  modi  re  se  quemque 
praestare,  ac  maximae  partes  istius  officii  sunt  pueri  Ciceronis  10 
sive  iam  adulescentis  ;  quod  quidem  ilium  soleo  hortari.  Ac  mihi 
videtur  matrem  valde,  ut  debet,  amare  teque  mirifice.  Sed  est 
magnum  illud  quidem,  verum  tamen  multiplex  pueri  ingenium, 

3  in   quo  ego   regendo  habeo   negotii  satis.     Quoniam   respondi 
postremae  tuae  paginae  prima  mea,  nunc  ad  primam  revertar  15 
tuam.     Peloponnesias  civitates  omnes  maritimas  esse,  hominis 
non  nequam,  sed  etiam  tuo  iudicio  probati,  Dicaearchi  tabulis 
credidi :  is  multis  nominibus  in  Trophoniana  Chaeronis  narratione 


move  the  full  stop  at  '  hactenus/  and  place 
a  comma  after  '  dixerim.'  ' 

Vel  plurima, '  even  as  many  as  possible.' 

1.  Etsi  sunt  . .  artissima,  'though  we 
have  the  most  intimate  union  of  aiFection.* 

Tantum  abest  ut  .  .  sumus,  'far  from 
wishing  that  to  be  relaxed  at  all  which 
already  connects  us.*  On  'tantum  abest  ut' 
with  the  conj.,  cp.  Madv.  440  a,  Obs.  i. 

2.  Ilium,  sc.  Quintum. 

3.  De  istis  rebus,  'about  the  conduct 
of  his  wife.'  In  another  passage  Cicero 
praises  his  brother's  forbearance  under  great 
provocation.     Ad  Att.  5.  i,  3  and  4. 

7.  Scribendum  .  .  non  fuit.  On  the 
indie,  cp.  Madv.  348,  Obs.  i. 

9.  Se  quemque  praestare,  'that  each 
of  us  should  engage  to  do  all  in  his  own 
power  *  in  appeasing  Quintus.  Cicero  means 
they  should  urge  each  other  to  do  all  they 
could.  Manutius  appears  to  connect  these 
words  with  the  preceding,  and  explains 
them  as  =  'me  tibi  eum  praestare  qui  esse 
debeo,*  i.e.  '  it  is  not  enough  that  one's  own 
conduct  is  free  from  blame,  but  one  must 
use  one's  influence  on  others/ 

10.  Ac,  adversative :  cp.  Madv.  433, 
Obs.  2.  Que  is  used  in  a  similar  sense, 
Ep.  82,  2,  and  et,  Ep.  32,  3 ;  Wesenb.  has 
[ac]. 

Maximae  .  .  pueri  Ciceronis,  'the 
largest  share  in  this  work  of  reconciliation 

S 


belongs  to  the  young  Cicero,*  i.e.  to  the 
younger  Quintus,  who  was  now  1 7  years  old 
probably.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  9.  On  the 
genitive  '  pueri/  cp.  Madv.  281,  Obs. 

11.  Quod, '  to  which  effect/  Cp.  Madv. 
228  c. 

12.  Est  magnum  .  .  ingenium,  *the 
nature  of  the  youth  is  powerful  *  or  '  vigor- 
ous indeed,  but  variable.'  Forcell.  gives 
'varium,  duplex,  inconstans'  as  synonyms 
for  'multiplex,'  in  a  similar  passage.  On 
the  order  of  the  words,  cp.  Madv.  489  b. 

16.  Maritimas,  'on  the  sea  coast.* 

17.  Nequam,  'worthless/ 
Dicaearchi.     Dicaearchus,  of  Messene 

in  Sicily,  was  a  Peripatetic  philosopher,  pupil 
of  Aristotle,  and  contemporary  of  Theo- 
phrastus.  He  paid  much  attention  to  geo- 
graphy. Polybius  and  Strabo  (cp.  Strab.  a. 
104;  3.  170)  criticized  his  statements  on 
this  subject.  Cicero  mentions  him  as  pre- 
ferring the  practical  to  the  contemplative 
life.     Ep.  10,  3. 

Tabulis,  probably  '  maps,*  with  a  play 
on  its  oiher  meaning,  '  account  books.' 

18.  Credidi,  '  gave  credit  for  the  state- 
ment,' *  believed  it  on  their  authority.*  Cp. 
Ep.  8,  10  ;  Zumpt  L.  G.  412. 

Multis  nominibus, 'on  many  grounds/ 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  I,  I    'nomine   neglegen- 


tiae. 


In  Trophoniana  .  .  narratione,  ap- 


a6o 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  II. 


Graecos  in  eo  reprehendit,  quod  mare  tantum  secuti  sunt,  nee 
ullum  in  Peloponneso  locum  excipit.  Cum  mihi  auctor  plaeeret- 
etenim  erat  Icrropuoiraroj  et  vixerat  in  Peloponneso-,  admirabar 
tamen  et  vix  adcredens  communicavi  cum  Dionysio ;   atque  is 

5  primo  est  commotus,  deinde,  quod  de  isto  Dicaearcho  non  mmus 
Lne  existumabat  quam  tu  de  C.  Vestorio,  ego  de  M.  Cluvio,  non 
dubitabat  quin  ei  crederemus :  Arcadiae  censebat  esse  Lepreon 
quoddam  maritimum ;  Tenea  autem  et  Ahphera  et  Tntia 
^coKT^cxra  ei  videbantur,  idque  to>  tG^v  v.G>v  KaraXoy^  confirmabat, 

.o  ubi  mentio  non  fit  istorum.  Itaque  istum  ego  locum  totidem 
verbis  a  Dicaearcho  transtuli.  Phliasios  autem  dici  sciebam,  et 
ita  fac  ut  habeas ;  nos  quidem  sic  habemus.  Sed  primo  me 
^vaXoyia  deceperat  <t>XLovs,  'OTToi;.,  ^l^ovs.  quod  ^Otto.V.o.,  2.- 
^oi^vuoL.    Sed  hoc  continuo  correximus.    Laetari  te  nostra  mode- 


parentlyin  a  dialogue  or  narrative  about  the 
cave  of  Trophonius,  in  which  Chaeron  was 
the  (chief)  speaker.  The  work  is  men- 
tioned by  Athenaeus,  13,  594;  H»  ^41. 

1.  Quod   mare   tantum    secuti   sint, 
'for  keeping   so  much  to  the   sea  coast. 

Wesenb.  has  '  tam.' 

2.  Locum.  This  word  seems  to  have  been 

omitted  in  Baiter's  edition  by  an  error  of 
the  press.     Orelli  and  Wesenb.  insert  it 

3  iaropiKiiraros,  'most  learned  in 
history.'  Plutarch,  Themist.  13,  uses  the 
word  in  the  sense  of 'historical;'  in  classical 
Greek  it  would  rather  mean  'most  in- 
quisitive.* .    ,     t 

4.  Adcredens  ='credens,     both    neut. 

and  act.  ,  , 

Cum  Dionysio.   Dionysius  was  Cicero  s 

freedman ;  he  is  the  No.  2  of  Ep.  28, 9,  note. 
6.  De  C.  Vestorio.  Vestorius  was  a 
banker  at  Puteoli,  often  mentioned  in  the 
letters  of  Bock  4  to  Atticus,  and  on 
friendly  terms  both  with  the  latter  and  with 

Cicero. 

M.  Cluvio.  Cluvius  was  another  money- 
lender at  Puteoli,  of  which  the  old  name 
was  Dicaearchia.  Boot.  Cp.  Smith's  Diet, 
of  Geogr.  2.  678.  Cicero  compares  the 
credit  due  to  Dicaearchus  on  geography 
with  that  due  to  these  bankers  in  money 

matters.  _  .1.    /      u 

7   Arcadiae..  maritimum,  *he(prob. 

Dionysius)  thought  that  a  place  called 
L'preon,  on  the  coast,  belonged  to  Arcadia 
The  Lepreon  on  the  borders  of  Elis  and 
Messenia  may  have  stood  on  the  sea  m 
early  times,  and  had  been  a  member  of  the 
Arcadian  confederacy.  Cp.  Paus.  5.  5,  3. 
8.  Tenea    was     in     the     territory    ot 


Corinth;   Aliphera    in  Arcadia;    Tritia 
was  one  of  the  twelve  Achaean  cities.       ^ 
9.  viOKTiara,  'of  late  foundation,    a 

classical  word. 

r<f  rwv  viSiv  KaTa\6y(p:   sc.  Horn. 

II.  2.  ,      , 

11.  Transtuli, 'transferred  to  my  book 

on  the  Commonwealth.'     Cp.  De  Rep.  2.  4, 
8.     Atticus  had  criticized  the   accuracy  of 
the  statement,  apparently ;  Cicero  notices  a 
similar  criticism  on  another  point.     Ad  Alt. 
6.  I,  8.     The  statement  which  Cicero  here 
reports  from  Dicaearchus  or  from  Dionysius 
must   have  been   curious.     The   argument 
from  Lepreon  implies  that  the  statement  of 
Dicaearchus  would  have  been  justified  if  the 
Arcadian  confederacy  had  had  a  single  sea- 
port ;   yet  the  anxiety  of  Dionysius  to  dis- 
prove  the   antiquity  of  Tenea   and   other 
places,  would  shew  that  the  existence  of  a 
single  inland  city  in  a  confederacy  was  held 
fatal  to  the   sweeping   assertion  of  Dicae- 
archus;    in   which   case   the    existence   of 
Tegea   and    Mantinea,   to   go   no   farther, 
might  seem  sufficient  to  disprove  it.    The 
whole  discussion  illustrates  the  inadequacy 
of  the  materials  at  the  disposal  of  ancient 

writers. 

Phliasios  .  .  habemus,  'I  know  that 
the  people  of  Phlius  are  called  Phliasii,  and 
do  you  correct  your  copy  accordingly 
(ita  Vac  ut  habeas,  cp.  Forcell.)  ;  mine  is 
already  corrected.' 

12.  Sed  primo  .  .  ^ivovvrioi,  'but 
when  I  first  wrote  I  was  deceived  by  a  false 
analogy ;  as  Opus  and  Sipus  make  Opuntii 
and  Sipuntii,  I  thought  Phlius  would  make 
Phliintii.'  The  present  MS.  of  the  treatise 
'  De  Re  pi.blica '  seems  to  have  '  Phliuntii.' 


EP.38.]         EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VL2.  261 

ratione  et  continentia  video :  turn  id  magis  faceres,  si  adesses. 
Atque  hoc  foro,  quod  egi  ex  Idibus  Februariis  Laodiceae  ad  Kal. 
Maias  omnium  dioecesium  praeter  Ciliciae,  mirabilia  quaedam 
effecimus  :  ita  multae  civitates  omni  aere  alieno  liberatae,  multae 
valde  levatae  sunt ;  omnes  suis  legibus  et  iudiciis  usae,  avrovofiCav  5 
adeptae,  revixerunt.  His  ego  duobus  generibus  facultatem  ad  se 
aere  alieno  liberandas  aut  levandas  dedi :  uno,  quod  omnino 
5  nullus  in  imperio  meo  sumptus  factus  est —nullum  cum  dico,  non 
loquor  vrnp^okLKm—nuWus,  inquam,  ne  teruncius  quidem.  Hac 
autem  re  incredibile  est  quantum  civitates  emerserint.  Accessit  10 
altera.  Mira  erant  in  civitatibus  ipsorum  furta  Graecorum,  quae 
magistratus  sui  fecerant :  quaesivi  ipse  de  iis,  qui  atirtis  decem 
proximis  magistratum  gesserant ;  aperte  fatebantur.  Itaque  sine 
ulla  ignominia  suis  humeris  pecunias  populis  rettulerunt ;  populi 
autem  nullo  gemitu  publicanis,  quibus  hoc  ipso  lustro  nihil  sol-  15 
verant,  etiam  superioris  lustri  reliqua  reddiderunt ;  itaque  publi- 
canis in  oculis  sumus.  '  Gratis  '  inquis  *  viris !'  Sensimus.  *  lam 
cetera  iuris  dictio  nee  imperita  et  clemens  cum  admirabili  faci- 
litate ;  aditus  autem  ad  me  minime  provinciales ;  nihil  per  cubi- 


2.  Hoc  foro,  *  at  this  session,'  from 
Feb.  13  to  May  i. 

3.  Praeter  Ciliciae,  '  except  of  Cilicia 
proper.'  *  Praeter '  is  used  adverbially.  Cp. 
Madv.  172,  iii.  Obs.  2. 

5.  Omnes  .  .  revixerunt,  'all  being 
allowed  their  own  laws  and  courts,  and  so 
having  regained  a  kind  of  independence, 
have  recovered  much  strength.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  6.  1,  15  '  illud,  in  quo  sibi  libertatem 
censent  Graeci  datam  ut  Graeci  inter  se 
disceptent  suis  legibus.*  This  freedom  did 
not  exempt  from  obedience  to  the  com- 
mands of  the  Roman  governor,  but  allowed 
the  cities  to  use  their  own,  not  Roman,  laws 
for  their  domestic  affairs.  Cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt 
C.  E.  2.  156,  157. 

6.  His  .  .  duobus  generibus,  *  in  the 
two  points  I  will  now  mention.' 

8.  In  imperio  meo,  'during  my  go- 
vernment.'    Cp.  Ep.  36,  5,  note. 

9.  Hac  .  .  re,  'by  this  circumstance,' 
abL  instr.     Cp.  Madv.  254. 

10.  Accessit  altera, sc' res.'  The  con- 
struction has  changed  slightly,  we  should 
expect  *  altero  *  corresponding  to  '  uno.' 

11.  Ipsorum  furta  . .  fecerant,  'pecula- 
tions of  the  Greeks  themselves,  I  mean  of 
their  magistrates.'  '  Ipsorum,'  opposed  to 
tlie  Roman  officers. 


12.  Annis  decem  proximis.  On  the 
ablat.,  cp.  Madv.  276. 

14.  Ignominia, 'exposure.* 

Suis  humeris,  'of  their  own  accor«l.* 
Boot.  He  quotes  pro  Milon.  9,  25;  pro 
Flacco  37,  94.  But  those  passages  rather 
suggest  'from  their  own  resources,*  i.e. 
•without  borrowing,*  as  Mr.  Jeans  under- 
stands the  phrase.' 

16.  Reliqua,    *  the    arrears.'      Cp.   Ep. 

37.  3- 

17.  In  oculis  sumus,  '  1  am  a  favour- 
ite with.'     Forcell.     Cp.  Tusc.  Disp.  2.  26, 

63. 

Gratis   .  .  viris.     Boot    thinks    these 

words  are  ironical,  as  the  equites,  to  whose 

order    the    publicani    belonged,    had    not 

supported   Cicero   effectively   against    Clo- 

dius. 

lam,  '  moreover.* 

19.  Provinciales,  'such  as  had  been 
usual  in  the  province'  (cp.  Tac.  Ann.  15. 
31),  where  a  foreign  prince  asks  for  his 
brother,  'ne  .  .  complexu  provincias  obti- 
nentium    arceretur   foribusve   eorura    adsis- 

teret.' 

Nihil  per  cubicularium, 'no  one  need 
apply  to  a  chamberlain  in  order  to  get  an 
audience,'  supp.  '  agebatur.* 


262 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


cularium;   ante  lucem  inambulabam  domi,  ut  olim  candidatus. 
Grata  haec  et  magna  mihique  nondum  laboriosa  ex  ilia  vetere 
militia.     Nonis  Maiis  in  Ciliciam  cogitabam ;   ibi  cum  lunium  6 
mensem  consumpsissem— atque  utinam  in  pace !  magnum  enim 
Sbellum    impendet   a   Parthis— ,  Quinctilem   in    reditu   ponere ; 
annuae  enim  mihi  operae  a.  d.  III.  Kal.  Sextil.  emerentur  :  magna 
autem  in  spe  sum  mihi  nihil  temporis  prorogatum  iri.    Habebam 
acta  urbana  usque  ad  Nonas   Martias,   e   quibus   intellegebam 
Curionis  nostri  constantia  omnia  potius  actum  iri  quam  de  pro- 
10  vinciis :  ergo,  ut  spero,  propediem  te  videbo.     Venio  ad  Brutum  7 
tuum,  immo  nostrum ;  sic  enim  mavis  :  equidem  omnia  feci,  quae 
potui  aut  in  mea  provincia  perficere  aut  in  regno  experiri.    Omni 
igitur  modo  egi  cum  rege  et  ago  quotidie,  per  litteras  scilicet ; 
ipsum  enim  triduum  quadriduumve  mecum  habui  turbulentis  in 
15  rebus,  quibus  eum  liberavi.     Sed  et  tum  praesens  et  postea  cre- 
berrumis  litteris  non  destiti  rogare  et  petere  mea  causa,  suadere 
et  hortari  sua :  multum  profeci,  sed  quantum,  non  plane,  quia 
longe  absum,  scio.     Salaminios  autem— hos  enim  poteram  coer- 


1.  Inambulabam  domi,  *I  walk  up 
and  down  in  my  house  as  of  old  when 
a  candidate,'  i.e.  I  allow  every  one  free 
access. 

2.  Grata  haec  .  .  militia,  'these  acts 
of  condescension  are  popular  and  highly 
valued,*  and  my  old  service  (as  an  advocate 
and  politician)  has  thus  far  prevented  my 
being  annoyed  by  performing  them.' 

3.  Ibi  cum.  On  the  position  of  *  cum,' 
cp.  Madv.  465  b. 

5.  In  reditu  ponere,  'to  occupy  July 
with  my  journey  home,'  i.e.  with  my  return 
to  the  western  frontier  of  the  province, 
probably.  For  he  presently  remarks  that 
his  year  expired  on  July  30. 

6.  Annuae  .  .  operae  .  .  emerentur, 
*my  year's  service  expires.'     Cp.  Ad  Att. 

^-  5»  3-  „       ^  ^ 

8.  Acta  urbana  :   see  Ep.  10,  0,  note, 

on  p.  108. 

9.  Curionis  ..  constantia.  Curio  ap- 
parently had  already  begun  to  insist  that 
Pompey  should  be  deprived  of  his  provinces 
if  Caesar  were  deprived  of  his.  Cicero  does 
not  seem  to  have  suspected  that  Caesar  had 
bought  Curio's  services.  Cp.  Mommsen  4. 
2,  354,  for  the  facts. 

Omnia  potius  . .  provinciis,  'that  the 
last  things  on  which  discussions  would  take 
place  in  the  senate  would  be  questions  of 
provincial  administration.' 


10.  Ut  spero  .  .  videbo.  Cicero  had 
feared  that  the  senate  might  require  him  to 
stay  more  than  a  year  in  his  province :  and 
Curio's  opposition  to  all  discussion  about 
the  provinces  had  relieved  him  of  this 
anxiety. 

Ad  Brutum  . .  nostrum,  foil,  *to  your, 
or  as  you  prefer,  our — friend  Brutus  and  his 
claims.'  Atticus  seems  to  have  written  com- 
plaining of  Cicero's  strictness. 

11.  Equidem  .  .  experiri,  *I  have  ex- 
erted myself  in  effecting  everything  I  could 
in  my  province,  and  in  attempting  all  I 
could  in  the  neighbouring  kingdom.' 

12.  In  regno,  sc.  Ariobarzanis,  'in  Cap- 
padocia.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  18,  I  and  4;  5. 
20,  6. 

13.  Egi  cum  rege  .  .  scilicet,  'have 
made  representations  to  the  king,  and  am 
still  making  them — I  mean  by  letter.'  'Per 
litteras  scilicet '  corrects  '  omni  modo.* 
'  Cum  rege,'  sc.  Ariobarzane. 

14.  Triduum  quadriduumve,  ^  only 
for  three  or  four  days.' 

Turbulentis  in  rebus,  'while  there 
was  disorder  in  his  country.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
15.  2,  4-6;  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  6. 

16.  Mea  causa,  'out  of  consideration 
for  me.' 

17.  Sua,  'for  his  own  interest,*  which 
would  be  promoted  by  his  paying  his 
debts. 


\ 
( 

/ 

'  1 


EP.  38.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VL  2.  2^3 

cere— adduxi,  ut  totum  nomen  Scaptio  vellent  solvere,  sed  cente- 
simis  ductis  a  proxuma  quidem  syngrapha,  nee  perpetuis,  sed 
renovatis  quotannis.  Numerabantur  nummi:  noluit  Scaptius. 
Tu,  qui  ais  Brutum  cupere  aliquid  perdere  ?  quaternas  habebat  in 
syngrapha.  Fieri  non  poterat,  nee,  si  posset,  ego  pati  possem.  5 
Audio  omnino  Scaptium  paenitere  ;  nam  quod  senatus  consultum 
esse  dicebat,  ut  ius  ex  syngrapha  diceretur,  eo  consilio  factum  est, 
quod  pecuniam  Salaminii  contra  legem  Gabiniam  sumpserant ; 
vetabat  autem  Auli  lex  ius  dici  de  ita  sumpta  pecunia :  decrevit 
igitur  senatus,  ut  ius  diceretur  ex  ista  syngrapha.  Nunc  ista  10 
8  habet  iuris  idem,  quod  ceterae,  nihil  praecipui.  Haec  a  me 
ordine  facta  puto  me  Bruto  probaturum,  tibi  nescio  ;  Catoni  certe 
probabo.  Sed  iam  ad  te  ipsum  revertor :  ain  tandem,  Attice, 
laudator  integritatis  et  elegantiae  nostrae, 

ausus  es  hoc  ex  ore  tuo .  '5 

inquit  Ennius,  ut  equites  Scaptio  ad  pecuniam  cogendam  darem, 
me  rogare  ?  an  tu  si  mecum  esses,  qui  scribis  morderi  te  interdum, 
quod  non  simul  sis,  paterere  me  id  facere,  si  vellem  ?  *  Non  am- 
plius'  inquis  '  quinquaginta.'  Cum  Spartaco  minus  multi  pnmo 
fuerunt :  quid  tandem  isti  mali  in  tam  tenera  insula  non  fecis-  20 
sent?  non  fecissent  autem?   immo  quid  ante  adventum  meum 


2.  Perpetuis;  cp.  Ep.  36,  13,  'without 
compound  interest.* 

3.  Renovatis    quotannis,  probably^ 

•  cum  anatocism©  anniversario.'    See  Ep.  36, 

II,  note.  ,  , 

Numerabantur,  'were  just  about  to  be 

paid.'     See  Madv.  337.  O^^.  i. 

4.  Tu,  sc.  'is  es,'  ' is  it  you,'  or  'can  you 
defend  this.'  Wesenb.  has  'tu  qm  (  =  qui) 
ais,'  and  Manutius  interprets  the  passage 
similarly,  'qui  verum  est  id  quod  scribis, 

*  how  can  you  say.'  , 

Aliquid  perdere, '  to  put  up  with  some 

loss.' 

5.  Fieri    non    poterat,   'payment    on 

such  terms  was  impossible.' 

6.  Scaptium  paenitere,  «that  Scaptius 
is  sorry  for  his  covetousness.' 

Nam  quod  .  .  sumpserant,  'for  as  to 
the  statement  that  (cp.  Ep.  26,  2,  note)  a 
decree  of  the  senate  legalized  the  bringing 
of  an  action  under  that  bill,  I  answer  that 
the  decree  was  passed  because  the  people  of 
Salamis  had  borrowed  money  m  violation 
of  the  Gabinian  law.'  That  is,  the  object 
of  the  decree  was  to  exempt  the  lender  and 
the   people   of  Salamis  from  penalties  for 


lending  and  borrowing  at  all;  not  to  au- 
thorize an  exceptional  rate  of  interest.  Cp. 
Ep.  36, 1 2,  note.  It  appears  then  that  the  go- 
vernor's edict  fixed  the  rate  of  interest  which 
could  be  recovered  on  all  contracts  which 
became  subjects  of  litigation  during  his  year 
of  office,  even  if  the  contracts  had  been 
concluded  previously. 

9.  Auli,  sc.  Gabinii» 

10.  Nunc  ista  habet . .  praecipui :  cp. 

Ep.  36,  12,  note.  .     ,    ^ 

12.  Nescio,  sc* an probaturussim.     Un 

'probare*  with   ace.   and   dat.,  cp.   Madv. 

242,  Obs.  I. 

14.  Elegantiae,    'propriety,'    'purity.* 

Cp.  Pro  SuU.  28,  79. 

16.  Inquit.     Wesenb.  has  ' ut  inquit.' 

17.  Morderi,  'are  tormented.'  Cp. 
Tusc.  Disp.  3.  34»  82. 

19.  Cum  Spartaco,  supp.  'and  yet  he 
did  mischief  enough.'  The  number  of  the 
original  followers  of  Spartacus  is  variously 
given.     Florus,  3.  20,  supports  Cicero. 

20.  Tenera,  'un warlike,'  'effeminate.* 

21.  Non  fecissent  autem,  'do  I  say 
"would  not  have  done"?'  Cp.  §  1, 
note. 


254 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


10 


15 


20 


non  fecerunt  ?     Inclusum  in  curia  senatum  habuerunt  Salaminium 
ita  multos  dies,  ut  interierint  non  nulli  fame ;  erat  enim  prae- 
fectus  Appii  Scaptius  et  habebat  turmas  ab  Appio.    Id  me  igitur 
tu,  cuius  mehercule  os  mihi  ante  oculos  solet  versari,  cum  de 
aliquo  officio  ac  laude  cogito,  tu  me,  inquam,  rogas,  praefectus  ut 
Scaptius  sit  ?  Alias  hoc  statueramus,  ut  negotiatorem  neminem, 
idque  Bruto  probaveramus.    Habeat  is  turmas  ?  cur  potius  quam  9 
cohortes  ?  sumptu  iam  nepos  evadit  Scaptius.     '  Volunt '  inquit 
'principes.'     Scio :  nam  ad  me  Ephesum  usque  vencrunt  flen- 
tesque  equitum  scelera  et  miserias  suas  detulerunt ;  itaque  statim 
dedi  litteras,  ut  ex  Cypro  equites  ante  certam  diem  decederent, 
ob  eamque  causam,  tum  ob  ceteras  Salaminii   nos  in   caelum 
decretis  suis  sustulerunt.     Sed  iam  quid  opus  equitatu  ?  solvunt 
enim  Salaminii :  nisi  forte  id  volumus  armis  efficere,  ut  faenus 
quaternis  centesimis  ducant.    Et  ego  audebo  legere  umquam  aut 
attingere  eos  libros,  quos  tu  dilaudas,  si  tale  quid  fecero  ?    Nimis, 
nimis,  inquam,  in  isto  Brutum  amasti,  dulcissime  Attice,  nos 
vereor  ne  parum.     Atque  haec  scripsi  ego  ad  Brutum  scripsisse 
te  ad  me.     Cognosce  nunc  cetera.     Pro  Appio  nos  hie  omnia  lO; 
facimus,  honeste   tamen,  sed   plane   libenter;   nee  enim  ipsum 
odimus  et  Brutum  amamus,  et  Pompeius  mirifice  a  me  conten- 


I.  Inclusum  .  .  habuerunt :  cp.  Ep. 
36,  13,  note,  for  the  construction. 

4.  De  aliquo  officio  ac  laude,  'about 
anything  right  and  honourable.' 

5.  Praefectus.  In  the  provinces  a  mili- 
tary officer  seems  to  be  denoted  by  this  title. 
Cp.  Ep.  27,  3,  note  on  '  praefectura.' 

6.  Alias,  'at  another  time,'  'previously.' 
Neminem,  sc.  '  praefectum  faceremus.' 

8.  Sumptu  .  .  Scaptius,  'Scaptius  is  be- 
coming quite  extravagant  in  his  expenditure,' 
ironical.  He  would  probably  offer  to  pay 
the  troops  placed  at  his  disposal,  and  cavalry 
would  be  more  expensive  than  infantry. 

Volunt  .  .  principes,  '"the  nobles  of 
Salamis  will  have  it  so  "  he  (Scaptius)  says.' 

9.  Scio,  'no  doubt/  ironical. 

12.  Ob  eamque  causam  tum  ob  ce- 
teras, 'and  both  for  that  reason  and  for 
others.'  The  cc  mbination  of  '  que '  and 
*  tum  *  is  curious. 

13.  Solvunt,  'are  ready  to  pay.*  Cp. 
Madv.  339,  Obss. 

15.  Et,  admirantis;  'and  shall  I  then 
venture.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  23,  I  'et  non 
omnes  nostra  corpora  opponimus.' 

16.  Eos    libros;   cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  i,  8. 


Cicero  refers  to  his  treatise  'De  Re  publica.' 
Dilaudas  ='va'fievel  valdelaudas.*   For- 
cell.     It  seems  only  to  occur  here. 

18.  Ne  parum,  scil.  •  amaverimus.* 
Haec    scripsi,   foil.:    Cp.   Ep.    14,    I, 

as  illustrating  Cicero's  anxiety  to  have  his 
services  mentioned  in  a  similar  case. 

19.  Cetera,  'what  else  have  I  to  say.' 
Pro  Appio  :  cp.  Epp.  37,  2  ;   35,  i  and 

5,  notes;  Rein,  Crim.  R.  564;  733.  Ap- 
pius  had  been  accused  of  '  ambitus  '  and  of 
•  maiestas,'  and  seems  to  have  been  ac- 
quitted on  both  charges.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  3. 
II,  1-3;  3.  12,  I.  Cicero,  as  governor 
of  Cilicia,  would  have  opportunities  for  dis- 
couraging witnesses  from  appearing  against 
him.     Manutius. 

20.  Honeste  .  .  libenter,  'with  a  due 
regard  for  my  own  honour,  but  with  evi- 
dent good- will  to  him.' 

Tamen  qualifies  '  omnia.' 

Nee  enim  .  .  et :  cp.  Ep.  6,  4,  note. 

21.  Brutum.  M.  Brutus  was  son-in-law 
to  Appius.     Cp.  Ep.  37,  2,  note. 

Contendit,  'exerted  himself  much  to 
obtain  it.'  Forcell.  A  common  use  of  the 
word  in  Cicero's  writings. 


I 


EP.39.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XV,  S-       265 

dit,  quem  mehercule  plus  plusque  in  dies  diligo.  C.  Caelium 
quaestorem  hue  venire  audisti.  Nescio,  quid  sit ;  sed  Pammenia 
ilia  mihi  non  placent.  Ego  me  spero  Athenis  fore  mense  Sep- 
tembri.  Tuorum  itinerum  tempora  scire  sane  velim.  Evrj^ftai; 
Sempronii  Rufi  cognovi  ex  epistola  Corcyraea  :  quid  quaeris  ?  in-  5 
video  potentiae  Vestorii.  Cupiebam  etiam  nunc  plura  garrire,  sed 
lucet :  urget  turba,  festinat  Philogenes.  Valebis  igitur  et  valere 
Piliam  et  Caeciliam  nostram  iubebis  litteris  et  salvebis  a  meo 
Cicerone. 


39.    M.  CATO  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XV.  5). 
Rome,  about  June,  50  b.c.  (704  a.u.c.) 

I.  On  public  and  on  private  grounds  alike  I  recognized  with  pleasure  in  the  senate 
the  merits  and  success  of  your  administration.  2.  The  form  which  my  approval  took 
was  in  my  judgment  that  most  honourable  to  you ;  if  you  prefer  that  which  the 
majority  of  the  senate  adopted  I  am  glad ;  but  this  compliment  will  not  necessarily 
be  followed  by  a  triumph,  nor  is  a  triumph  really  the  highest  distinction.  3.  My 
regard  for  you  induces  me  to  express  my  views  at  greater  length  than  usual. 


1.  Quem  .  .  diligo.  Pompey  was  now 
preparing  for  his  impending  struggle  with 
Caesar.  Hence  these  words  may  have  a 
political  bearing. 

C.  Caelium.  C.  Caelius  Caldus  went 
out  to  serve  as  quaestor  in  Cilicia  under 
Cicero,  and  the  latter  afterwards  left  him  in 
charge  of  the  province,  notwithstanding  his 
youth  and  some  defects  of  character.  Cp. 
Ep.  42,  3  and  4. 

2.  Quaestorem  .  .  venire,  'is  coming 
as  quaestor.*  Cp.  Madv.  220.  He  was 
probably  one  of  the  quaestors  for  51-50  b.c. 
No  very  definite  rule  seems  to  have  obtained 
as  to  the  succession  of  quaestors  in  the  pro- 
vinces ;  C.  Cassius  remained  more  than  a 
year  in  Syria  after  Crassus*  death.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  II,  §  16. 

Nescio,  quid  sit,  *I  do  not  know  what 
to  make  of  this  affair,'  referring  to  what  fol- 
lows. Boot.  Wesenb.  punctuates  *  audisti : 
nescio  quid  sit ;  sed — .' 

Sed  Pammenia  .  .  non  placent,  'but 
I  am  not  pleased  with  what  has  been  done 
about  the  house  of  Pammenes.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  5.  20,  10.  Pammenes  was  perhaps  a 
ward  or  protege  of  Atticus  or  Cicero,  whose 
property  was  endangered  by  a  law-suit.  A 
Greek  orator  or  writer  of  the  name  is  men- 
tioned Brut.  97,  332  ;   Orat.  30,  105  as  a 


contemporary  of  Cicero. 

4.  Tuorum  itinerum  tempora,  'the 
probable  dates  of  your  journeys.'  Cicero 
wished  to  meet  Atticus  on  his  own  way  to 
Rome. 

E  V 17  d  €  t  a  I',  '  simplicity,'  '  stupidity.'  Cp. 
below,  and  Ep.  34.  I,  for  more  particulars 
about  Rufus. 

5.  Corcyraea.  Atticus  had  visited  Cor- 
cyra  on  his  way  to  Epirus,  apparently.     Cp. 

Ep-  36,  I.  ,  ,r         . 

Invideo  .  .  Vestorii,  'I  envy  Vestonus 

the  power  his  wealth  gives  him.'     When 

Cicero  had  been  at  Puteoli,  on  his  way  to 

assume   the  government   of  Cilicia,  Rufus 

had  avoided  him,  though  under  considerable 

obligations  to  him.     Cicero  supposed   that 

he  feared  to  meet  Vestorius,  and  therefore 

avoided  publicity,  and  ironically  says  that 

he  envies  Vestorius  the  power  which  could 

frighten  Rufus  into  discourtesy. 

7.  Turba,  'the  crowd  of  clients  and 
petitioners.' 

Valebis  .  .  iubebis  .  .  salvebis,  fut. 
indie,  for  imperat.,  cp.  Madv.  384,  Obs. 

8.  Piliam  :  cp.  Ep.  31,  7. 
Caeciliam.     Caecilia,  more  often  called 

Attica,  was  daughter  of  Atticus.     Cp.  Ep. 
117,  8,  note. 


/ 


a66 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


M.  CATO  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI  IMP. 


[part  it. 


/ 


Quod  et  res  publica  me  et  nostra  amicitia  hortatur,  libenter  i 
facio,  ut  tuam  virtutem,  innocentiam,  diligentiam  cognitam  in 
maximis   rebus   domi    togati,   armati    foris   pari   industria   ad- 
ministrare  gaudeam :  itaque,  quod  pro  meo  iudicio  facere  potui, 

6  ut   innocentia   consilioque   tuo  defensam  provinciam,  servatum 
Ariobarzanis  cum  ipso  rege  regnum,  sociorum  revocatam  ad  stu- 
dium  imperii  nostri  voluntatem  sententia  mea  et  decreto  lauda- 
rem,  feci.     Supplicationem    decretam,    si    tu,    qua   in   re   nihil  2 
fortuito,  sed  summa  tua  ratione  et  continentia  rei  publicae  pro- 

10  visum  est,  dis  immortalibus  gratulari  nos  quam  tibi  referre 
acceptum  mavis,  gaudeo :  quod  si  triumphi  praerogativam  putas 
supplicationem  et  idcirco  casum  potius  quam  te  laudari  mavis, 
neque  supplicationem  sequitur  semper  triumphus   et  triumpho 


1.  Quod  with  •hortatur.'     Cp.  Ep.  38, 

2,  note. 

2.  Facio,  ut  .  .  gaudeam  :  cp.  Ep.  30, 

5,  note. 

Cognitam  . .  togati,  «proved  in  the  most 
critical  events  of  your  domestic  administra- 
tion.* Cp.  •  cedant  arma  togae '  in  Cicero's 
poem  on  his  consulship.  The  *toga/  as 
the  dress  usually  worn  at  Rome,  was  the 
emblem  of  domestic  administration;  the 
'  sagum,'  or  miUtary  cloak,  of  war. 

3.  Armati  foris.  These  words  refer  to 
the  government  of  Cilicia  alone,  for  Cicero 
had  never  held  a  military  command  abroad 
before  his  proconsulate.  Cato  is  comparing 
Cicero's  government  of  a  province  with  his 
consulship,  but  the  order  of  the  words  is 
rather  harsh. 

Administrare.  The  MS.  has  •  ad- 
ministrari/  which,  however,  seems  hardly 
ever  to  be  used  in  the  sense  of '  adhiberi/ 
which  it  must  bear  here.  Cp.,  however, 
Cicero  de  Domo  Sua  27,  71;  Nagelsbach 
114,313.  For  •administrare'  as  a  neuter 
verb,  cp.  Sill.  lug.  92  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  4. 

29. 

4.  Pro  meo  iudicio,  'in  accordance 
with  my  conviction,'  •  conscientiously.' 

5.  Ut  .  .  laudarem.  Cato  had  pro- 
posed a  complimentary  vote  in  Cicero's 
honour,  but  not  a  formal  '  supplicatio.'  , 

Defensam.  •  Contra  metum  Parthici 
belli.'     Manut.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  14. 

6.  Ariobarzanis  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 
§  20.  Besides  the  services  there  mentioned, 
Cicero  induced  the  powerful  high  priest  of 


Bellona  at  Comana  to  withdraw  from  Cap- 
padocia.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  6. 

Sociorum  .  .  voluntatem,  'that  the 
hearts  of  our  allies  have  been  won  back  to  a 
cheerful  acquiescence  in  our  rule.' 

7.  Sententia  mea  et  decreto,  'my 
speech  and  vote,'  when  your  services  were 
discussed  in  the  senate.  '  Decernere'  is  used 
of  the  individual  senator  as  well  as  of  the 
whole  body.  Cp.  In  Cat.  4.  5,  10  '  is  .  .  et 
supplicationem  mihi  decrevit.' 

8.  Qua  in  re  .  .  provisum  est,  supply 
in  the  first  clause  *  factum '  from  •  provisum/ 
and  in  the  second  'a  word  meaning  'all' 
from  •nihil.'  Siipfle.  On  the  zeugma,  cp. 
Madv.  478,  Obs.  4. 

10.  Gratulari  = 'grates    agere.'     For- 

cell. 

Tibi  referre  acceptum,  sc. 'id  quod 
provisum  est.'     Hofm. 

u.  Praerogativam,  *the  necessary  pre- 
liminary,' which  a  triumph  will  follow  as 
surely  as  the  other  centuries  do  the  vote 
of  the  first.  For  this  metaphorical  sense  of 
'  praerogativa/ cp.  In  Verr.  Act.  I.  9,  26. 
For  the  usual  meaning,  Smith's  Diet,  of 
Antiq.  339. 

12.  Et  idcirco  .  .  mavis,  'and  there- 
fore (because  you  think  a  triumph  will 
follow  it)  you  wish  Fortune  rather  than 
yourself  to  get  the  credit.'  Cato  identifies 
casus  with  the  gods  to  whom  the  'suppli- 
catio '  was  addressed. 

13.  Neque  . .  et  . .  iudicare,  'I  remark 
that  a  thanksgiving  is  not  always  followed 
by  a  triumph,  and  that  a  declaration  of  the 


EP.40.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XV,6.        267 

multo  clarius  est  senatum  iudicare  potius  mansuetudine  et  inno- 
centia imperatoris  provinciam  quam  vi  militum  aut  benignitate 
deorum  retentam  atque  conservatam  esse  ;  quod  ego  mea  sententia 
3  censebam.  Atque  haec  ego  idcirco  ad  te  contra  consuetudinem 
meam  pluribus  scripsi,  ut,  quod  maxime  volo,  existimes  me  labo-  5 
rare,  ut  tibi  persuadeam  me  et  voluisse  de  tua  maiestate,  quod 
amplissimum  sim  arbitratus,  et,  quod  tu  maluisti,  factum  esse 
gaudere.  Vale  et  nos  dilige  et  instituto  itinere  severitatem  dili- 
gentiamque  sociis  et  rei  publicae  praesta. 


40.    To  M.  CATO  (AD  FAM.  XV.  6). 
Written  from  the  East,  August  (?),  50  b.c.  (704  a.u.c.) 

\  I.  I  value  your  approbation  most  highly,  and  if  there  were  several  Gates  in  the 

'■>^     Commonwealth  I  should  seek  for  no  further  recognition  of  my  services.     2.  I  am 

^'   sorry  you  were  not  convinced  by  the  grounds  alleged  in  my  previous  letter  to  justify 

my  demand  of  a  triumph  ;  but  I  hope  that  if  the  senate  grants  me  one  you  will  share 

my  pleasure  at  the  decision. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  M.  CATONI. 

1      '  Laetus  sum  laudari  me'  inquit  Hector,  opinor  apud  Naevium,  10 
'  abs  te,  pater,  a  laudato  viro  :'  ea  est  enim  profecto  iucunda  laus, 
quae  ab  iis  proficiscitur,  qui  ipsi  in  laude  vixerunt.    Ego  vero  vel 


senate,'  foil.  On  neque  ..  et,  cp.  Ep.  6, 4,  p. 
45,  note,  and  on  the  omission  of  words  mean- 
ing 'I  remark  that,'  cp.  Pro  Muren.  7,  15 
*  sin  autem  sunt  amplae  et  honestae  familiae 
plebeiae,  et  proavus  L.  Murenae  et  avus 
praetor  fuit.' 

4.  Contra  consuetudinem  .  .  pluri- 
bus, 'at  some  length,  contrary  to  my  usual 
practice.* 

6.  Voluisse  .  .  arbitratus,  'supported 
that  measure,  with  regard  to  the  honours  to 
be  paid  you,  which  I  thought  would  bring 
you  most  distinction.'  This  sense  of  *  velle ' 
is  illustrated  by  the  form  in  which  a  law 
was  submitted  to  the  people  •  velitis  iubeatis 
Quirites,'  etc.  On  the  mood  of  sim,  cp. 
Ep.  3,  3,  note  on  *  quod  vererere.' 

7.  Et  quod  tu  .  .  gaudere,  'and  yet 
that  I  am  glad  the  course  you  preferred  was 
adopted.'  •  Et '  almost  = ' sed.'  Cp.  Ep.  38. 
2,  note  on  '  ac* 

8.  Instituto  itinere,  *  in  the  path  you 
have  begun  to  tread,'  ablat.  modi.  Cp.  Ep. 
34,  2,  note. 


The  East.  I  cannot  ascertain  the  date 
of  this  letter.  Ad  Att.  6,  7  seems  to  shew 
that    Cicero  had    heard  of  the  vote  of  a 

•  supplicatio*  before  he  sailed  for  Rhodes  (cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  24),  and  Cato's  letter  was 
probably  written  soon  after  the  vote. 

10.  Laetus  sum  .  .  viro  :  cp.  Ad  Fam. 
5.  12,  7.  Kiihner,  on  Tusc.  Disp.  4.  31,  67, 
says  that  the  words  form  a  trochaic  tetra- 
meter catalectic. 

Opinor.     Siipfle  says  that  *  opinor  *  and 

*  ut  opinor '  do  not  express  uncertainty,  but 
the  unimportance  of  the  fact  in  question. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  3.  6,  3  'diebus  qui  tibi  .  . 
lege,  ut  opinor,  Cornelia  constituti  essent.* 
Man.  thinks  that  Cicero  affects  ignorance, 
so  as  not  to  seem  a  habitual  reader  of 
poetry. 

12.  In  laude,  'with  credit.'  Cp.  In  Verr. 
Act.  I.  17,  51  'esse  in  laude.' 

Ego  vero,  emphatic.  Cp.  Madv.  482 
and  454  for  •  vero.'     '  I  certainly.' 

Vel  gratulatione  .  .  dictae,  'both  by 
the  congratulation  of  your  letter  and   the 


%6S 


M.   TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


gratulatione  litterarum  tuarum  vel  testlmoniis  sententiae  dictae 
nihil  est  quod  me  non  adsecutum  putem  ;  idque  mihi  cum  amplis- 
simum,  tum  gratissimum  est,  te  libenter  amicitiae  dedisse,  quod 
liquido  veritati  dares.     Et,  si  non  modo  omnes,  verum   etiam 

6  multi  Catones  essent  in  civitate  nostra,  in  qua  unum  exstitisse 
mirabile  est,  quem  ego  currum  aut  quam  lauream  cum  tua  lauda- 
tione  conferrem  ?  nam  ad  meum  sensum  et  ad  illud  sincerum  ac 
subtile  indicium  nihil  potest  esse  laudabilius  quam  ea  tua  oratio, 
quae  est  ad  me  perscripta  a  meis  necessariis.     Sed  causam  meae  2 

lo  voluntatis,  non  enim  dicam  cupiditatis,  exposui  tibi  superioribus 
litteris,  quae  etiamsi  parum  iusta  tibi  visa  est,  hanc  tamen  habet 
rationem,  non  ut  nimis  concupiscendus  honos,  sed  tamen,  si 
deferatur  a  senatu,  minime  aspernandus  esse  videatur.  Spero 
autem  ilium  ordinem  pro  meis  ob  rem  publicam  susceptis  labori- 

15  bus  me  non  indignum  honore,  usitatb  praesertim,  existimaturum. 
Quod  si  ita  erit,  tantum  ex  te  peto,  quod  amicissime  scribis,  ut,  , 
cum  tuo  iudicio,  quod  amplissimum  esse  arbitraris,  mihi  tribueris. 


testimony  of  your  opinion  expressed  in  the 
senate/  On  the  ablatives,  cp.  Epp.  26,  9 ; 
37,  2,  notes  ;  and  with  the  genitives,  Ep.  5, 
2,  'aliquod  testimonium  tuae  vocis/ 

2.  Nihil  est  .  .  putem,  'think  I  have 
obtained  every  possible  honour.'  The  nega- 
tive form  gives  a  certain  awkwardness  to 
this  sentence. 

3.  Te  libenter  .  .  dares,  'that  friend- 
ship made  you  take  pleasure  in  what  you 
granted  without  hesitation  to  truth.*  For 
this  sense  of  liquido,  cp.  Siipfle,  and  In 
Verr.  2  Act.  4.  56,  124  •  confirmare  hoc 
liquido,  iudices,  possum.'  The  words  con- 
tain a  slight  expression  of  discontent,  *  you 
praised  me  no  more  than  the  facts  constrain- 
ed you  to  do.*  To  Atticus  (7.  2,  7)  Cicero 
is  more  outspoken  :  *  Cato  .  .  in  me  turpiter 
fuit  malevolus  :  dedit  integritatis  . .  mihi  tes- 
timonium quod  non  quaerebam ;  quod  pos- 
tulabam  negavit.' 

4.  Dares,  conj.,  as  expressing  Cicero's 
thoughts.     Cp.  Ep.  36,  II,  note. 

Si  non  modo  .  .  Catones,  'if,  I  do 
not  say  all,  but  many  of  our  countrymen 
were  Catos.' 

6.  Currum  .  .  lauream,  the  insignia 
of  a  triumph. 

7.  Nam  ad  meum  .  .  iudicium,  'ac- 
cording to  my  own  feelings,  or  to  your  re- 
markably uncorrupt  and  refined  judgment.* 

Illud  marks  something  exceptional. 
Siipfle. 

8.  Laudabilius,  *  more  honourable  for 


me.'     Wiel.  and  Metzg. 

9.  Quae  est  .  .  necessariis,  'has  been 
sent  me  by  my  friends  at  some  length.'  The 
speech  was  probably  that  referred  to  by  Cato 
in  the  preceding  letter.  Caelius  had  written 
Cicero  an  account  of  its  substance.  Ad  Fam. 
8.  II,  2. 

11.  Hanc  .  .  rationem,  'has  this  rea- 
sonable ground,  or  justification.'  Cicero 
had  explained  to  Cato  in  a  previous  letter 
that  honours  conferred  by  the  senate  would 
restore  him  the  dignity  he  had  held  before 
his  exile.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  14  '  huic  meae 
voluntati  in  qua  inest  aliqua  vis  desiderii  ad 
sanandum  volnus  iniuriae.' 

12.  Non  ut  nimis  ..  videatur,  'that 
the  honour  seems  one  not  indeed  to  be 
desired  too  eagerly,  but  yet  certainly  not  to 
be  rejected  if  offered.'  On  the  position  of 
'  ut,*  cp.  Madv.  465  b,  Obs. 

15.  Usitato  praesertim:  cp.  Ad  Fam. 
15.  4,  14  '  tantum  ut  multi  nequaquam  pari- 
bus rebus  honoies  summos  a  senatu  conse- 
ciiti  sint.'  Lentulus  Spinther  triumphed  for 
successes  probably  not  greater  than  Cicero's 
(cp.  Ep.  36,  4) ;  and  Appius  Claudius,  Ci- 
cero's predecessor,  once  hoped  for  a  triumph 
(cp.  Ep.  35,  I  ;  Abeken  273). 

16.  Tantum,  'only  thus  much.*  Cp. 
Ep.  15,  8,  p.  96,  note  on  '  quantum.' 

Ciuod  amicissime  scribis,  'what  you 
write  in  the  most  friendly  terms  to  say  you 
did  in  the  case  of  the  "  supplicatio." '  Cp. 
§  3  of  the  preceding  letter. 


/ 


.1 


/ 


EP.41.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIII,  14.    269 

si  id,  quod  maluero,  accident,  gaudeas :  sic  enim  fecisse  te  et 
sensisse  et  scripsisse  video,  resque  ipsa  declarat  tibi  ilium  honorem 
nostrum  supplicationis  iucundum  fuisse,  quod  scribendo  adfuisti ; 
haec  enim  senatus  consulta  non  ignore  ab  amicissimis  eius,  cuius 
honor  agitur,  scribi  solere.  Ego,  ut  spero,  te  propediem  videbo,  5 
atque  utinam  re  publica  meliore  quam  timeo ! 

41.  M.  CAELIUS  RUFUS  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  VIII.  14). 
Rome,  September  or  October  50  e.g.  (704  a.u.c.) 

I.  No  possible  achievements  in  your  province  can  recompense  you  for  missing  the 
sights  to  be  seen  here  now ;  for  instance,  the  vexation  of  Domitius  on  seeing  Antony 
elected  augur.  2.  I  fear  we  are  on  the  eve  of  civil  war;  Pompey  will  not  allow 
Caesar  to  be  elected  consul  unless  he  first  gives  up  his  command ;  Caesar  thinks  he 
cannot  safely  do  this  unless  Pompey  does  the  same.  I  am  in  much  doubt  which  side 
to  take,  and  so  I  dare  say  are  you.  3.  In  civil  war,  one  must  consider  the  strength  as 
well  as  the  rights  of  the  contending  parties.  4.  Appius  is  most  rigorous  as  a  censor, 
strange  to  say.  Unless  either  Pompey  or  Caesar  take  the  command  against  the 
Parthians,  a  serious  quarrel  is  imminent. 

CAELIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

1      Tanti  non  fuit  Arsacen  capere  et  Seleuceam   expugnare,  ut 
earum  rerum,quae  hie  gestae  sunt,  spectaculo  careres  :  numquam 


I.  Sic  enim  .  .  video,  'for  I  see  that 
your  acts  and  feelings  and  the  language  of 
your  letter  expressed  this  pleasure.* 

3.  Quod  scribendo  adfuisti, 'in  that 
you  were  present  when  the  decree  (granting 
me  a  supplicatio)  was  drawn  up.'  This 
would  shew  interest  in  Cicero's  distinction. 
'  Scribendo '  is  the  dat.  of  the  gerund.     Cp. 

Ep-  34.  5- 

6.  Utinam  re  publica  .  .  timeo  !  sc. 

*ne  futura  sit.*     On  the  abl.  abs.  cp.  Ep.  1, 

2,  note  on  p.  28.     The   quarrel    between 

Pompey   and    Caesar   was    approaching    a 

crisis,  and  Curio  had  interposed  to  prevent 

such   a   settlement    as   Cicero  would   have 

preferred.     Epp.  37,  3  ;  35,  5»  notes. 

September.  The  date  of  this  letter 
is  difficult  to  ascertain.  A  comparison  of 
what  is  said  by  Caelius  (Ad  Fam.  8.  12,  4) 
about  the  election  of  Domitius  as  future 
with  §  I  of  this  letter  suggests  that  Ad 
Fam.  8.  12  was  written  before  the  letter 
now  under  consideration.  But  Ad  Fam.  8. 
12  cannot  have  been  written  before  the 
middle  of  the  ludi  Circenses  in  September. 
Cp.  §  4  of  that  letter.  On  the  other  hand 
Hirtius  (Caes.  De  Bell.  Gall.  8.  50)  suggests 


an  earlier  date  for  Antony's  election  as 
augur,  and  what  is  said  in  §  4  of  this  letter 
about  the  Parthian  war  as  still  going  on  is 
capable,  when  compared  with  the  language 
of  Ep.  42,  3,  of  a  similar  interpretation. 
But  the  war  might  be  merely  suspended, 
and  its  renewal  probable ;  and  on  the  whole 
I  am  disposed  to  think  that  the  letter  was 
perhaps  written  late  in  September.  Compare 
Suringar's  edition  of  the  correspondence  be- 
tween Caelius  and  Cicero,  p.  74,  and  Lange, 
Rom.  Alt.  3.  388  foil. 

7.  Tanti  non  fuit  .  .  careres,  *to 
capture  Arsaces  and  storm  Seleucea  would 
not  have  been  a  sufficient  compensation  for 
missing  the  sight  of  what  goes  on  here.' 
On  the  general  structure  of  the  sentence,  cp. 
Madv.  294,  Obs  3;  and  for  the  indie.  *  fuit/ 
Ep.  4.  I,  note  on  p.  34. 

Arsacen,  a  title,  apparently,  of  the 
kings  of  the  Arsacid  dynasty.  The  name 
of  the  actual  sovereign  of  Parthia  was 
Orodes.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §§  9;  20; 
Ep.  36,  2. 

Seleucea,  a  city  of  Greek  origm,  only 
separated  by  the  Tigris  from  Ctesiphon,  the 
Parthian  capital. 

8.  Numquam  .  .  doluissent  .  .  vidis- 


270 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II, 


tibi  oculi  doluissent,  si  in  repulsa  Domitii  voltum  vidisses. 
Magna  ilia  comitia  fuerunt  et  plane  studia  ex  partium  sensu 
apparuerunt;  perpauci  necessitudinem  secuti  officium  praesti- 
terunt.     Itaque  mihi  est  Domitius  inimicissimus,  ut  ne  familiarem 

5  quidem  suum  quemquam  tarn  oderit  quam  me,  atque  eo  magis, 
quod  per  iniuriam  sibi  putat  atiguratum  ereptum,  cuius  ego  auctor 
fuerim.  Nunc  furit  tarn  gavisos  homines  suum  dolorem  unumque 
modo  me  studiosiorem  Antonii :  nam  Cn.  Saturninum  adulescen- 
tem  ipse  Cn.  Domitius  reum  fecit,  sane  quam  superiore  a  vita 

10  invidiosum  ;  quod  indicium  nunc  in  exspectatione  est,  etiam  in 
bona  spe,  post  Sex.  Peducaei  absolutionem.  De  summa  re  publica  2 
saepe  tibi  scripsi,  me  annuam  pacem  non  videre,  et  quo  propius 
ea  contentio,  quam  fieri  necesse  est,  accedit,  eo  clarius  id  peri- 
culum  apparet.  Propositum  hoc  est,  de  quo,  qui  rerum  potiuntur, 


ses,  'your  eyes  would  never  have  suffered 
again  if  you  had  seen  how  Domitius  looked 
when  defeated.'  Cp.  Ter.  Phorm.  5.  9,  64. 
L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  the  consul  of  54 
B.C.,  was  a  candidate  for  the  place  in  the 
college  of  augurs  vacated  by  the  death  of 
Q^  Hortensius  on  which  cp.  Ep.  42,  2. 
Under  the  *  Lex  Domitia,'  repealed  by  Sulla, 
but  afterwards  re-enacted,  vacancies  in  the 
college  were  filled  as  follows :  candidates 
were  nominated  each  by  two  augurs,  and 
their  names  submitted  to  seventeen  tribes, 
chosen  by  lot.  The  candidate  who  obtained 
a  majority  of  the  votes  was  then  elected  by 
the  college  of  augurs.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I, 

§9- 

2.  Magna,  'important.' 

Et  plane  .  .  apparuerunt,  'and  it  was 
clear  that  people  exerted  themselves  for 
party  purposes.' 

3.  Necessitudinem  .  .  praestiterunt, 
•  were  induced  by  private  friendship  to  dis- 
charge their  personal  obligations.' 

4.  Ut  ne  familiarem  .  .  quam  me, 
'  that  he  hates  me  as  much  as  he  ever  hated 
even  one  of  his  friends.'     Ironical. 

6.  Per  iniuriam,  because  a  younger 
and  less  distinguished  man  was  preferred  to 
him,  Antony  was  a  '  quaestorius ; '  Domi- 
tius a  '  consularis.* 

Cuius  .  .  fuerim,  'of  which  he  sup- 
poses I  was  the  author.'  On  the  conj.,  cp. 
Ep,  9,  12,  note  on  p.  72.  Caelius  was  on 
intimate  terms  with  Curio  (cp.  Ep.  76,  1), 
to  whose  influence  Cicero  ascribed  Antony's 
election  as  augur  (cp.  Philipp.  2.  2,  4). 

7.  Nunc  furit  .  .  Antonii,  'now  he 
is  in  a  rage  at  the  delight  people  take  in  his 
vexation,  and  that  only  one  has  shewn  more 


zeal  for  Antony  than  I  have.'  The  '  unus ' 
was  probably  Curio,  or  perhaps  Saturninus 
(Wesenb.)  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  2,  4.  On  the 
infin.  and  accus.  after  'furit,'  cp.  Madv. 
397  ;  and  for  the  accus.  after  '  gavisos,'  lb. 
223  c.  On  the  abl.  'me,'  cp.  Ep.  66,  2, 
note. 

8.  Nam  introduces  an  illustration  of  the 
anger  of  L.  Domitius  and  his  family. 

Cn.  Saturninum.  Cn.  Appuleius  Sa- 
turninus was  son  of  L,  Saturninus  of  Atina, 
propraetor  of  Macedonia  58  B.C.  He  had 
probably  supported  Antony  in  this  contest ; 
see  above  on  1.  7.  Both  father  and  son 
are  mentioned  in  the  oration  Pro  Plancio 
8,  19. 

9.  Ipse  Cn.  Domitius,  son  of  the  L. 
Domitius  mentioned  above,  and  of  Porcia, 
Cato's  sister.  He  fought  against  Caesar  at 
Pharsalus,  and  afterwards  joined  the  conspi- 
racy against  his  life.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  il,  27. 
Wesenb.  suggests  'adolescens  ipse,'  saying 
that  Cn.  Domitius  has  not  been  mentioned 
before ;  Metzg.  renders  '  ipse '  '  in  person.' 

Sane  quam  :  cp.  Ep.  33,  2,  note. 

10.  In  bona  spe,  'with  good  hopes  for 
the  defendant.' 

11.  Post  Sex.  Peducaei  absolutionem. 
This  Peducaeus  was  son  and  namesake  of  a 
propraetor  of  Sicily  in  75-74  B.C.,  whom 
Cicero  mentions  with  praise  in  his  speech 
against  Verres  (2  Act,  4.  64,  142).  The 
son  seems  also  to  have  enjoyed  Cicero's 
esteem.  Cp.  Epp.  48,  3 ;  61,  2.  Caelius 
appears  to  have  thought  his  acquittal  unjust, 
but  what  the  charge  against  him  was  seems 
not  to  be  known.  The  elder  Peducaeus  was 
dead  early  in  40  B.C.     Cp,  Ep.  68,  i. 

14.  Propositum  hoc  est,  'the point  in 


\ 


\  I 


1; 


'"V 


EP.  41.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VIII,  7.    271 

sunt  dimicaturi,  quod  Cn.  Pompeius  constituit  non  pati  C.  Cae- 
sarem  consulem  aliter  fieri,  nisi  exercitum  et  provincias  tradi- 
derit ;  Caesari  autem  persuasum  est  se  salvum  esse  non  posse,  si 
ab  exercitu  recesserit.  Fert  illam  tamen  condicionem,  ut  ambo 
exercitus  tradant.  Sic  illi  amores  et  invidiosa  coniunctio  non  5 
ad  occultam  recidit  obtrectationem,  sed  ad  bellum  se  erupit ; 
neque,  mearum  rerum  quid  consilii  capiam,  reperio ;  quod  non 
dubito,  quin  te  quoque  haec  deliberatio  sit  perturbatura.  Nam 
mihi  cum  hominibus  his  et  gratia  et  necessitudo  est :   causam 

3  illam,   non  homines   odi.     Illud   te   non  arbitror  fugere,   quin  10 
homines  in  dissensione  domestica  debeant,  quam  diu   civiliter 
sine  armis   certetur,  honestiorem  sequi  partem,  ubi   ad  bellum 
et   castra  ventum    sit,  firmiorem,  et   id    melius   statuere,  quod 
tutius  sit.     In  hac  discordia  video  Cn.  Pompeium  senatum  qui- 

,  que   res  indicant   secum   habiturum,  ad    Caesarem   omnes,  qui  15 
cum  timore  aut  mala  spe  vivant,  accessuros,  exercitum   confe- 


rs 


question  is.*   'Propositum '  =  Tr/)oi3Xi7/ia.   Ep. 

45,  2. 

2.  Consulem  aliter  fieri,  foil.:  see 
Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  27. 

3.  Caesari  .  .  recesserit.  Caesar 
would  probably  have  been  prosecuted  on 
some  charge  connected  with  his  consulship 
or  provincial  government  if  he  had  been 
deprived  of  his  official  position  even  for  a 
short  time ;  and,  as  Pompey  was  dominant 
at  Rome,  his  conviction  would  probably 
have  ensued.  Cp,  Mommsen  4.  2,  349; 
Merivale  2.  55  ;  Suet.  lul.  30. 

4.  Illam   refers   to  what  follows.     Cp. 

Ep-  34»  9i  "ote- 

5.  Tradant,  'deliver  up'  to  officers  ap- 
pointed by  the  senate. 

Illi  amores  .  .  coniunctio,  'their 
old  intimacy  and  unpopular  union,'  referring 
to  the  combination  of  59  b,c.,  and  to  the 
marriage  of  Pompey  with  Julia.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §§  16;   18. 

Non  .  .  recidit  .  .  sed  .  .  se  erupit, 
'have  not  sunk  into  a  secret  jealousy,  but 
have  broken  out  into  war.'  For  '  se  erupit,' 
cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  14 ;  and  for  the  sing. 
•  recidit  .  .  erupit,'  Madv.  213  b. 

7,  Mearum  .  .  capiam,  'what  decision 
I  shall  come  to  about  my  own  conduct 
or  position.'  On  the  genit,,  cp,  Madv. 
283. 

Quod  non  dubito,  'as  to  which  I 
doubt  not.'  Cp.  Madv.  229  a.  Ace.  to 
Manut.  '  quod '  =  *  sed.'  Wesenb.'s  punctua- 
tion *  reperio — quod  non  .  .  perturbatura —  j 


nam '  rather  improves  the  sense. 

8.  Nam,  in  explanation  of  his  difficulty 
in  deciding. 

9.  Cum  hominibus  his,  *with  Pom- 
pey's  friends  *  I  think. 

Causam  illam  .  .  odi,  'while  I  hate 
Caesar's  cause,  but  not  his  supporters,'  On 
the  omission  of  an  adversative,  cp.  Ep.  36, 
8,  note. 

II.  Civiliter, '  with  constitutional  wea- 
pons.' 

14.  Quique  res  iudicant.  Manutius 
explains  these  words  of  the  judges,  who 
were  taken  from  the  wealthy  or  middle 
classes.  Pompey  had  in  his  second  consul- 
ship, 55  B.c,  enacted  a  law  by  which  the 
tribunals  were  reconstituted,  and  Cicero  (Ep. 
59,  2)  speaks  of  the  judges  as  a  body  which 
would  have  supported  Pompey  but  for  his 
mistakes.  But  in  Q:  Cicero's  letter  De  Pet. 
Cons.  (2,  8),  the  words  seem  rather  to 
mean,  '  who  judge  things  fairly; '  and  Wiel. 
and  Metzg.  give  them  that  sense  here.' 
Mr.  Jeans  renders  'judicially  minded  peo- 
ple.' If  the  first  explanation  be  correct, 
Pompey's  influence  with  the  judges  might 
account  for  Caesar's  unwillingness  to  stand 
a  trial. 

16,  Exercitum  conferendum  non 
esse,  'that  there  is  no  comparison  between 
their  armies,'  Caesar's  being  much  the  best. 
I  cannot  agree  with  Mr.  Jeans  in  thinking 
this  a  strange  admission  for  Caelius  to  make, 
and  the  event  surely  proved  the  superior 
quality  of  Caesar's  troops. 


'{ 


M.  TULLII  CICERO NIS 


[part  II. 


272 

rendum    non  esse.     Omnino   satis  spatii  est  ad   considerandas 
utriusque  copias  et  eligendam  partem.    Prope  oblitus  sum,  quod  4 
maxime  fuit  scribendum :    scis  Appium   censorem  hic   ostenta 
facere  ?  de  signis  et  tabulis,  de  agri  modo,  de  aere  alieno  acer- 

5  rime  agere?  persuasum  est  ei  censuram  lomentum  aut  mtrum 
esse  •  errare  mihi  videtur ;  nam  dum  sordes  eluere  volt,  venas 
sibi  omnes  et  viscera  aperit.  Curre,  per  deos  atque  homines ! 
et.quam  primum  haec  risum  veni,  legis  Scantiniae  iudicium 
apud  Drusum  fieri,  Appium  de  tabulis  et  signis  agere ;  crede 

10  mihi,  est  properandum.  Curio  noster  sapienter  id,  quod  remisit 
de  stipendio  Pompeii,  fecisse  existimatur.  Ad  summam,  quaeris, 
quid  putem  futurum  :  si  alteruter  eorum  ad  Parthicum  bellum  non 
eat,  video  magnas  impendere  discordias,  quas  ferrum  et  vis  ^nudi- 
cabit ;  uterque  et  animo  et  copiis  est  paratus.     Si  sine  tuo  peri- 


I.  Ad  .  .  .  eligendam   partem,   'for 
choosing  one's  side.' 

3.  Fuit  scribendum:   q).  Ep.  38,    2, 

note. 

Ostenta  facere, 'is  shewing  a  porten- 
tous activity.' 

4.  De  signis  .  .  agere,  'is  makmg 
the  strictest  enquiry  as  to  the  number  of 
statues  and  pictures  men  have,  and  the 
amount   of  their   lands   and   debts/      The 

•  censoria  potestas '  would  enable  Appius  to 
censure  extravagant  expenditure  on  works 
of  art.  As  to  the  '  extent  of  landed  pro- 
perty,* perhaps  he  tried  to  put  in  force  again 
the  law  of  Ti.  Gracchus,  which  his  grand- 
father had  co-operated  in  passing.    As  to  the 

•  debts,'  a  Lex  Sulpicia  of  88  B.C.  provided 
that  no  senator  should  be  in  debt  to  the 
amount  of  more  than  2000  denarii,  on  pain, 
I  presume,  of  expulsion.  This  law  may  not 
have  been  repealed  like  the  rest  of  those  of 
Sulpicius,  or  may  have  been  replaced  by  a 
similar  one.  Cp.  Plut.  Sulla,  8.  In  ail  these 
cases  the  censor  would  probably  have  the 
power   of  stigmatizing    or   degrading    the 

guilty.  . 

5.  Persuasum  ..  nitrum  esse, 'he  is 
persuaded  that  his  censorship  will  act  as 
soap  or  nitre  to  cleanse  his  character.' 

Lomentum  was  a  mixture  of  bean-meal 
and  rice,  used  to  cleanse  and  smooth  the 
face.     Forcell. 

6.  Errare  .  .  aperit,  *  I  think  he  makes 
a  mistake,  for  in  his  anxiety  to  wash  off 
dirt  he  opens  his  veins  and  his  flesh,'  i.e. 
exposes  himself  to  attack. 

8.  Legis  Scantiniae.  The  name  is 
sometimes  given  as  Scatinia.     The  date  of 


this  law  is  uncertain.  It  was  directed  •  in 
eos  qui  nefanda  Venere  uterentur,'  and  is 
mentioned  by  Juvenal  (Sat.  2.  44),  and, 
according  to  one  reading,  by  Cicero  (Phi- 
lipp.  3.  6,  16). 

9.  Apud  Drusum.  This  Drusus,  clearly 
an  abandoned  man,  was  probably  the  same 
as  the  one  mentioned  Ep.  28,  9,  q.  v. 

Appium  .  .  agere.  Appius  may  have 
appropriated  several  works  of  art  as  governor 
or  officer  in  the  provinces.  Cp.  Ep.  32,  2  ; 
De  Domo  43,  11 1. 

10.  Quod  remisit  .  .  Pompeii,  «in 
withdrawing  his  objection  to  a  vote  for  the 
pay  of  Pompey's  troops.'     Billerb.^ 

11.  Ad  summam, 'ina  word'  =  'brevi- 

ter.'     Forcell. 

12.  Eorum,  Pompeii  et  Caesaris. 

Non  eat,  pres.  in  fut.  sense.  Cp.  Ep.  6, 
I,  note,  and  Madv.  347  b. 

13.  Video.  It  seems  to  have  been  sug- 
gested as  a  compromise,  that  either  Caesar 
or  Pompey  should  take  the  command  against 
the  Parthians,  and  so  spare  the  Commoii- 
wealth  the  dangers  threatened  by  their 
rivalry  in  Italy.  But  the  control  of  affairs 
at  Rome  was  now  mainly  in  Pompey's 
hands;  if  he  had  gone  to  the  East  he  would 
have  relinquished  that  control ;  if  he  had 
allowed  Caesar  to  go,  the  latter  would  have 
been  secured  against  prosecution  for  some 
time,  and  would  have  had  opportunities  of 
acquiring  distinction,  wealth,  and  influential 
connections. 

Diiudicabit.  Wesenb.  thinks  the  addi- 
tion of  di-  needless,  and  refers  to  Ad  Att. 
15,  25  'casus  consilium  nostri  itineris  iudi- 
cabit.' 


i 


EP.42.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VI.6,  273 

culo  fieri  posset^  magnum  et  iucundum  tibi  Fortuna  spectaculum 
parabat. 

42.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  VI.  6). 
SiDA,  Early  in  August,  50  b.c.  (704  a.u.c) 

I.  I  was  rather  surprised  to  hear  that  my  daughter  had  engaged  herself  to  Dola- 
bella,  with  her  mother's  approval;  I  had  thought  of  Ti.  Nero.  2.  Why  did  you 
make  a  present  of  corn  to  the  Athenians  ?  I  am  sure  you  share  my  regret  at  the  death 
or  Hortensius.  3.  I  have  left  Caelius  in  charge  of  my  province.  I  anticipate  your 
criticisms,  but  could  do  no  better.  To  have  left  my  brother  would  have  provoked 
censure,  and  there  seems  no  danger  of  war.  4.  Pompey  and  Caesar  have  both 
made  more  extraordinary  appointments.  I  hope  you  will  support  my  claims  to  a 
triumph. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Ego,  dum  in  provincia  omnibus  rebus  Appium  orno,  subito 
sum  factus  accusatoris  eius  socer.  '  Id  quidem  '  inquis  '  di  adpro- 
bent !'  Ita  velim,  teque  ita  cupere  certo  scio ;  sed  crede  mihi,  5 
nihil  minus  putaram  ego,  qui  de  Ti.  Nerone,  qui  mecum  egerat, 
certos  homines  ad  mulieres  miseram,  qui  Romam  venerunt  factis 
sponsalibus.  Sed  hoc  spero  melius  ;  mulieres  quidem  valde  intel- 
lego   delectari    obsequio  et  comitate   adulescentis :    cetera   noli 

2  e^aKaudiCeLv.    Sed   heus  tu,  iivpovs  ds  brjixov  Athenis  ?  placet  hoc  10 
tibi  ?  etsi  non  impediebant  mei  certe  libri ;  non  enim  ista  largitio 


2.  Parabat,  epistolary  tense.  On  the 
mood,  cp.  Madv.  348  b. 

SiDA.    Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  24 ;  Ad  Fam. 

3.  12,  4. 

3.  Omnibus  rebus  .  .  orno,  *  do  all  I 
can  to  support  his  credit.'  Cp.  Epp.  35,  i  ; 
38,  10,  notes. 

4.  Accusatoris.  P.  Dolabella  accused 
Appius.  Cp.  Ep.  35,  1.  c.  He  married 
Tullia,  with  her  mother's  approval,  while 
Cicero  was  negotiating  with  Ti.  Nero,  father 
of  the  emperor  Tiberius. 

5.  Ita  velim,  sc.  '  esse.* 

6.  Qui  .  .  miseram.  Madvig  (Adv. 
Crit.  II.  236)  says  'si  sic  sententias  Cicero 
vinxisstt,  scripsisset  sine  dubio :  "  qui  (etiam) 
de  Ti.  Nerone  miferim.'"  Puto  fuisse,  '  ego  ; 
quin  de  Ti.  Neror.e  miseram.' 

De  Ti  Nerone,  v.  sup.  Cicero  had  a 
good  opinion  of  Ti.  Nero  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  13. 
64,  l),  who  after  Caesar's  death  opposed 
Augustus  in  the  war  of  Perusia  ;  escaped  to 
Sextus  Pompeius  in  Sicily,  and  afterwards 
to  Antony  in  Greece;  returned  to  Rome, 
and,  at  Augustus'  request,  divorced  the 
future  empress  Livia.   Cp.  Suet.  Tib.  4 ;  Tac. 


Ann.  I,  10;  6,  51. 

7.  Mulieres.  Terentia  and  Tullia  are 
meant. 

8.  Sponsalibus,  '  the  betrothal.'  It  was 
a  contract,  often  but  not  always  made  before 
marriage,  and  its  fulfilment  could  be  enforced 
at  law.  Cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  p.  741, 
sub  voc.  '  Matrimonium.' 

9.  Adulescentis,  sc.  Dolibellae. 
Cetera  .  .  k^aKavO'i^nv,  *to  pull  out 

all  the  thorns  (i.e.  faults),  which  deface  his 
character  in  other  respects.'  Boot.  The 
Greek  word  is  found  in  Theophrastus. 

10.  TTvpovs  .  .  Athenis,  sc.  SmStSow. 
Cicero  at  first  censures  his  friend's  behaviour, 
as  an  instance  of  '  largitio  frumentaria,*  but 
corrects  himself,  remembering  that  Atticus 
was  not  a  citizen  of  Athens,  but  only  on 
hospitable  terms  with  its  people.  Cp.  for 
the  facts,  Appendix  3,  §  I,  and  Corn.  Nepos, 
Atticus  2,  6. 

11.  Etsi  non  .  .  libri,  «though  it  was 
no  violation  of  the  precepts  of  my  work  on 
the  Commonweahh.'  Cp.  Ep.  38,  9  'vos 
libros  quos  tu  dilaudas.' 

Largitio  .  .  liberalitas.  These  words 
are  contrasted,  De  Orat.  2.  25,  105. 


274 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


EP.42.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VI.  6. 


275 


fuit  in  cives,  sed  in  hospites  liberalitas.  Me  tamen  de  Acade- 
miae  TrpoTri^Ao)  iubes  cogitare,  cum  iam  Appius  de  Eleusine  non 
cogitet  ?  De  Hortensio  te  certo  scio  dolere,  equidem  excrucior ; 
decreram  enim  cum  eo  valde  familiariter  vivere.     Nos  provinciae  3 

spraefecimus  Caelium :  *puerum'  inquies  *  et  fortasse  fatuum  et 
non  gravem  et  non  continentem.'  Adsentior:  fieri  non  potuit 
aliter.  Nam  quas  multo  ante  tuas  acceperam  litteras,  in  quibus 
indx^Lv  te  scripseras,  quid  esset  mihi  faciendum  de  relinquendo, 
eae  me  pungebant ;  videbam  enim,  quae  tibi  essent  hoxrjs  causae, 

10  et  erant  eaedem  mihi  :  puero  tradere  ?  fratri  autem  ?^  illud  non 
utile  nobis ;  nam  praeter  fratrem  nemo  erat,  quem  sine  contu- 
melia  quaestori,  nobili  praesertim,  anteferrem.  Tamen,  dum 
impendere  Parthi  videbantur,  statueram  fratrem  relinquere  aut 
etiam  rei  publicae  causa  contra  senatus  consultum  ipse  remanere, 

15  qui  posteaquam  incredibili  felicitate  discesserunt,  sublata  dubi- 
tatio  est.  Videbam  sermones :  *hui,  fratrem  reliquit!  num  est 
hoc  non  plus  annum  obtinere  provinciam?  quid,  quod  senatus 
eos  voluit  praeesse  provinciis,  qui  non  praefuissent  ?  at  hie 
triennium.'    Ergo  haec  ad  populum.    Quid,  quae  tecum  ?    Num-  4 


2.  irporrvKq).  The  word  is  neut.,  and 
quite  classical.  Cicero  thought  of  building 
a  porch  in  the  Academy  at  Athens,  and  Ap- 
pius of  doing  the  same  at  Eleusis. 

Cum,  'although.*  Cicero  means  that 
one  reason  for  such  an  expenditure — a  wish 
to  rival  Appius — had  been  removed. 

3.  De  Hortensio.  M.  Caelius  had 
written  (Ad  Fam.  8.  13,  2)  that  that  great 
orator  was  at  the  point  of  death.  Cicero 
heard  of  his  death  at  Rhodes  (Brut,  i,  i). 

5.  Caelium:  cp.  Ep.  38,  10. 
Fortasse,  '  minuendi  vim  habet/     Boot. 
Cp.  Ep.  70,  2  and  6.    *  It  may  be.* 

7.  Nam  quas  .  .  eae.  On  the  order  of 
the  words,  cp.  Madv.  319. 

8.  €Tr6x«*^  te, '  that  you  were  in  doubt.' 
De  relinquendo,  *  as  to  the  successor  I 

should  leave.' 

9.  'Eirox^s-  *E7rox^  was  a  technical 
term  used  by  some  of  the  Sceptical  philo- 
sophers, followers  of  Pyrrhon,  for  the  '  sus- 
pension of  judgment,'  which  they  considered 
the  proper  frame  of  mind  in  matters  of 
speculation.  Cp.  Diog.  Laert.  9,  107 ;  and 
Ritter  and  Preller's  note  on  that  passage  in 
their  History  of  Philosophy,  p.  402. 

10.  Tradere,  so.  'provinciam.'  For  the 
infin.,  cp,  Ep.  12,  I. 

Fratri  autem,  'should  I  prefer  my 
brother?'     Boot  remarks  that  'autem'   is 


said  '  cum  aliqua  indignatione,  ut  Gr.  817. 

Illud, 'the  latter.' 

II.  Nam  introduces  a  suggestion  which 
is  to  be  dismissed.  '  No  other  course  was 
open,  for.'     Cp.  Ep.  26,  2,  note. 

Sine  contumelia.  Pomptinus  had  left 
Cicero,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  his 
other  legates  had  held  any  magistracy,  so 
that  it  would  be  a  slight  to  his  quaestor  to 
prefer  any  one  of  them  to  him. 

14.  Senatus  consultum:  cp.  Ep.  37,  3, 
note ;  also  below  in  this  section. 

15.  Incredibili  felicitate,  'by  a  re- 
markable piece  of  good  fortune.'  On  the 
abl.,  cp.  Ep.  26,  9,  note.  Cicero  was  un- 
willing to  admit  the  diplomatic  success  of 
Bibulus,  who  fomented  a  quarrel  between 
Pacorus  and  his  father,  Orodes.  Cp.  Dion 
Cassius  40,  30;  and,  for  Cicero's  jealousy 
of  Bibulus,  Ad  Att.  6.  8,  5 ;  7.  2,  7. 

16.  Videbam  sermones,  'I  saw  what 
people  would  say.'  '  Video '  = '  praevideo.* 
Metzg. 

18.  Eos  .  .  praefuissent,  *  those  men 
qualified  by  office  who  had  not  yet  governed 
provinces.'     Cp.  Ep.  34,  8,  note. 

At  hie  triennium,  sc.  *  Asiae  praefuit.* 
Quintus  Cicero  governed  Asia  for  three 
years.     Cp.  Ad  Q^F.  i.  i,  2  and  46. 

19.  Haec  ad  populum,  'these  reasons 
I  can  give  to  the  public' 


n 


\ 


quam  essem  sine  cura,  si  quid  iracundius  aut  contumellosius 
aut  neglegentius,  quae  fert  vita  hominum.  Quid,  si  quid  filius 
puer  et  puer  bene  sibi  fidens  ?  qui  esset  dolor  ?  quem  pater  non 
dimittebat  teque  id  censere  moleste  ferebat.  At  nunc  Caelius, 
non  dico  equidem  quid  egerit,  sed  tamen  multo  minus  laboro.  5 
Adde  illud :  Pompeius,  eo  robore  vir,  iis  radicibus,  Q.  Cassium 
sine  sorte  delegit,  Caesar  Antonium  ;  ego  sorte  datum  offenderem, 
ut  etiam  inquireret  in  eum,  quem  reliquissem  ?  Hoc  melius,  et 
huius  rei  plura  exempla,  senectuti  quidem  nostrae  profecto  aptius. 
At  te  apud  eum,  di  boni !  quanta  in  gratia  posui,  eique  legi  10 
litteras  non  tuas,  sed  librarii  tui.  Amicorum  litterae  me  ad 
triumphum  vocant,  rem  a  nobis,  ut  ego  arbitror,  propter  hanc 
TioXiyy^v^aiav  nostram  non  neglegendam :  qua  re  tu  quoque,  mi 
Attice,  incipe  id  cupere,  quo  nos  minus  inepti  videamur. 


Quae  tecum,  sc.  'proferam.' 

1.  Si  quid  .  .  neglegentius,  'in  case 
he  should  display  passion,  affront  people,  or 
neglect  his  duty.'     Cp.  Ep.  15,  6. 

2.  Quae  fert  vita  hominum,  '  faults 
men  are  liable  to.* 

Si  quid  filius,  sc.  'faceret.'  On  the 
ellipse,  cp.  Madv.  479  c.  *  Filius,*  the 
younger  Quintus. 

3.  Non  dimittebat,  'did  (or  does?) 
not  intend  to  send  away.'  Cp.  Madv.  337, 
Obs.  I. 

4.  Id,  i.e.  'that  he  ought  to  send  him 
away.' 

5.  Non  dico  .  .  quid  egerit,  'I  do 
not  discuss  his  antecedents.'     Boot. 

Multo  minus  labor.  *I  am  much 
less  anxious.*  For  the  misconduct  of  Cae- 
lius, a  stranger,  would  not  annoy  him  like 
that  of  his  nephew. 

6.  Eo  robore  .  .  radicibus,  *a  man 
of  such  power,  and  of  such  deeply-rooted 
influence.'     On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Ep.  35,  3. 

7.  Sine  sorte,  'not  regularly  assigned 
to  him.'  Qi  Cassius  was  placed  in  charge 
of  a  province  by  Pompey  51-50  B.C.  For 
his  subsequent  history,  cp.  Ep,  36,  i,  note. 
For  Caesar's  relations  with  M.  Antonius, 
here  referred  to,  cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8,  2 ; 
Cic.  Philipp.  2.  20,  50.  Cicero  means  that 
he  could  not  do  wrong  in  following  an 
example  set  by  such  eminent  men  as  Pom- 
pey and  Caesar. 

Ego  .  .  offenderem,  'was   I   to  give 


8.  Ut  etiam  . 
make  him  act  as  a 
my   representative." 


oflTence   to   one   who    had   been   regularly 
assigned  to  me  ?' 

.  reliquissem,  *  to 
spy  and  informer  upon 
Cp.  Pro  Muren.  23, 
47,  for  this  use  of  *  ut,*  expressing  result, 
and  ih.  21,  45,  for  the  meaning  of  *  in- 
quirere.' 

Hoc,  'the  step  I  have  taken.* 
9.  Senectuti  .  .  aptius,  'and  is  assur- 
edly better  suited  to  my  time  of  life,*  which 
naturally  longs  for  peace. 

11.  Librarii  tui.  The  secretary  of  At- 
ticus  seems  to  have  been  with  Cicero,  who 
dictated  to  him  a  letter  in  praise  of  Caelius, 
and  then  read  it  to  Caelius  as  having  been 
written  by  Atticus,  who,  as  appears  from 
this  letter,  had  in  reality  expressed  himself 
very  differently. 

12.  Propter   hanc    iraXiyyiv^aiav^ 

•  on  account  of  the  restoration  to  my  political 
position,  in  which  1  have  made  some  progress 
(hanc).*  The  Greek  word  occurs,  Joseph. 
Antiq.  II.  3,  9.  Cicero  refers  mainly  to 
the  increased  dignity  which  his  prfyvincial 
government,  and  the  recognition  of'ljis  ser- 
vices by  the  senate,  would  secure  for  him ; 
but  partly  also  to  his  general  position  since 
his  restoration  from  exile.     Cp.  Ep.  20,  8 

*  alterius  vitae  quoddam  initium  ordimur.* 

14.  Id  cupere  .  .  videamur,  'to  enter- 
tain a  wish  which  may  make  me  seem  less 
foolish.*  Cicero's  ambition  might  seem  less 
absurd  if  his  friends  shared  it  on  his  behalf. 


T  2i 


27^ 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


43.    To  HIS  WIFE,  TERENTIA  (AD  FAM.  XIV.  5). 
Athens,  October  18,  50  b.c.  (704  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  arrived  here  on  October  14,  after  a  tedious  voyage,  and  received  your  letter 
at  once.  Your  previous  letters  had  all  reached  me.  I  wish  to  get  to  Italy  as  soon 
as  I  can,  though  the  aspect  of  affairs  is  so  gloomy.  I  hope  you  will  come  as  far  to 
meet  me  as  you  can  without  danger  to  your  health.  2.  I  am  sorry  for  the  death  of 
Precius  ;  as  for  his  legacy,  ask  Atticus  or  Camillus  to  attend  to  my  interests.  I  hope 
to  be  in  Italy  about  November  14. 

tullius  s.  d.  terentiae  suae. 

Si  tu  et  Tullia,  lux  nostra,  valetis,  ego  et  suavissimus  Cicero  1 
valemus.     Pr.   Idus  Oct.  Athenas  venimus,  cum  sane  adversis 
ventis  usi  essemus  tardeque  et  incommode  navigassemus.     De 
nave  exeuntibus  nobis  Acastus  cum  litteris  praesto  fuit  uno  et 

5  vicensimo  die,  sane  strenue.  Accepi  tuas  litteras,  quibus  intel- 
lexi  te  vereri  ne  superiores  mihi  redditae  non  essent :  omnes 
sunt  redditae  diligentissimeque  a  te  perscripta  sunt  omnia; 
idque  mihi  gratissimum  fuit.  Neque  sum  admiratus  hanc  epis- 
tolam,  quam  Acastus  attulit,  brevem  fuisse ;  iam  enim  me  ipsum 

10  exspectas  sive  nos  ipsos,  qui  quidem  quam  primum  ad  vos  venire 
cupimus,  etsi,  in  quam  rem  publicam  veniamus,  intellego :  cog- 
novi  enim  ex  multorum  amicorum  litteris,  quas  attulit  Acastus, 
ad  arma  rem  spectare,  ut  mihi,  cum  venero,  dissimulare  non 
liceat,  quid  sentiam.     Sed,  quoniam   subeunda  fortuna  est,  eo 

15  citius    dabimus    operam   ut  veniamus,  quo   facilius  de   tota    re 


I.  Lux  nostra;  cp.  Ep.  17,  2,  where 
the  same  term  is  applied  to  Terentia. 

Suavissimus  Cicero.  It  would  be 
more  usual  to  couple  another  substantive — 
e.  g.  ♦  puer  ' — with  Cicero.  But  cp.  Ep. 
77,  3  '  mi  iucundissime  Cicero.'  In  this 
passage  Cicero  is  speaking  of  his  son 
Marcus.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  14.  4,  3  ;  16. 
16,  I. 

4.  Acastus.  A  slave  of  Cicero,  often 
mentioned  in  his  letters  to  Tiro  and  to 
Terentia.     Also  Ad  Att.  6.  9,  I. 

Uno  et  vicensimo  die,  'in  twenty- 
one  days  from  Rome.' 

5.  Sane  strenue,  'with  good  speed.* 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  18,  I  'sane  celeriter;*  and 
16.  6, 1  'strenue.'  Manut.  On  another  oc- 
casion a  letter  took  forty-six  days  to  reach 
Athens  from  Rome  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  16.  21,  i), 
but  that  seems  to  have  been  an  unusually 
long  time. 


10.  Sive  nos  ipsos,  'or  rather,  us  in 
person ; '  that  is,  my  son  and  me. 

13.  Ad  arma  rem  spectare,  'that 
things  look  towards  war.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
4.  2,  3  'consilia  ad  concordiam  specta- 
verunt.' 

Ut  .  .  non  liceat.  On  the  tense,  cp. 
Ep.  6, 1,  note,  p.  42. 

14.  Quoniam  .  .  fortuna  est,  'since 
we  must  submit  to  what  fortune  has  in  store 
for  us,'  i.e.  '  must  run  some  risk,*  as  it  was 
impossible  to  avoid  offending  either  Pom- 
pey  or  Caesar.  Manut.  Cp.  De  Prov.  Cons. 
17,  41  '  excipere  fortunam.' 

Eo  citius  .  .  deliberemus,  *l  shall 
exert  myself  to  arrive  more  speedily,  that  I 
may  deliberate  about  the  whole  case  with 
more  ease.*  I  have  followed  Wesenb.  in 
removing  a  comma  after  '  operam.'  On  the 
position  of  'citius,'  apart  from  its  verb 
'  veniamus,'  cp.  Madv.  468. 


EP.44.]     EPISTOLARUM  AB  ATTICUM    VIL  7.  277 

deliberemus.  Tu  velim,  quod  commodo  valetudinis  tuae  fiat, 
2  quam  longissime  poteris  obviam  nobis  prodeas.  De  hereditate 
Preciana,  quae  quidem  mihi  magno  dolori  est — valde  enim  ilium 
amavi — ,  sed  hoc  velim  cures :  si  auctio  ante  meum  adventum 
fiet,  ut  Pomponius  aut,  si  is  minus  poterit,  Camillus  nostrum  5 
negotium  curet.  Nos  cum  salvi  venerimus,  reliqua  per  nos 
agemus;  sin  tu  iam  Roma  profecta  eris,  tamen  curabis,  ut  hoc 
ita  fiat.  Nos,  si  di  adiuvabunt,  circiter  Idus  Novembres  in 
Italia  speramus  fore.  Vos,  mea  suavissima  et  optatissima  Te- 
rentia, si  nos  amatis,  curate  ut  valeatis.  [Vale.]  Athenis  a.  d.  10 
XV.  Kal.  Novemb. 


44.  T  o  A  T  T  I  C  U  S  (A  D  A  T  T.  VIL  7). 

Written  from  Campania,  December,  50  b.c.  (704  a.u.c) 

I.  Dionysius  does  not  seem  very  grateful  for  my  recommendation,  but  I  will  not 
retract  it.  2.  Philogenes'  letter  to  you  was  quite  correct.  3.  I  hope  Pomptinus  had 
no  unpleasant  reason  for  entering  Rome.  I  expect  to  be  at  the  gates  on  Jan.  4 ;  do 
not  move  at  any  risk  to  your  health.  4.  I  think  there  will  be  no  opposition  to  my 
triumph,  unless  Caesar  instructs  his  friends  among  the  tribunes  to  oppose  it.  I  care 
little  about  it ;  especially  as  I  hear  there  is  some  notion  of  sending  me  to  Sicily  as 
still  holding  the  '  imperium.'     I  shall  however,  evade  that  commission.     5.  You  say 


1.  Quod  .  .  fiat,  'so  far  as  it  can  be 
done  without  injury  to  your  health.* 

Commodo  is  the  ablat.  modi.  Cp.  Ep. 
34,  2  ;  and  for  '  quod  fiat,'  cp.  Madv.  364, 

Obs.  2. 

2.  De  hereditate  Preciana.  A  law- 
yer named  Precianus  is  named  as  a  friend 
of  Cicero,  Ad  Fam.  7.  8,  2,  and  perhaps 
this  legacy  came  from  him.  For  Cicero's 
sentiments  about  legacies,  cp.  Ad  Att.  6,  9, 
2 ;  also  Philipp.  2.  16,  40  '  Heredilates 
mihi  negasti  venire.  Utinam  hoc  tuum 
crimen  verum  esset  1  plures  amici  mei  et 
necessarii  viverent.' 

4.  Sed, 'however.'  Resumptive,  as  often, 
after  a  digression.     Cp.  Ep.  23,  2,  p.  172. 

Auctio.  The  property  was  probably  to 
be  sold  for  division  among  the  creditors  and 
legatees. 

5.  Pomponius,  Atticus.  Cicero  was 
anxious  that  his  wife's  freedman  Philotimus 
should  have  nothmg  to  do  with  the  business. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  9,  2. 

Camillus.  C.  Furius  Camillus,  a  friend 
of  Cicero,  is  mentioned  as  being  thoroughly 
well  acquainted  with  the  law  of  suretyship. 


Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  20,  3. 

7.  Sin  tu  iam  Roma  .  .  fiat,  'but  if 
you  have  already  left  Rome  (when  you  re- 
ceive this  letter),  take  care  that  this  is  done 
as  I  wish  (by  writing  to  proper  people).  On 
curabis,  cp.  Ep.  38,  10,  note. 

8.  Si  di  adiuvabunt.  Not  a  common 
expression  with  Cicero. 

9.  Vos,  Terentia  and  Tullia.  The  plural 
may  be  used  where  one  person  is  directly 
addressed,  if  it  be  intended  to  include 
others.  Cp.  De  Oral.  i.  9,  38;  Virg.  Aen. 
I.  140. 

Campania,  December.  Our  evidence  for 
fixing  the  date  and  place  of  this  letter  seems 
to  be  that  Cicero  had  received  (§  i)  a  letter 
from  Atticus  written  not  earlier  than  Dec. 
16  ;  that  he  does  not  mention  his  interview 
with  Pompey  on  Dec.  25  (on  which  cp.  Ad 
Att.  7.  8,  4)  ;  that  he  was  near  Trebula  on 
Dec.  9  (see  Ad  Att.  7.  3,  12),  and  at  Formiae 
on  December  25.  The  letter  was  probably 
written  about  December  20.  See  Intr.  vO 
Part  II,  §  25. 


278 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  II. 


that  all  good  citizens  have  made  up  their  minds  what  I  shall  do.  But  I  hardly  know 
where  to  look  for  good  citizens.  6.  '  Do  you  think  that  Caesar's  demands  ought  to 
be  granted?'  No;  but  past  supineness  has  made  it  very  difficult  to  resist  now. 
7.  'War  is  preferable  to  slavery.'  But  the  issue  of  a  war  must  in  any  case  be 
disastrous.  *  What  then  shall  you  do  ? '  I  shall  follow  instinctively  that  party  which 
seems  to  defend  the  constitution.  The  issue  of  war  is  uncertain ;  massacres  and 
exactions  will  certainly  follow  the  triumph  of  Caesar.  I  have  written  much  to  you 
about  politics,  but  it  may  be  summed  up  thus ;  I  shall  do  as  Pompey,  that  is,  as  you, 
think  right.    Greet  Alexis  for  me. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

'  Dionysius,  vir   optimus,  ut    mihi   quoque  est  perspectus,  et  1 
doctissimus  tuique  amantissimuSj  Romam  venit  XV.  Kalend.  Ian. 
et  litteras  a  te  mihi  reddidit : '  tot  enim  verba  sunt  de  Dionysio 
in  epistola  tua.    lUud  t  putato  non  adscribis  *  et  tibi  gratias  egit :  * 

5  atqui  certe  ille  agere  debuit,  et,  si  esset  factum,  quae  tua  est 
humanitas,  adscripsisses.  Mihi  autem  nulla  de  eo  'naXivMa  datur 
propter  superioris  epistolae  testimonium.  Sit  igitur  sane  bonus 
vir ;  hoc  enim  ipsum  bene  fecit,  quod  mihi  sui  cognoscendi 
penitus  etiam  istam  facultatem  dedit.     Philogenes  recte  ad  te^ 

10  scripsit ;   curavit  enim  quod  debuit.     Eum  ego  uti  ea  pecunia 
volui,  quoad  liceret ;  itaque  usus  est  menses  XIIII.    Pomptinum  3 
cupio  valere,  et,  quod  scribis  in  urbem  introisse,  vereor  quid  sit ; 


I.  Dionysius:  cp.  Epp.  38,  3;  65,  2. 

Vir  optimus,  probably  referring  to  Ci- 
cero*s  recommendation  of  him  to  Atticus. 
Cp.  'mihi  quoque.'  Cicero  did  not  use 
the  word  *  optimus,'  however.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
7.  4,  I. 

Ut  .  .  perspectus,  'for  which  I  also 
have  known  him,'  Atticus  wrote.'  On  the 
dative  mihi,  cp.  Madv.  250  a  ;  Ep.  132,  4, 
note. 

4.  Illud  t  putato.  So  the  best  MS. 
Boot  suggests  *  illud  optatum,'  *  what  I  so 
much  wished  to  hear.' 

5.  Debuit.  Cicero  was  apparently  in- 
dignant that  Dionysius  shewed  no  gratitude 
for  his  recommendation. 

6.  Nulla  .  .  datur,  foil,,  'I  cannot  re- 
tract what  I  have  said  of  him,  because  of 
the  testimony  borne  by  my  previous  letter.' 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  4,  I  '  Dionysium  .  .  misi  ad 
te  .  .  quem  quidem  cognovi  cum  doctum 
turn  sane  plenum  officii  .  .  plane  virum 
bonum.' 

Datur  =  'conceditur.'  Cicero  was  re- 
conciled to  Dionysius  subsequently  (cp.  Ad 
Att.  7.  8,  i)  :  but  had  again  occasion  to 


reproach  him  with  ingratitude  (lb.  8. 
10). 

9.  Etiam  istam,  *  even  that  contained 
in  your  letter,'  i.e.  in  Atticus'  silence  as  to 
any  expression  of  gratitude  by  Dionysius. 

Recte,  *  truly.'  The  meaning  of  the 
following  words  is  not  very  clear,  but  Cicero 
seems  to  have  placed  in  the  hands  of  Philo- 
genes some  money  belonging  to  himself  or 
to  Atticus,  with  liberty  to  use  it  for  some 
time.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  13,  2.  It  appears 
that  Atticus  had  given  Philogenes  bills  on 
some  merchants  in  Asia. 

11.  Pomptinum  cupio  valere,  *  I  wish 
Pomptinus  may  be  restored  to  health.'  On 
the  ace.  and  infin.  after  'cupio,'  cp.  Ep.  27, 
I,  note,  p.  189.  Cicero  seems  to  have  heard 
that  his  legate,  Pomptinus  (cp.  Ep.  31,  4, 
note),  was  ill. 

12.  Vereor  quid  sit,  'I  am  anxious 
about  his  reason  for  doing  so,'  Pomptinus 
would  naturally  have  waited  to  attend  the 
triumphal  entry  of  his  general  Cicero,  if 
there  was  any  prospect  of  a  triumph :  his 
entering  Rome  beforehand  shewed  that  he 
hardly  thought  a  triumph  possible. 


X 


EP.44.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VII.  T.  279 

nam  id  nisi  gravi  de  causa  non  fecisset.  Ego,  quoniam  IIII.  Non. 
Ian.  compitalicius  dies  est,  nolo  eo  die  in  Albanum  [venire],  ne 
molestus  familiae  veniam  :  tertio  Non.  [Ian.]  igitur ;  inde  ad 
urbem  pridie  Nonas.     Tua  Krjyi/is  quem  in  diem  incurrat,  nescio, 

4  sed  prorsus  te  commoveri  incommodo  valetudinis  tuae  nolo.  De  5 
honore  nostro,  nisi  quid  occulte  Caesar  per  suos  tribunos  molitus 
erit,  cetera  videntur  esse  tranquilla ;  tranquillissimus  autem  ani- 
mus mens,  qui  totum  istuc  aequi  boni  facit,  et  eo  magis,  quod  iam 
a  multis  audio  constitutum  esse  Pompeio  et  eius  consilio  in  Sici- 
liam  me  mittere,  quod  imperium  habeam.  Id  est  'A^Sr/ptrtfcoV.  10 
Nee  enim  senatus  decrevit  nee  populus  iussit  me  imperium  in 
Sicilia  habere ;  sin  hoc  res  publica  ad  Pompeium  defert,  qui  me 
magis  quam  privatum  aliquem  mittat  ?  itaque,  si  hoc  imperium 

5  mihi  molestum  erit,  utar  ea  porta,  quam  primam  videro.     Nam, 
quod   scribis  mirificam  exspectationem   esse  mei   neque  tamen  15 


2.  Compitalicius  dies.  The  Compi- 
talia  were  a  moveable  feast  in  honour  of 
the  Lares,  celebrated  especially  by  the  slaves 
and  dependants  of  different  families.  Cp. 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voc,  •  Compi- 

talia,'  p.  347. 

Albanum.  The  estate  of  Pompey  near 
Alba.  From  a  comparison  of  this  passage 
with  Ad  Att.  7.  5,  3,  it  appears  that 
Cicero  had  intended  to  go  there  *  mi.  Non. 
Ian.' 

3.  Molestus  familiae.  Cuiushilaritatem 
die  festo  meus  adventus  interpellaret.  Ma- 
nut.  Wesenb.  has  *  ne  molestus  sim  fami- 
liae veniam  ni.  Non.  [Ian.]  igitur.' 

4.  \ri\pis.  'Attack'  of  quartan  fever,  a 
classical  word. 

5.  Te  commoveri,  *that  you  should 
travel,'  not  usual,  apparently,  without  men- 
tion of  a  starting-place. 

Incommodo  :  cp.  Ep.  43,  I,  note. 
De  honore,  sc.  '  triumpho.' 

6.  Nisi  quid  .  .  molitus  erit,  'unless 
Caesar  shall  secretly  interpose  some  difficulty 
by  the  help  of  the  tribunes  devoted  to  him.' 
Antony  and  CL  Cassius  are  meant.  Cp. 
Appendix  6,  §  5. 

7.  Cetera  .  .  tranquilla,  'there  seems 
to  be  acquiescence  everywhere  else.*     For- 

cell. 

8.  Qui  .  .  aequi  boni  facit,  «which 
takes  in  good  part  whatever  is  done  in  the 
matter.'  On  the  genit.,  cp.  Madv.  294,  Obs. 
2.  *  Que'  is  usually  added  to  '  aequi  boni.' 
The  words  = '  aequo  animo  patitur.'  Forcell. 
Cicero  says  elsewhere  that  he  only  desired  a 


triumph  because  Bibulus  was  eager  for  one, 
whose  services  had  not  been  greater  than  his 
own.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  8,  5  ;  7.  2,  6  and  7. 

9.  Ei«s  consilio,  'his  advisers.'  The 
word  is  more  commonly  used  of  judges  acting 
under  a  magistrate ;  but  cp.  Ep.  8,  4  and  5, 
notes.  On  the  datives  Pompeio  .  .  con- 
silio, cp.  p.  278,  note  on  1.  i. 

10.  'A^dr)piTiK6v,  'foolish.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  4.  16,  6;  also  Juvenal,  Sat.  10,  50 — 
who,  however,  refers  to  Democritus  of 
Abdera  in  refutation  of  the  popular  pre- 
judice. Cicero  states  the  following  dilemma 
as  to  the  commission  proposed  for  him.  '  If 
the  senate  or  people  is  to  provide  for  the 
government  of  Sicily,  neither  has  named 
me.  If  Pompey  is  commissioned  to  pro- 
vide for  its  government,  why  need  he  send 
a  man  invested  with  the  "imperium"?'  If 
Pompey  were  invested  with  a  general  con- 
trol of  the  provinces,  or  of  any  of  them, 
he  might  send  legates  to  govern  them  who 
need  not  necessarily  be  possessed  of  '  impe- 
rium *  at  the  time  of  their  appointment. 
Caesar  had  offered  to  make  Cicero  his 
legate  when  the  latter  was  a  private  citizen 
(cp.  Ep.  II,  3),  and  Pompey  had  entrusted 
the  government  of  the  Spanish  provinces  to 
legates  for  some  time.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 

§  14- 

14.  Utar  ea  porta  .  .  videro,  *I  shall 

get  rid  of  my  "  imperium "  by  entering 
Rome  by  the  nearest  gate.'  Cp.  Ep.  35,  I, 
note  ;  note  E,  p.  123. 

15.  Exspectationem  mei, 'anxiety  to 
see  what  line  I  shall  adopt.' 


a8o 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


quemquam  bonorum  aut  satis  bonorum  dubitare,  quid  facturus 
Sim,  ego,  quos  tu  bonos  esse  dicas,  non  intellego-ipse  nullos 
novi-,  sed  ita,  si  ordines  bonorum  quaerimus.  Nam  singulares 
sunt  boni  viri,  verum  in  dissensionibus  ordines  bonorum  et  genera 

5  quaerenda  sunt.  Senatum  bonum  putas,  per  quem  sine  imperio 
provinciae  sunt  ?— numquam  enim  Curio  sustinuisset,  si  cum  eo 
agi  coeptum  esset,  quam  sententiam  senatus  sequi  noluit,  ex  quo 
factum  est  ut  Caesari  non  succederetur— an  publicanos  ?  qui  num- 
quam firmi,  sed  nunc  Caesari  sunt  amicissimi,-an  faen  era  tores  ? 

loan  agricolas?   quibus  optatissimum   est  otium,  nisi    eos  timere 
putas,  ne  sub  regno   sint,  qui  id   numquam,  dum    modo  otiosi 
essent,  recusarunt.     Quid  ergo?  exercitum  retinentis,  cum  legis  e 
dies  transient,  rationem  haberi  placet  ?    Mihi  vero  ne  absentis 
quidem.  Sed,  cum  id  datum  est,  illud  una  datum  est.    '  Annorum 

15  enim  decem  imperium  et  ita  X^Xyxm  placet  f     Placet  igitur  etiam 


3.  Sed  ita  .  .  quaerimus,  *but  only 
if  we  are  looking  out  for  well-disposed 
classes,'  i.e.  my  remark  only  holds  good  in 
that  case. 

Singulares  .  .quaerenda  sunt,  'there 
are  well-disposed  individuals,  but  in  times 
of  civil  dissension  we  ought  to  look  out  for 
well-disposed  orders  and  classes.*  Wesenb. 
suggests  the  insertion  of  'multi'  after  'viri.' 
Ordines  I  think,  has  a  more  direct  refer- 
ence  to  political  privileges  than  genera. 
Forcell.  gives  '  unus,'  'solus'  among  the 
synonyms  for  '  singularis.' 

5.  Per  quem,  'through  the  fault  of 
which,'  i.e.  through  its  want  of  decision. 

Per  quem  .  .  provinciae  sunt,  'pro- 
vinces are  without  governors  invested  with 
proper  powers.'  Cilicia,  for  instance,  was 
governed  by  a  quaestor  (cp.  Ep.  42,  3)  ;  the 
two  Spains  by  legates  (sup.  §  4,  note) ;  and 
no  provision  had  been  made  for  the  future 
government  of  Caesar's  provinces. 

6.  Numquam  .  .  sustinuisset,  'Curio 
would  never  have  persevered  in  his  oppo- 
sition if  he  had  been  formally  asked  to  give 
way.'  On  this  sense  of  '  agere  cum,'  cp. 
Ep.  34,  6,  note  on  p.  238;  Ad  Fam.  8.  13, 
2  ;  Philipp.  a.  21,  52.  Curio's  opposition 
to  the  proposed  recall  of  Caesar  had  appar- 
ently interfered  with  the  arrangements  to 
be  made  about  other  provinces.  Cp.  Ep. 
^8,  6,  p.  262.  In  51  B.C.  tribunes  attached 
to  Caesar  had  vetoed  proposals  affecting  the 
government  of  provinces  generally.  Cp.  Ep. 
34>  8,  p.  240.  Cicero  probably  mistook 
Curio's  character  in  supposing  he  would 
have  yielded  to  remonstrance. 


7.  Q_uam  sententiam,  the  proposal  of 
M.  Marcellus  that  negotiations  should  be 
opened  with  the  tribunes,  to  induce  them 
to  withdraw  their  veto  in  the  summer  of 
50  B.C.  Which  proposal  the  senate  re- 
jected :  '  frequens  senatus  in  alia  omnia  iit,' 
Ad  Fam.  8.  13,  2. 

9.  F  i  r  m  i ,  *  trustworthy.*  They  had  been 
alienated  by  rigour  which  some  of  the  lead- 
ing optimates  shewed  in  enforcing  a  contract 
unfavourable  to  the  equites.  Cp.  Ep.  9,  8, 
note. 

12.  Cum  legis  dies  transierit?  'after 
the  time  fixed  by  law  shall  have  expired  ?  ' 
Cp.  for  the  facts.  Appendix  6,  §  2.  The 
genitive  is  possessive  or  conjunctive.  Cp. 
Madv.  280. 

13.  Ne  absentis  quidem,  sc.  'rationem 
haberi,'  on  which  phrase  cp.  Ep.  34,  9,  note. 

14.  Id,  sc.  absentis  rationem  haberi  ; 
illud,  exercitum  retinentis  rat.  hab.  These 
words  are  very  important  in  their  bearing 
on  the  occasion  of  the  civil  war.  Cp.  Ap- 
pendix, 6,  §  3. 

15.  Enim,  'why?'  Atticus  interposes. 

Ita  latum,  'carried  by  such  unconstitu- 
tional means.'  Cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  I,  §  1 7 ; 
II,  §§  7;  8;  with  the  references  there  given, 
and  Dion  Cass.  39.  29-31 ;  Suet.  lul.  20  ; 
22  ;  Veil.  2.  44  and  46,  for  the  circum- 
stances under  which  the  '  Lex  Vatinia '  and 
*  Lex  Pompeia  Licinia '  were  carried. 

Placet  ?  Wesenb,  has  '  placet.' 
Placet  igitur,  'then  I  also  approve'  or 
'  must  approve.'     Cicero  means  that  the  re- 
sponsibility for  the  various  acts  done  by  or 
for  the  triumvirs  could  not  be  divided. 


EP.44.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VII.  7.  2^1 


me  expulsum  et  agrum  Campanum  perisseet  adoptatum  patricium 
a  plebeio,  Gaditanum  a  Mytilenaeo,  et  Labieni  divitiae  et  Ma- 
murrae  placent  et  Balbi  horti  et  Tusculanum.  Sed  horum  omnium 
fons  unus  est :  imbecillo  resistendutn  fuit,  et  id  erat  facile ;  nunc 
legiones  XI.,  equitatus  tantus,  quantum  volet,  Transpadani,  plebes  5 
urbana,  tot  tribuni  pi.,  tam  perdita  iuventus^  tanta  auctoritate 
dux,  tanta  audacia.  Cum  hoc  aut  depugnandum  est  aut  habenda 
7  e  lege  ratio.  *  Depugna '  inquis  '  potius  quam  servias.'  Ut  quid  ? 
si  victus  eris,  proscribare  ?  si  viceris,  tamen  servias  ?  '  Quid 
ergo '  inquis  '  acturus  es  ? '  Idem  quod  pecudes,  quae  dispulsae  sui  10 
generis  sequuntur  grcges  :  ut  bos  armenta,  sic  ego  bonos  viros  aut 
eos,  quicumque  dicentur  boni,  sequar,  etiam  si  ruent.  Quid  sit 
optimum  male  contractis  rebus  plane  video :  nemini  est  enim 
exploratum,  cum  ad  arma  ventum  est,  quid  futurum  sit,  at  illud 


1.  Agrum  Campanum:  cp.  Ep.  lo,  i, 
note. 

Patricium  (P.  Clodium)  a  plebeio  (P. 
Fonteio).  P.  Scipio  a  patrician  was  adopted 
by  Q^  Metellus  a  plebeian  (cp.  Epp.  i,  3, 
note  ;  34,  5),  but  the  author  of  the  speech 

•  De  Domo  *  complains  of  other  irregularities 
in  the  case  of  Clodius.     De  Dom.  13  ;  14. 

2.  Gaditanum,  sc.  L.  Cornelium  Bal- 
bum  (the  elder  Balbus:  cp.  Ep.  27,  2,  note)  a 
Mytilenaeo,  sc.  Theophane  (cp.  Ep.  31, 
3).  If,  as  must  have  been  the  case,  both 
Balbus  and  Theophanes  were  Roman  ple- 
beians, I  cannot  see  why  the  difference  of 
birthplace  should  have  made  the  adoption 
irregular.  Perhaps  Cicero  wishes  to  notice 
the  degradation  of  the  Roman  franchise. 

Labieni.  T.  Atius  Labienus  v/as  one 
of  the  ablest  of  Caesar's  officers.  Cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Gall.  i.  21,  alib.  He  was  tribune  in 
64-63   B.C.,    and    accused    C.    Rabirius   of 

♦  perduellio.'  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  9.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  civil  war  Labienus 
deserted  Caesar,  which  changed  Cicero's 
opinion  of  him.  Cp.  Ep.  47,  i.  Labienus 
fell  in  the  campaign  of  Munda.  See  Intr.  to 
Part  IV,  §  12. 

Divitiae.  Labienus  seems  to  have  re- 
built the  town  of  Cingulum,  in  Picenum,  at 
his  own  expense.  Cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of  Geogr. 
I.  625  ;  Caes.  Bell,  Civ.  1,15. 

Mamurrae.  A  Mamurra  had  acted  as 
'  praefectus  fabium'  or  chief  engineer,  to 
Caesar  in  Gaul.  He  had  a  splendid  house 
on  the  Caelian,  and  his  prosperity  seems  to 
have  excited  much  hostility.  Cp.  Pliny  H. 
N.  36.  6,  7;  Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  57;  Suet.  lul. 
73  :  Catull.  Epigr.  29,  for  further  notices 
of  him. 


3.  Horti  et  Tusculanum,  'garden  in 
the  suburbs  of  Rome  and  villa  at  Tusculum.* 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  13,  8;  Pro  Balbo  25,  56. 
The  land  for  his  garden  was  a  gift  from 
Pompey.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  1.  c. 

4.  Fons  unus,  sc.  the  submission  of  the 
Romans  to  the  joint  sovereignty  of  Caesar 
and  Pompey  from  59-52  B.C. 

5.  Transpadani  :  cp.  Ep.  31,  2,  note. 

8.  E  lege.  The  law  Cicero  refers  to 
was  one  proposed  by  the  whole  body  of 
tribunes  in  52  B.C.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 
§  14 ;  Appendix  6,  §  3. 

Ut  quid,  sc.  '  efficias.' 

9.  Servias.  Cicero  often  expresses  a 
want  of  confidence  in  Pompey;  uterque 
regnare  vult  he  says  of  him  and  Caesar. 
Ep.  56,  2. 

10.  Dispulsae,  *  scattered.* 

12.  Etiam  si  ruent,  'even  if  they  rush 
into  danger,'   'rush  blindly  on.'     Nagelsb. 

127.  355- 

13.  Male  contractis  rebus,  *  now 
that  affairs  are  in  a  mischievous  complica- 
tion.* 

Plane  video,  foil.,  'I  see  clearly  that  to 
do  all  we  can  for  peace  is  our  best  course. 
For  the  issue  of  war  is  uncertain ;  the 
disastrous  consequences  of  defeat  are  cer- 
tain.' 

14.  Exploratum, 'ascertained.'  Cp.  Ep. 
70,  6.  On  the  dat.  nemini,  cp.  ib.  and 
sup.  §  I,  note. 

Cum  ad  arma  ventum  est,  'when 
we  have  come  to  blows '  indicat.  as  a  general 
remark.  Cp.  Madv.  335,  b,  Obs.  i.  We- 
senb., however,  suggests  '  sit '  (i)  because 
the  sentence  is  in  orat.  obi.,  (2)  because  the 
fut.  exact,  is  needed  before  '  fore.' 


282 


Af.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


omnibus,  si  boni  victi  sint,  nee  in  eaede  prineipum  elementiorem 
hune  fore,  quam  Cinna  fuerit,  nee  moderatiorem  quam  Sulla  in 
pecuniis  locupletium.  ^v\n:o\iT^vo\i.o.i  o-ot  iam  dudum,  et  facerem 
diutius,  nisi  me  lucerna  desereret.  Ad  summam,  *  Die  M.  TvLLl.' 
5  '  Adsentior  Cn.  Pompeio,'  id  est  T.  Pomponio.  Alexim,  humanis- 
simum  puerum,  nisi  forte,  dum  ego  absum,  adulescens  factus  est — 
id  enim  agere  videbatur — ,  salvere  iubeas  velim. 


45.    To  A  T  T  I  C  U  S  (A  D  A  T  T.  VII.  9). 

FORMIAE,    END   OF   DECEMBER,    50   B.C.   (704  A.U.C.) 

I.  You  are  amused  at  my  writing  so  often,  but  I  shall  go  on  till  we  meet.  2.  Tell 
me  what  you  think  on  the  following  important  question  :  either  some  concession  must 
be  made  to  Caesar,  or  public  business  must  be  interrupted,  or  a  civil  war  must  begin : 
which  of  these  evils  do  you  think  the  least?  You  will  probably  say,  a  moderate 
concession  to  Caesar,  and  3.  I  quite  agree  with  you  ;  but  even  that  would  be  a  great 
misfortune.  4.  People  say  the  concession  to  which  I  refer  will  not  satisfy  Caesar ; 
the  demands  attributed  to  him  are  most  shameless.  If  we  fight,  chance  will  de- 
termine the  time  of  our  beginning  hostilities,  and  the  time  of  beginning  will  suggest 
our  policy. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

*  Quotidiene '  inquis  *  a  te  accipiendae  litterae  sunt  ?'  Si  habebo,  1 
cui  dem,  quotidie.    '  At  iam  ipse  ades.'   Tum  igitur,  cum  venero, 
10  desinam.    Unas  video  mihi  a  te  non  esse  redditas,  quas  L.  Quinc- 


2.  Hunc,  Caesarem.  This  prediction  was 
utterly  falsified  by  the  event.  Cp.  Epp.  57; 
91,  8-IO. 

3.  Xvfxiro\iT€vofiai,  'discuss  politics 
with  you,*  not  classical  in  this  sense. 

4.  Lucerna, '  the  oil  in  my  lamp.' 

Ad  summam  .  .  T.  Pomponio,  'in  a 
word,  if  my  opinion  is  asked,  I  shall  say, 
"  I  agree  with  Cn.  Pompeius,  that  is,  with 
M.  Pomponius."  * 

Dig  M.  Tvlli  would  be  the  words  used 
by  a  presiding  officer  in  asking  Cicero's 
opinion  in  the  senate,  and  his  supposed 
answer  adsentior,  foil.,  implies  that  he 
thought  Atticus  and  Pompey  agreed  in  their 
views.  He  still  calls  his  friend  Pomponius, 
notwithstanding  his  adoption  by  QI  Cae- 
cilius.    Cp.  Ad  Att.  3.  20;  Ad  Fam.  14.  5,  2. 

5.  Alexim.  This  Alexis  was  probably 
son  and  namesake  of  a  freedmau  and  secre- 
tary of  Atticus.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  2,  3  ;  12, 10. 

7.  Id  . .  agere, '  to  be  thinking  of  that,' 


probably  of  assuming  the  '  toga  virilis/  when 
he  woul^  become  *  adulescens.'  This  was 
generally  done  at  the  age  of  14.  Cp. 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc,  '  Im- 
pubes,'  p.  631. 

9.  Cui  dem,  *a  messenger.* 

At  iam  ipse  ades.  Atticus  is  supposed 
to  remark,  *  why  write  when  we  shall  meet 
so  soon.'  Cp.  §  3  of  the  preceding  letter 
for  an  account  of  Cicero's  movements. 

10.  Unas.  The  plural  of  *unus*  is  used 
with  plural  substantives  denoting  a  com- 
pound object,  which  can  be  repeated  and 
counted.     Cp.  Madv.  76  c,  Obs. 

Quas  . .  cum  ferret,  'in  bearing  which/ 
Cp.  Madv.  358. 

L.  Quinctius,  apparently  tribune  in  74- 
73  B.  c.  He  defended  Oppianicus  on  a 
charge  of  poisoning,  and  is  not  generally 
mentioned  with  praise  by  Cicero.  Cp.  Pro 
Cluent.  27,  74;  28,  77. 


EP.  45.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM    VIL  9. 


283 


tius,  familiaris  meus,  cum  ferret,  ad  bustum  Basili  volneratus  et 
2  spoliatus  est.  Videbis  igitur,  num  quid  fuerit  in  iis,  quod  me 
scire  opus  sit,  et  simul  hoc  8t€v/c/3tr?](Tets  7;p6fiKrjixa  sane  ttoKltlkov  : 
cum  sit  necesse  aut  haberi  Caesaris  rationem,  illo  exercitum  vel 
per  senatum  vel  per  tribunos  pi.  obtinente,  aut  persuader!  Caesari,  5 
ut  tradat  provinciam  atque  exercitum  et  ita  consul  fiat,  aut,  si 
id  ei  non  persuadeatur,  haberi  comitia  sine  illius  ratione,  illo 
patiente  atque  obtinente  provinciam,  aut,  si  per  tribunos  pi.  non 
patiatur,  tamen  quiescat,  rem  adduci  ad  interregnum,  aut,  si  ob 
eam  causam,  quod  ratio  eius  non  habeatur,  exercitum  adducat,  10 
armis  cum  eo  contendere,  ilium  autem  initium  facere  armorum 
aut  statim  nobis  minus  paratis  aut  tum,  cum  comitiis,  amicis  eius 
postulantibus,  ut  e  lege  ratio  habeatur,  impetratum  non  sit,  ire 
autem  ad  arma  aut  hanc  unam  ob  causam,  quod  ratio  non 
habeatur,  aut  addita  causa,  si  forte  tribunus  pi.  senatum  impe-  15 
diens  aut  populum  incitans  notatus  aut  senatus  consulto  circum- 
scriptus  aut  sublatus  aut  expulsus  sit  dicensvese  expulsum  ad  ilium 


I.  Ad  bustum  Basili.  A  tomb  on  the 
Appian  way  near  Rome,  often  the  scene 
of  assaults.      Cp.  Ascon.  in  Milonian.  49, 

P-  155- 

3.  Hoc  .  .  irpo^Xrjfia  sane  TroAtrt- 

k6v,  *  the  following  question,  which  may  be 
truly  called  a  problem  of  statesmanship.' 
The  word  irpo^K-qiw.  was  generally  used  of 
philosophical  enquiries. 

Si€VKpivr](X€is,  «judge  rightly,'  not  ap- 
parently a  classical  word. 

In  the  following  passage  Cicero  attempts 
to  state  all  the  possible  courses  which  events 
could  take.     Either,  he  says 

A.  Caesar   might   keep   the   peace,   and 
then 
I.  Retain  his  army  till  elected  consul 
for  48  B.C. 
Resign  it,  and  then  be  elected  con- 
sul. 
Retain  it,  and  waive  his  claim  to 

the  consulship  for  48  B.C. 
Retain  it,  and   employ  his  friends 
among  the  tribunes  to  impede  an 
election  of  consuls  for  48  B.C.  till 
an  interregnum  ensued. 
He  might  appeal  to  arms, 
I.  Because  he  was  not  allowed  to  sue 
for  the  consulship  when  absent. 
For  that  reason,  combined  with  some 
affront  offered  to  his  friends  among 
the  tribunes, 
He  might  begin  war  at  once,  or  after  the 
comitia  had  been  held  for  the  election  of 


2. 


Or  B. 


2. 


consuls  for  48  B.C. ;  and  his  opponents 
might  either  maintain  the  capital,  or  try  to 
reduce  it  and  Caesar  by  famine.  Cicero 
does  not  seem  to  have  anticipated  the  ex- 
treme haste  and  violence  by  which  Pompey 
and  his  friends  gave  Caesar  a  plausible  pre- 
text for  beginning  hostilities.  Cp.  Appen- 
dix 6,  §  5. 

4.  The  infinitives  haberi,  persuaderi . . 
ire,  all  seem  to  depend  on  sit  necesse. 

8.  Si  non  patiatur,  tamen  quiescat, 
'si'='etiamsi:'  cp.  Ep.  89,  2,  note;  '  if  he 
employ  tribunes  to  oppose  this,  but  yet  ab- 
stain from  violence.'  Wesenb.  suggests  '  et  * 
after  '  patiatur.' 

II.  Armis  .  .  contendere.  Wesenb. 
inserts  '  nos '  after  '  armis,'  arguing  that  the 
verb  '  contendere '  would  otherwise  be  in  the 
passive  voice,  like  the  preceding  infinitives. 

16.  Notatus,  'censured,'  'stigmatized.' 
Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  5  ;  i.  7.  In  49  B.C. 
an  appeal  was  made  to  the  magistrates  and 
citizens  to  support  the  constitution,  which 
implied  that  the  conduct  of  some  of  the 
tribunes  endangered  it.      Cp.  Appendix  6, 

§5- 

Circumscriptus,  'limited'  in  the  exer- 
cise of  his  functions.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  22,  53  ; 
Pro  Milon.  33, 88.  This  was  Caesar's  actual 
plea  for  beginning  hostilities. 

17.  Sublatus,  'suspended,'  as  had  been 
the  case  with  Q.  Metellus  Nepos  in  62  b  c. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  12. 

Sit.     The  conj.  is  used  because  Cicero 


2^4 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  II. 


EP.45.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM    VIL  9. 


285 


confugerit,  suscepto  autem  bello  aut  tenenda  sit  urbs  aut  ea  re- 
licta  ille  commeatu  et  reliquis  copiis  intercludendus, — quod  horum 
malorum,  quorum  aliquod  certe  subeundum  est,  minimum  putes : 
dices  profecto  persuaded  illi,  ut  tradat  exercitum  et  ita  consul  fiat. 

5  Est  omnino  id  eius  modi,  ut,  si  ille  eo  descendat,  contra  dici  nihil  3 
possit,  idque  eum,  si  non  obtineat,  ut  ratio  habeatur  retinentis 
exercitum,  non  facere  mirer;  nobis  autem,  ut  quidam  putant, 
nihil  est  timendum  magis  quam  ille  consul.    '  At  sic  malo  '  inquies 
*  quam  cum  exercitu.'     Certe.     Sed  istud  ipsum,  dico,  magnum 

10  malum  putat  aliquis,  neque  ei  remedium  est  ullum.  *  Cedendum 
est,  si  id  volet.'  Vide  consulem  ilium  iterum,  quem  vidisti  con- 
sulatu  priore.  '  At  tum  imbecillus  plus '  inquit  '  valuit  quam  tota 
res  publica.'    Quid  nunc  putas  ?  et  eo  consule  Pompeio  certum  est 


speaks  from  another's  point  of  view.     Cp. 
Ep.  36,  II,  note,  p.  252. 

Dicensve  se  expulsum.  Cicero  says 
that  Antony  and  Q.  Cassius  were  '  nulla  vi 
expulsi*  Ad  Fam.  i6.  II,  i.  Mr.  Jeans  re- 
marks :  •  notice  the  weak  alternative  marked 
by  "  ve,"  after  a  succession  of  strong  alterna- 
tives marked  by  '*  aut."  ' 

1.  Aut  tenenda  sit.  These  words  de- 
pend on  '  cum  '  after  ttoXitikov.  It  would 
be  more  regular  had  Cicero  written  *  urbem 
teneri/  but  the  sentence  had  become  so  long 
that  he  preferred  to  introduce  another  finite 
verb. 

2.  Ille,  Caesar. 

Commeatu  . .  intercludendus,  'should 
be  cut  off  from  supplies  of  provisions  and 
from  other  resources.'  Cp.  Epp.  6i,  4 ; 
62,  2. 

Quod  horum  .  .  putes.  Here  the  apo- 
dosis  begins.  It  corresponds  to  '  cum  sit 
necesse.'  The  mood  of  sit  and  putes 
is  accounted  for  by  the  words  occurring  in 
an  indirect  question.  Cp.  Ep.  34,  9,  note, 
p.  241. 

3.  Putes:  dices.  I  prefer  Wesenberg's 
punctuation  '  putes.     Dices.' 

4.  Persuaderi.  For  the  infinit.,  cp. 
Madv.  388  a. 

Ut  tradat  ..fiat,  'that  he  should  resign 
his  command  before  the  next  consular  elec- 
tion, and  then  stand  for  the  consulship.' 
Cicero  seems  to  contemplate  an  understand- 
ing between  Caesar  and  his  leading  oppo- 
nents, such  as  should  prevent  any  serious 
opposition  to  Caesar's  election.  Hence  he 
uses  the  word  *  fiat,'  implying  that  if  Caesar 
stood  he  would  be  elected. 

5.  Est  omnino  id  .  .  possit,  'that 
certainly  ('  inalle  Wege '  Metzg,)  is  a  settle- 


ment to  which  no  objection  can  be  made  if 
he  will  concede  so  much.' 

6.  Si  non  obtineat  .  .  mirer.  This  is 
Kayser's  suggestion.  The  MS.  reading  '  ob- 
tinet  .  .  miror'  surely  would  imply  either 
confusion  of  thought  or  forgetfulness  in  the 
writer,  and  can  hardly  be  construed.  '  Si 
non  obtinet '  would  naturally  be  followed  by 
*  facturum  puto  ; '  '  non  facere  miror*  would 
naturally  be  preceded  by  '  cum  non  obtinu- 
erit.' 

8.  Sic,  sc.  'consulem.* 

9.  Istud  ipsum,  'that  very  thing,'  his 
being  consul. 

10.  Aliquis,  Pompey,  probably,  whom 
Cicero  had  met  at  Formiae  on  Dec.  25.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  7.  8,  4. 

Cedendum  est,  'we  must  give  way  to 
Caesar,*  Atticus  is  supposed  to  say.  Wesenb. 
has  '  ullum  :  cedendum,'  and  gives  the  words 
down  to  '  priore  '  to  Cicero. 

11.  Vide  consulem  .  .  priore,  'see 
him  such  a  consul  again  as  you  saw  him  in 
his  first  consulship.' 

Quem  =  '  qualem.'  On  the  proceedings 
of  Caesar  in  his  first  consulship,  59  B.C.,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  17. 

12.  Imbecillus,  'in  his  day  of  weak- 
ness.* 

13.  Quid  nunc  putas,  sc.  'eum  valitu- 
rum.' 

Et  eo  consule  .  .  Hispania,  'during 
his  consulship,  too,  Pompey  is  resolved  to  be 
in  Spain.'  For  'certum  est'  with  the  dat., 
cp.  De  Orat.  2.  33,  144  '  cum  diceret  sibi 
certum  esse  discedere.'  Cicero  here,  as  in 
Ep.  31,  3,  writes  as  though  he  thought  it 
would  be  mischievous  for  Pompey  to  go  to 
Spain.  But  after  Caesar's  triumph  he  wrote 
that  he  had  been  in  favour   of  Pompey's 


esse  in  Hispania.     O  rem  miseram !  si  quidem  id  ipsum  deter- 
rimum  est,  quod  recusari  non  potest,  et  quod  ille  si  faciat,  iamiam 
4  a  bonis  omnibus  summam  ineat  gratiam.     Tollamus  igitur  hoc, 
quo  ilium  posse  adduci  negant :  de  reliquis  quid  est  deterrimum  ? 
concedere   illi,   quod,  ut    idem    dicit,  impudentissime   postulat.  5 
Nam  quid  impudentius  ?     Tenuisti  provinciam  per  decem  annos, 
non  tibi  a  senatu,  sed  a  te  ipso  per  vim  et  per  factionem  datos ; 
praeteriit  tempus  non  legis,  sed  libidinis  tuae,  fac  tamen,  legis ; 
ut  succedatur,  decernitur :  impedis  et  ais  '  habe  meam  rationeni.' 
Habe  nostrum.   Exercitum  tu  habeas  diutius,  quam  populus  iussit,  lo 
invito  senatu?  '  Depugnes   oportet,  nisi  concedis.'     Cum    bona 
quidem  spe,  ut  ait  idem,  vel  vincendi  vel  in  libertate  moriendi. 
lam  si  pugnandum  est,  quo  tempore,  in  casu,  quo  consilio,  in 
temporibus  situm  est ;  itaque  te  in  ea  quaestione  non  exerceo. 
Ad  ea,  quae  dixi,  adfer,  si  quid  habes ;  equidem  dies  noctesque  15 
torqueor. 


going  to  Spain  as  a  means  of  averting  civil 
war.  Cp.  Ep.  91,  5.  Perhaps,  however,  he 
may  there  refer  to  advice  given  after  the 
war  had  begun.  He  met  Pompey  on  Janu- 
ary 17,  49  B.C.  Cp.  Ep.  63,  2,  and  Intr. 
to  Part  III,  §  3. 

I.  Id  ipsum  .  .  gratiam,  '  that  conces- 
sion which  cannot  be  refused  to  him,  and 
his  acceptance  of  which  would  win  the 
greatest  gratitude  from  all  well-disposed 
citizens.'     For  the  tense  of  ineat,  cp.  Ep. 

3.  Tollamus  .  .  hoc,  '  let  us  dismiss 
this  settlement  from  consideration.' 

5.  Quod  .  .  postulat,  i.e.  to  retain  his 
army  till  after  he  had  been  elected  consul, 
or  perhaps  till  his  consulship  began. 

Idem,  Pompeius.  'Idem'  is  used  with 
reference  perhaps  to  'aliquis'  p.  284,  1.  lO, 
perhaps  to  'Pompeio  certum  est  esse  in 
Hispania,'  p.  284,  1.  13,  as  Manutius  thinks. 

6.  Tenuisti  .  .  habe  nostrum.  Cicero 
here  addresses  Caesar  on  the  extravagance 
of  his  demands.  On  the  facts  referred  to, 
cp.  Ep.  44,  6,  note  ;  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  17  ; 
Part  II,  §  8 ;  Appendix  6,  §  2.  The  past 
tenses  do  not  necessarily  shew  that  Caesar's 
government  had  expired  when  Cicero  wrote, 
as  Cicero  may  write  as  he  would  have 
spoken  when  the  question  should  be  discussed. 


8.  Tempus  non  legis,  foil.,  cp.  *  legis 
dies,'  p.  280. 

9.  Decernitur,  'the  senate  votes  for 
the  appointment  of  a  successor.'  For  this 
hypothetical  use  of  the  indicative,  cp.  Pro 
Muren.  30,  6a  'Petunt  aliquid  publicani? 
cave  quidquam  habeat  momenti  gratia.' 

10.  Habe  nostrum,  sc. 'rationem,*  '  do 
you  shew  some  regard  for  us.*  The  words 
are  not  used  technically  as  in  the  preced- 
ing clause.  Wesenb.  reads  '  Habe  tu  nos- 
tra m.' 

Habeas.  The  mood  expresses  disappro- 
bation.    Cp.  Madv.  353. 

11.  Invito  senatu.  The  senate  by  de- 
clining to  send  a  successor  might  prolong 
the  government  of  a  proconsul  or  propraetor 
beyond  the  time  fixed  by  law. 

Depugnes  oportet.  Caesar  is  supposed 
to  say  to  Pompey. 

12.  Idem,  Pompeius, 

13.  Quo  consilio  .  .  situm  est.  This 
remark  was  verified  by  the  event.  The 
senate  by  sending  Caesar  a  defiance  at  Pom- 
pey's suggestion  before  the  Italian  levies  had 
assembled,  made  it  impossible  to  defend 
Rome.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  I. 

15.  Adfer,  si  quid  habes,  'let  me  hear 
any  advice  you  have  to  give.'  Cp.  Madv. 
493  a. 


386 


NOTE  F. 


APPENDIX  VI. 


287 


NOTE  F.     On  the  Cojnmissmt  granted  to  Pompey  in  Sepiefnber  57  B.C. 

Cp.  supra,  pp.  135;  162;  163;  166;   173. 

The  following  words  in  Ep.  21,  3  *  Crassus  tres  legatos  decernit  nee  excludit  Pompeium  ; 
censet  enim  etiam  ex  iis  qui  cum  imperio  sint,'  seem  to  imply  that  Pompey  was  possessed  of 
•  Imperium '  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  56  B.C.  Now  I  am  not  aware  of  any  public  com- 
mission which  he  received  in  the  interval  between  his  return  from  the  East  in  61  B.C.  and 
his  second  consulship  in  55  b.c,  except  the  two  following:  (i)  That  of  superintending,  as 
one  of  a  Commission  of  Twenty,  the  allotment  of  the  Campanian  domains  (cp.  pp.  17;  83); 
and  (2)  the  supervision  of  the  supply  of  corn  with  which  he  was  entrusted  in  Sept.  57  B.C. 
It  is  doubtful  if  the  '  Imperium '  was  conferred  upon  him  in  connection  with  the  first  of  these 
commissions.  With  regard  to  the  second,  Dion  Cassius  (39,  9)  speaks  of  his  receiving  pro- 
consular power;  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  2.  18)  misdates  the  commission,  but  speaks  of  Pompey 
as  avTOKpcLTopa  Trjs  dyopds:  and  Plutarch  (Pomp.  49)  uses  language  suggesting  that  he  was 
invested  with  '  Imperium.' 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  clear  that  Pompey  entered  the  *urbs'  on  various  occasions  during 
the  spring  of  56  b.c.  (cp.  Epp.  23,  2  ;  5 ;  24,  i ;  29,  7) ;  and  unless  special  privileges  had 
been  granted  him  he  must  have  forfeited  his  'Imperium*  thereby.  Cp.  Note  E,  p.  123. 
It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  Becker  (Handbuch  der  Rom.  Alt.  2.  2,  66-69)  should 
infer  that  Pompey  had  been  invested  with  •  Potestas  '  only,  and  not  with  *  Imperium.'  But 
Becker  does  not  notice  the  words  quoted  above  from  Ep.  21,  3.  Mr.  Yonge,  on  Ad  Fam. 
I.  0,  7,  hints  that  a  special  permission  allowed  Pompey  to  enter  the  city  without  forfeiting 
his  '  imperium  ; '  this  is  possible,  but  I  do  not  see  any  evidence  of  it  beyond  the  passages 
which  cause  the  difficulty:  Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  3.  308,  thinks  that  Pompey  received  the 
ordinary  proconsular  •  imperium '  for  five  years.  On  the  whole,  our  materials  perhaps  do 
not  justify  a  decided  opinion  on  either  side. 


[ 


APPENDIX   VI. 

On  the  legal  question  at  issue  between  Caesar  and 

THE  Senate. 

This  turned  partly  upon  distinct  statutes,  partly  upon  general  consti- 
tutional principles. 

§  I.  The  'Lex  Vatinia'  of  59  b.c.  gave  Caesar  the  government  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul  with  Illyricum,  and  an  army  of  three  legions,  for  a  term 
of  five  years,  to  expire  on  March  i  \  54  b.c  Then,  perhaps  on  the 
death  ^  of  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  proconsul  of  Gallia  Narbonensis,  the  senate 
added  that  province,  with  another  legion,  to  Caesar's  government.  This 
grant  was  renewed  annually;  and  an  attempt  to  get  one  of  his  two  pro- 
vinces assigned  by  anticipation  to  another  governor  in  March  54  failed  ^ 
In  55  a  tribune,  C.  Trebonius,  got  a  law  enacted  securing  the  govern- 
ment of  Syria  to  Crassus  for  five  years,  and  that  of  the  two  Spains  to 
Pompey  for  a  like  period.  Perhaps  they  had  already  obtained  these 
provinces  for  one  year  by  regular  allotment  *.  Then  the  two  consuls, 
Pompey  and  Crassus,  proposed  a  law  extending  Caesar's  government  of 
the  two  Gauls  for  five  years  ^. 

§  2.  From  what  day  did  this  second  term  of  five  years  date  ?  Three 
have  been  suggested. 

1.  Jan.  I,  54  B.C. 

2.  March  i,  54  b.c 

3.  The  day  of  the  enactment  of  the  consular  law  in  55  b.c,  sup- 

posed to  have  been  Nov.  13. 

For  I,  littie  can  be  said,  except  that  it  was  the  day  on  which  magis- 
trates began  their  year  of  office. 

For  2,  that  it  is  the  most  in  accordance  with  passages  in  Cicero  *, 
Velleius  \  Appian  ^  and  Plutarch  \  which  speak  of  a  real  addition  of 
five  years  to  Caesar's  government. 

For  3,  that 

(a)  Dion  Cassius^®,  writing  of  51  b.c,  says  that  Caesar's  government 

*  De  Prov.  Cons.  15.  *  ^  ^^  Zurapt,  Studia  Romana,  75.  '  Intr.  to 

Part  II,  §  6.  *  A.  W.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  pp.  79-80  :  who,  however,  thinks  that  Pompey 

only  obtained  Farther  Spain  by  regular  allotment.  *  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  53  ;  Dion 

Cassius  39,  33-36;    App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  18.  «  Ad  Att.  7.  7,  6;  Philipp.  2.  10,  24. 

^  2.  46.  8  Bell.  Civ.  2.  18.  »  Pomp.  52.  "  40.  59. 


288 


APPENDIX   VI , 


would  expire  next  year;  and  in  another  place S  that  the  law  of  55  added 
in  reality  three  years  to  his  term.  The  latter  statement  would  m  any 
case  be  incorrect ;  but  of  course  less  so  if  the  term  granted  by  the  law 
expired  in  50,  than  if  it  expired  in  49,  b.c. 

{b)  M.  Caelius  uses  language  ^  of  which  the  most  natural  construction 
is  that  Pompey  was  prepared  to  demand  Caesar's  recall  on  Nov.  13, 

''(^)''  Cicero,  writing  in  the  end  of  50  B.C.,  speaks '  of  Caesar  as  having 
already  held  his  province  for  the  time  allowed  by  law. 

§  3.   In  any  case  the  term  granted  to  Caesar  by  the  *  Lex  Pompeia 
Licinia'  would  expire  before  the  usual  time  arrived  for  holding  the  con- 
sular comitia  in  49  b.c,  the  earliest  at  which  he  could  legally^  sue  for 
a  second  consulship.     It  is  true  that,  according  to  the  usage  which  had 
prevailed   for  some  years  before    52  b.c,   a   successor  to   him   would 
only  be  sent  out  at  the  end  of  49 ' ;  but  if  he  were  required  to  sue  for 
the  consulship  in  person  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  he  would  have  to 
relinquish  the  advantage  which  constitutional  usage  thus  gave  him ;  and 
if  he  left  the  protection  of  his  army  before  he  was  elected  consul,  he 
would  run  great  risk  of  prosecution  on  various  charges.     Foreseeing 
this,  he  requested  the  tribunes  in  52  to  propose  a  law,  permitting  him  to 
sueVor  the  consulship  without  a  personal  canvass.     Pompey  supported 
this  proposal,  and  it  was  carried ^     Cicero,  both  directly^  and  indi- 
rectly ^  furnishes  evidence  in  support  of  A.  W.  Zumpt's^  conjecture,  that 
the  tribunes'  law  provided  that  Caesar  might  retain  his  command  till 
after  the  consular  comitia  in  49  had  been  held;  Caesar's  own  language ^° 
has  the  same  tendency ;  Appian  "  takes  a  different  view.     The  enact- 
ment of  the  *Lex  Pompeia  de  iure  magistratuum '  ^^  altered  Caesar's 
position  for  the  worse  in  two  ways,     (i)  It  revoked  by  a  general  pro- 
vision the  permission  granted  him  to  sue  for  the  consulship  while  absent 
from  Rome.     (2)  By  providing  that  an  interval  of  five  years  should 
elapse  between  a  magistrate's  year  of  office  at  Rome  and  his  govern- 
ment of  a  province,  it  relieved  the  senate  from  the  difficulty  which  that 

i  .0.  33  :  cp.  A.  W.  Zampt,  S.  R.  65-89  ;  156-196.  '  Ad  Fam   8.  11    3  : 

but  CP  8  8  4  and  o.  ^  Ad  Att.  7.  9.  4.     Bat  cp.  sup.  p.  285,  note  on  1.  6. 

*  Tne  Lex  Genucia  of  343  b.c.  had  provided  that  no  man  should  be  elected  a  second  time 
to  any  office,  unless  after  an  interval  of  ten  years  since  his  last  election,  and  bulla  had  revived 
his  law  from  desuetude.     App.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  100;  Livy  7.  42.         ^.     ^    ^'  Mommsen, 
Rechtsfrage,  33 ;  4^  ;  43  ;  Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  3.  367  ;  368. ,     Cp.  Cic.  De  Prov.  Cons.  15 
«  Cic.  PhUipp.  2.  10.  24 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2    25  ;  Dion  Cassius  40.  51.  Ad  Att. 

776  8  lb.  8.  3,  3  ;  cp.  9.  II  A,  2  ;  Philipp.  I.  c.  b.  K.  I72-I74- 

?o  ^eli  Civ   I   9.  "lb.  2.  25.  ''  Intr.  to  Part  11.  §  14.     Lange  thinks 

that  these  two  provi^ons  were  contained  in  distinct  laws,  the  second  in  a  *  Lex  Pompeia  de 
provinciis.'  Rom.  Alt.  3.  367;  and  his  view  receives  some  support  from  the  language  ot 
Dion  Cassius  (40.  56). 


APPENDIX   VI. 


289 


body  might  have  felt  in  sending  Caesar  a  successor  on  March  i,  49  b.c, 
a  difficulty  which  would  have  arisen  from  the  previous  usage  that  the 
government  of  provinces  should  be  assumed  by  proconsuls  or  pro- 
praetors immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  their  year  of  office  at 
Rome,  and  therefore  on  the  first  of  January^  Under  the  new  system  a 
governor  might  enter  on  his  government  at  any  time.  Cicero's  govern- 
ment of  Cilicia  began  on  July  31  ^. 

The  clause  inserted  by  Pompey,  on  his  own  authority,  in  the  law  after 
its  enactment,  to  release  Caesar  from  its  restrictions,  could  hardly  be 
considered  valid  ^ 

§  4.  Thus  Caesar  had  no  legal  claim  to  retain  his  provinces  for  longer 
than  the  time  granted  him  by  the  *  Lex  Pompeia  Licinia '  of  55  b.c.  He 
had,  however,  an  equitable  claim  as  against  Pompey,  whose  negligence 
or  treachery  had  withdrawn  a  privilege  granted  with  his  own  sanction ; 
and  he  had  various  constitutional  modes  of  securing  attention  to  his 
demands. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  *Lex  Pompeia  de  iure  magistratuum  * 
was  retrospective;  hence,  as  it  passed  in  52  b.c,  no  'consulares*  or 
*praetorii'  would  be  qualified  under  it  till  46.  Perhaps  the  senate  was 
to  provide  *  for  the  government  of  the  provinces  during  the  interval.    Now 

{a)  The  *  Lex  Sempronia  de  provinciis '  of  C.  Gracchus  provided  that 
the  provinces  of  the  future  consuls  should  be  fixed  before  their  election ; 
and  though  recent  legislation,  and  the  frequent  assignation  of  provinces 
by  special  votes  may  have  diminished  its  authority,  it  seems  to  have  been 
thought  desirable  to  deliberate  on  the  appointment  of  a  successor  to  any 
province  some  time  before  a  vacancy  occurred.  But  Pompey  thought  ° 
himself  pledged  to  Caesar  not  to  allow  any  motion  to  be  put  to  the 
senate  with  reference  to  the  Gallic  provinces  before  March  i,  50  b.c, 
which  would  much  shorten  the  time  available  for  discussion. 

(b)  It  would  be  difficult,  perhaps,  to  find  men  of  consular  rank  to 
succeed  Caesar  in  both  his  provinces,  and  if  this  were  not  done,  any 
tribune  might  interpose  ^  to  prevent  the  nomination  of  a  *  praetorius '  to 
succeed  him  in  either. 

(c)  A  majority  of  the  senate  was  indisposed  for  decided  measures  ^. 

§  5.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  preliminary  discussion  about 
Caesar's  recall  opened  on^   Sept.  29,  51  b.c.    The   senate   passed  a 


*  above,  §  3  and  note  5.  *  Ep.  32,  2.  *  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  14; 

Suet.  lul.  28 ;  Mommsen,  Rechtsfrage,  48.  Mr.  Long,  however.  Decline  of  Roman  Re- 
public, 4.  366,  367,  does  not  notice  the  apparent  invalidity  of  this  amendment.  *  Ad 
Fam.  8.  8,  8.  «  Ad  Fam.  8.  8,  9.  «  De  Prov.  Cons.  7.  17.  The  tribunes* 
veto  could  not  legally  be  interposed  in  discussions  on  provinces  to  be  held  by  consuls. 
^  Ad  Att.  7.  7,  5.            «  Ad  Fam.  8.  8,  5. 

u 


290 


APPENDIX  VI, 


decree  '  that  the  assignment  of  the  consular  ^  provinces  should  occupy 
the  undivided  attention  of  the  senate  from  March  i,  50  b.c.  till  some 
decree  had  been  passed  providing  for  their  government/    Other  motions, 

proposing 

(i)  That  strong  measures  should  be  taken  against  any  tribunes  who 
might  interfere  with  the  senate's  proceedings.  (2)  That  Caesar's  sol- 
diers should  be  invited  to  apply  for  discharges.  (3)  That  nine  pro- 
vinces, excluding  the  two  Gauls,  should  be  entrusted  to  the  government 
of '  praetorii  '—were  vetoed  ^  by  tribunes. 

In  50  B.C.  a  struggle,  of  which  the  particulars  have  been  already' 
noticed,  took  place  between  Pompey's  friends  and  Curio.  It  must  be 
remembered,  that  Pompey  held  his  provinces  *  by  virtue  of  a  law  passed 
in  52,  and  might  fairly  decline  to  surrender  them  in  obedience  to  a  mere 
expression  of  opinion  on  the  part  of  the  senate. 

On  the  first  day  of  49  b.c,  Curio  ^  appeared  in  Rome  with  very 
moderate  proposals  from  Caesar ;  his  friends  among  the  tribunes  com- 
pelled the  consuls  to  read  the  proposals  in  the  senate,  but  the  consuls 
declined  to  put  them  to  the  vote. 

The  senate  was  intimidated  by  the  two  consuls,  and  by  Scipio  acting 
as  Pompey's  spokesman:    and  many  of  Pompey's   soldiers  filled  the 

capital  ®. 

Caesar  was  required  to  hand  over  his  provinces  to  two  successors  by 
a  certain  day.  Two  tribunes,  M.  Antonius  and  Q.  Cassius,  vetoed  this 
demand,  and  their  veto  was  probably  regular,  as  one  of  the  two  suc- 
cessors selected  was  only  of  praetorian  rank  \  The  veto  was  answered, 
however,  by  a  vote^  investing  the  consuls  and  other  magistrates  with 
extraordinary  powers ;  on  which  Antony  and  Cassius  fled  from  Rome. 
Much  irregularity^  seems  to  have  marked  the  provisions  subsequently 
made  by  the  senate  for  the  government  of  the  provinces. 

*  Ad  Fam.  8.  8,  5.    Consular  provinces  in  this  passage  must  mean  those  which,  under  the 
*Lex  Pompeia  de  iure  magistratuum/  would  be  governed  by  consulares.     For  its  usual 

meaning those  to  be  assigned  to  the  next  consuls— is  excluded  by  the  enactment  of  that 

law  which  interposed  an  interval  of  five  years  between  the  consulship  and  the  government 
of  a  consular  province.     Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  14-  '^  Ad  Fam.  8.  8,  6-8.  '  Intr. 

to  Part  II,  §  27.  *  lb.  §  14.  5  caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  i  and  2  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2. 

3  2  '  Mb.  2  and  3.  "^  Ad  Fam.  16.  12,  3,  note.  '  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  5  ; 

Cic.  Philipp.  2.  21,  52-53.  *  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  6.     Mr.  Long,  Decline  of  the  Roman 

Republic  4.  1*78 ;  442,  says  or  implies  that  the  two  terms  of  provincial  government  granted 
to  Caesar  by  the  '  Lex  Vatinia '  and  '  Lex  Pompeia  Licinia '  respectively  expired  at  the  end 
of  54  and  at  the  end  of  49  B.C.  But  this  opinion  seems  to  me  inconsistent  with  the  lan- 
guage of  Cicero  Ad  Att.  7.  9,  4.  M.  Paul  Guiraud,  in  a  learned  and  ingenious  essay 
noticed  in  the  preface  to  this  edition,  holds  that  the  first  term  dated  from  Caesar's  arrival  in 
his  province  towards  the  end  of  March,  58  b.c,  but  that  the  second  was  only  to  last  three 
years,  as  stated  by  Dion  Cassius,  39.  33.  See  pp.  46  and  99  foil.,  of  M.  Guiraud's  Essay. 
-  But  I  find  it  hard  to  reconcile  this  view  with  the  following  p.issages :  Ad  Att.  7.  7,  6 ;  9.  1 1 
A,  2;  Caesar,  Bell.  Civ.  I.  9. 


APPENDIX  VII . 


291 


APPENDIX  VII. 

Distribution  of  the  Roman  forces  at  the  beginning  of  the 

CIVIL    WAR   between   CaESAR   AND   PoMPEY   IN    49    B.C. 

Caesar  had  nine  veteran  legions — eight  in  Transalpine  Gaul,  one  in 
Cisalpine  ^     He  had  also  some  German  and  Gaulish  cavalry  ^  and  auxi- 
liary infantry.     Pompey  had  in  Italy  two  veteran  ^  legions  of  doubtful 
fidelity,  and  was  authorized  to  levy  as  many  fresh  troops  as  he  chose. 
It  was  hoped  *  that  1 30,000  men  could  be  raised,  but  not  more  than  half 
that  number  seem  actually  to  have  been  brought  together.    For  Pompey 
sailed  from  Brundisium  with  20  cohorts  ^  and  had  sent  on  the  consuls 
with  30*^;  this  would  give  a  total  of  25,000  men;   Cicero  speaks^  of 
30,000  as  a  number  reported  for  Pompey's  whole  force.     Now  Caesar  ** 
says  that  Pompey  had  lost  in  Spain  and  Italy  130  cohorts  of  Roman 
citizens ;  and  deducting  70  cohorts  for  7  legions  *  in  Spain,  this  state- 
ment would  make  his  losses  in  Italy  amount  to  60  cohorts,  or  30,000 
men.     And  30,000  +  25,000  or  30,000  carried  to  Epirus,  would  give  a 
total  of  at  most  60,000  mustered  in  Italy. 

In  Spain,  besides  the  seven  legions  just  mentioned,  a  large  auxiliary 
force  ^^  had  been  raised  for  Pompey  by  his  officers,  Afranius  and 
Petreius. 

The  other  provinces  were  under  Pompey's  control,  but  the  forces 
stationed  there  were  not  very  important.  Sicily  furnished  "  some  troops 
to  Pompey  in  Epirus,  but  neither  that  island  nor  Sardinia  offered  much 
resistance  to  Caesar's  officers ".  In  Africa,  P.  Atius  Varus  levied  two 
legions  for  Pompey,  and  excluded  the  lawful  governor  Q.  Aelius 
Tubero^^  Varus  could  count  on  effective  support  from  Juba  of 
Numidia  ^*. 

In  the  East,  all  the  dependent  princes  were  inclined  to  support 
Pompey,  who  had  conquered  ]\Iithridates  and  re-organized  the  Roman 
empire  in  Asia  *^  The  Roman  forces  in  that  quarter  were  small  and 
scattered.  After  the  defeat  of  Crassus  the  army  of  Syria  can  hardly 
have  counted  more  than  10,000  regular  ^^  infantry,  and  it  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  reinforced  before  the  civil  war  began.     In  Cilicia,  Cicero  as 

»  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  54.  2  ^aes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  18 ;  39.  ^  ^d  Att.  7.  20, 

I;  8.  12  A.  2.  *   App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  34.  »  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  25. 

«Pint.  Pomp.  62.  7  Ad  Att.  9.  6,  3.  «  geji,  civ.  3.  10.  »  lb.  I.  38. 

J«  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  39.  "  lb.  3.  4.  12  i^.  i.  30.  13  ib.  ,.  31. 

lb-  2.  25.  15  Mommsen  4.  2,  368  and  401.  »«  Plut.  Cras<.  31 ; 

Momnisen  4.  2,  337. 

U   2, 


292  APPENDIX   VII. 

proconsul  in  51  b.c,  complained^  that  he  had  only  '  nomen  duarum 
legionum  exilium/  and  probably  no  fresh  troops  had  been  sent  there 
since  his  departure.  Nor  does  it  appear  that  any  large  bodies  of  regular 
troops  were  stationed  in  Macedonia,  Achaia,  or  the  province  of  Asia, 

when  hostilities  began  ^ 

Pompey  may  have  had  an  understanding  with  the  Parthians^  enabling 
him  to  strip  the  eastern  provinces  of  their  garrisons,  and  the  subject 
princes  furnished  him  with  considerable  forces,  especially  of  cavalry  *. 

»  Ad  Att   s.  15,  I.  '  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  4  and  78.  ^  15.  3.  3,  and  82  ;   Dion 

Cassias  4i.*55  ;  Mommsen  4.  2.  370.  *  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  4 ;  Ad  Fam.  9.  9,  2. 


PART    III. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war  between  Caesar 

AND  Pompey  to  Cicero's  return  to  Italy  after 

the  battle  of  Pharsalus.    Jan.  i,  49  b.c. 

TO  Oct.,  48  B.C. 


INTRODUCTION. 


§  I.  The  events  of  the  first  few  days  of  49  b.  c,  have  been  already  * 
noticed.  Cicero  took  no  part  in  the  senate's  discussions,  but  perhaps*-^ 
privately  recommended  conciliation  to  Pompey.  He  arrived  before 
Rome  on  Jan.  4  ^,  and  remained  some  days  without  the  walls,  perhaps  * 
still  cherishing  hopes  of  a  triumph. 

Caesar,  when  he  heard  how  the  senate  had  received  his  offers,  as- 
sembled ^  his  soldiers  at  Ravenna,  and  addressed  them.  They  answered 
with  enthusiasm  ;  and,  after  sending  messages  to  his  other  legions  to  follow 
with  all  speed  from  Transalpine  Gaul,  he  marched  to  Ariminum,  where 
he  found  the  two  ^  tribunes  who  had  interposed  in  his  favour  and  Curio, 
also  the  praetor  L.  Roscius  "^  and  L.  Caesar,  son  of  one  of  his  legates, 
who  were  charged  with  friendly  messages  from  Pompey.  Caesar  asked 
them  to  carry  proposals  from  him  to  Pompey.  He  offered  to  disarm  if 
his  rival  would  dismiss  his  Italian  levies  and  retire  to  Spain,  but  was  told 

*  Appendix  6,  §  5.  *  Ad  Att.  7.  3,  5  ;  Plut.  Caes.  31.  'Ad  Fam.  16. 

I},  2.  *  lb.  1.  c. ;  Ad  Att.  7.  10.  5  The  thirteenth  legion.     Cp.  Caes.  Bell. 

Civ.  1.  7;  App,  Bell.  Civ.  2.  32  and  33.  It  numbered  5000  foot  and  300  horse. 
^  Cp.  Appendix  6,  §  5.  This  was  about  Jan.  10  or  11.  For  the  decree  giving  the  consuls 
power  to  protect  the  safety  of  the  state  passed  Jan.  6.  Caesar  could  hardly  have  heard 
of  it  under  three  days,  and  it  was  the  ground  of  his  beginning  hostilities.  On  the  other 
hand,  Pompey  knew  of  the  invasion  on  or  about  Jan.  19:  cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  5  and  14 ; 
Ad  Att.  7.  13,  7;  9.  10,  4.  '  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  8. 


1 


294 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  THIRD  PART, 


295 


that  he  must  first  himself  recross  the  Rubicon  \  He  had  just  suffered  a 
severe  blow  in  the  defection  of  Labienus  ^  but  the  example  was  not  fol- 
lowed, and  the  rapidity  of  his  successes  must  have  surprised  men  who 
had  been  told  ^  that  his  troops  only  wanted  a  pretext  for  desertion.  His 
forces  occupied  successively  Ancona,  Arretium,  Iguvium,  and  Auximum: 
it  was  near  the  place  last  mentioned  that  the  first  bloodshed  *  took  place. 
The  news  of  these  events  caused  the  consuls  and  other  magistrates  to 
retire  ^  from  Rome  without  even  securing  the  public  treasury.  Pompey  ® 
had  already  started  to  take  the  command  of  his  two  legions,  which  had 
been  moved  from  Capua  to  Luceria,  but  he  spent  a  day  or  two  at 
Teanum  "^. 

§  2.  Caesar  was  presently  joined  by  the  12th  legion,  and  marched  on 
amid  the  general  sympathy  of  the  population  till  he  reached  Corfinium, 
where  his  destined  successor  in  Transalpine  Gaul,  L.  Domitius  Aheno- 
barbus,  awaited  his  approach  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  force  ^ 
Antony  occupied  Sulmo  ^  and  its  garrison  of  3500  men  was  incorporated 
with  Caesar's  army,  which  was  further  increased  by  the  arrival  of  the 
8th  legion,  of  1 1,000  Gaulish  levies,  and  of  300  horse.  Domitius,  find- 
ing that  Pompey  did  not  mean  to  come  to  his  relief,  prepared  to  escape ; 
but  his  men  mutinied,  and  delivered  him  and  the  town  to  Caesar  on 
Feb.  21,  after  a  siege  of  seven  days^*^.  Caesar  dismissed  the  officers 
unhurt,  but  retained  the  men  in  his  own  service  ^^.  They  subsequently 
formed  the  army  with  which  Curio  occupied  Sicily  ^'-^  and  invaded 
Africa. 

Pompey,  with  the  two  legions  which  he  had  found  in  Apulia,  and  the 
levies  of  southern  Italy,  marched  to  Brundisium,  whither  Caesar  fol- 
lowed ^^  on  March  9.  Caesar's  forces  were  increased  by  desertions  from 
the  enemy,  but  he  renewed  his  attempts^*  to  negotiate,  which  proved 
fruitless.  His  army  now  amounted  to  six  legions,  three  of  which  con- 
sisted of  veterans.  The  consuls  had  already  sailed  for  Dyrrhachium  on 
March  4,  with  a  large  ^^  force,  and  Pompey  followed  them  on  the  17  th 
with  the  remainder  of  his  army,  which  he  embarked  very  skilfully  ^^. 

§  3.  When  Cicero  saw  how  Pompey  and  his  friends  were  taken  by 
surprise,  he  retired  to  Campania,  and  received  "  charge  of  the  sea  coast 

^  This  answer  was  agreed  on  at  a  council  held  at  Teanum  Sidicinum  late  in  January  : 
cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  8-n  ;  Ad  Fam.  16.  12,  3 ;  Ad  Att.  7.  13,  7 ;  7.  14,  i.  2  ^j 

Att.  7.  II,  I.  3  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  6.  *  lb.  i.  I1-13.  ^  lb.  I.  14. 

^  lb.  1.  c.  ''  Ad  Att.  7.  13,  7;  7.  14,  I.  «  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  15-17. 

•^  lb.  I.  18.  ^°  Ad  Att.  8.  14,  1.  "  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  19-23.  »2  ly^   ^ 

25.  "  Ad  Att.  9.  13  A,  I.  "  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  24-26.  ^^  ^^  ^^^^ 

9.  6,  3.  "  lb.  9.  13  A,  I ;  9.  6,  3;  9.  15,  6,  or  A;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  25-27.     The 

two  detachments  together  numbered  about  25,000  or  30,000  men  in  all.  ^'^  Ad  Att. 

8.  3,  4;  Ad  Fam.  16.  12,  5. 


and  of  the  levies  of  troops  made  there.  Capua  was  his  head  quarters 
apparently.  His  fasces  were  still  wreathed  with  laurel  for  his  successes 
in  Cilicia,  and  the  notoriety^  this  gave  his  movements  increased  the 
anxiety  which  all  his  letters  of  this  time  express  ^,  and  which  was  aggra- 
vated by  his  doubts,  how  he  could  secure  the  safety  of  his  wife  and 
daughter  without,  by  sending  them  to  ^  Rome,  declaring  his  distrust  of 
Pompey's  prospects.  While  moving  about  he  had  interviews*  with 
Pompey,  and  with  the  consuls :  the  dates  of  his  movements  seem  to  have 

been  as  follows  : — 

He  left  Rome  between  January  12^  and  21  ;  was  at  Minturnae*^  on 
the  23rd,  and  went  to  Capua  ^  on  the  25th,  where  he  probably  received, 
through  Trebatius  S  an  invitation  from  Caesar  to  return  to  Rome.  He 
stayed  at  Capua  till  the  28th,  when  he  left  for  Formiae  \  and  was  rejoined 
by  his  wife  ^^  and  daughter  on  February  2 ;  revisited  Capua  on  the  5th  at 
the  invitation  of  the  consuls,  and  stayed  there  "  two  days,  returning  to 
Formiae  on  the  7th,  where  he  received  a  letter  ^2  from  Pompey  inviting 
him  to  go  to  Luceria.  He  left  Formiae  as  though  to  comply  with  this 
request,  but  presently  returned  ^^  and  remained  in  Formiae  till  early  in 
March  ^*  apparently.  He  probably  received  there  a  letter  ^^  from  Caelius, 
in  praise  of  Caesar's  clemency. 

§  4.  His  letters  follow  one  another  very  quickly  during  these  months. 
He  expresses  anxiety  ^^  as  to  the  fate  of  his  wife  and  daughter,  finally 
deciding  ^^  to  keep  them  with  him  for  the  present.  He  disapproves  of 
the  terms  offered  by  Caesar,  yet  thinks  it  most  expedient  ^'  to  grant  them  ; 
desponds  at  the  sight  of  the  general  confusion  at  Capua  and  Formiae, 
the  weakness  and  irresolution  of  Pompey  and  the  failure  ^^  of  his  levies ; 
renews  his  old  complaints  of  the  past  blindness  of  Pompey  in  allowing 
Caesar's  rise  ''\  and  of  the  impracticability  of  Cato  ^^ ;  testifies  to  the  indif- 
ference or  despondency  of  large  classes  ^^  and  districts,  and  to  Caesar's 
popularity  in  the  country  towns  and  villages  ^^.  He  admires  the  speed  and 
vio-our  of  Caesar^*,  fears  the  cruelties  ^^  which  might  follow  the  triumph  of 
Pompey,  and  reminds  2«  the  latter  significantly  how  he  had  suffered  before 


'  Ad  Att.  7.  1 1.  5,  alib.  *  esp.  Ad  Att.  7.  10 ;  8.  i,  3.  ^  lb   7-  23,  2  ; 

8.  2,  3.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  14.  18,  i,  where  he  leaves  it  to  Terentia  to  decide  what  she  will  do. 
*  Cd   Ep   eL  2.  note,  for  an  account  of  one  of  them.  ^  Ad  Att.  7.  12,  I ;  Ad  Fam. 

16.  II.  3.  ^  Ad  Att.  7.  13.  6.  '  lb.  7.  15.  I-  '  lb.  7.  17.  3. 

Mb   7    16   2.  "  lb.  7.  18,  I.  "  lb.  7.  21.  I.  "  Perhaps  lb.  8.  Il  A.; 

cp.  lb!  8.  I,  I.  "  lb.  8.  3,  7.  "  lb.  8.  15,  I ;  8.  16.  2  ^^  Ad  Fam.  8. 

i:^  16  lb.  14.  14  and  18:  cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  13,  3.  "  lb.  7.  23,  2 ;  8.  2,  3. 

'8  lb.  7.  17,  2 :  cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  6,  5  ;  16.  12,  4.  "  Ad  Att.  7.  12,  2  ;  7.  13,  i  ;  7- 

20,  I ;  7.  21.  I  and  2.  ^»  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  3,  4  and  7.  7,  6,  with  8.  i,  4  and  8.  3.  3- 

'''  lb.  7.  15,  2.  22  lb.  7.  7,  5 ;  7.  21.  I.        23  lb.  8.  13,  2 ;  8.  16,  i  and  2.  lb. 

8.9,4.  "*  lb.  8.  11,2-4.  ''  Ib.8.  iiD.  7. 


2g6 


INTRODUCTION 


for  his  patriotism,  owing  to  Pompey's  desertion.  He  therefore  felt 
reluctant  to  leave  ^  Italy,  or  even  to  follow  Pompey  to  Luceria,  and  seems 
to  have  done  nothing  ^  in  support  of  his  party  at  Capua,  an  attitude 
which  he  represented  rather  differently  to  Pompey^  and  to  Caesar*. 
He  criticised,  probably  without  much  judgment,  the  military  conduct  ^  of 
Pompey,  especially  his  desertion  of  the  capital  and  failure  ^  to  relieve 
Domitius,  and  was  easily  deterred  by  rumours  of  danger  from  attempting 
to  comply  "^  with  invitations  to  Luceria  and  to  Brundisium. 

§  5.  On  the  other  hand,  Cicero  was  disgusted  ^  with  many  of  Caesar's 
followers,  and  regarded  his  conduct  as  sheer  rebellion  ^  Hence  he  felt 
little  inclination  to  appear  in  the  senate  at  Rome  ^^,  and  at  times  was  more 
confident  than  usual  of  the  success  of  Pompey,  especially  after  some 
demonstrations  in  his  favour  at  Capua ",  and  the  arrival  of  Labienus  "^ 
at  Teanum,  who  appears  to  have  confirmed  a  general  impression  of  the 
disaffection^^  of  Caesar's  army  to  its  general.  On  January  27,  Cicero, 
in  a  letter  to  Tiro  ^*,  enlarged  on  the  preponderance  of  the  loyal  forces. 
He  was  also  encouraged  ^^  at  times  by  exaggerated  statements  of  the 
numbers  and  efficiency  of  the  army  of  Domitius  at  Corfinium,  and  of 
successes  obtained  in  the  Pyrenees  by  Afranius  over  Caesar's  lieutenants. 
Dread  of  the  opinion  of  the  optimates,  and  an  old  feeling  of  dependence, 
seem,  however,  to  have  mainly  weighed  ^®  with  him  in  favour  of  going 
to  the  camp  of  Pompey ;  and  he  thought  he  was  hardly  treated  with 
sufficient  respect  ^'^  by  Caesar's  dependents,  especially  by  the  two  Balbi. 

Accordingly  he  ordered  ships  to  be  prepared  both  at  Brundisium  and 
at  Caieta,  but  still  delayed  ^^  to  embark. 

§  6.  Amid  all  this  excitement  Cicero  did  not  forget  his  freedman 
Tiro,  whom  he  had  left  ill  at  Patrae,  and  often  urged  ^^  him  to  be 
careful  of  his  health.  With  another  dependent  ^^,  Dionysius,  he  was 
on  less  friendly  terms :  complained  ^^  of  his  ingratitude  and  insolence, 
and  was  gratified  by  his  departure,  while  acknowledging  his  merits  as 
a  teacher  ^^. 

§  7.  Cicero  probably  spent  April  and  May  on  the  coast  of  Campania 
or  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Arpinum.  Caesar  visited  him  ^^  near  Formiae, 


Ad  Att.  7.  20,  2  ;  7.  23,  2  ;  8.  I,  3 ;  8.  2.  4;  8.  3,  3-5  ;  8.  14,  2  ;  8.  15,  2.        «  ^, 

7.  22,  2;  7.  23,  3;  8.  3,  5.  Mb.  8.  II  B.  Mb.  9.  II  A,  2.  Mb. 
7-  13.  I  ;  8.  3,  3.                 6  lb.  8.  3,  7 ;  8.  8,  2 ;  8.  9.  3.                  '  lb.  8.  11  A.D. :  cp. 

8.  I.  I  ;  8.  6,  2.  °  "  -  ^      -  -  H 
1 7,  3  and  4. 

'*  Ad  Fara.  16.  12,  4  ;  cp.  Appendix  7. 
7.  12,  3;   7,  20,  2  ;  8.  I,  3  and  4;  8.  3,  2;  8.  12,6;  8.  16,  i  and  2. 


^  lb.  7.  3,  5;  9.  18,  2.  9  lb.  7.  II,  I. 

"  lb.  7.  11,4.  "  lb.  7.  J3^  7. 


"  lb. 
"  Ad  Att.  7.  2(5,  I  ;  8.  3,  7. 


9.4- 


18 


lb.  8.  3,  6;  8.4,3. 


^^  Ad  Fam.  16.  11,  i  ;  16.  12,  6. 


a  slave,  for  Dionysius  had  slaves  of  his  own  ;  cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  lo. 
I  and  2  ;  8.  lo.  ^2  jb.  g.  lo.  ^j  jb.  ^.  ig. 


"  lb.  7. 
7.  16,  2. 
>«  lb. 
"  lb.  8. 
*»  Not 


21 


lb.  7.  7,  I ;  8.  4, 


TO  THE  THIRD  PART, 


297 


and  entreated  him  to  attend  in  the  senate  at  Rome.     Cicero,  however, 
did  not  consent.     This  interview  must  have  taken  place  towards  the 
close  of  March  \     Cicero  wavered  long  as  to  the  course  of  conduct 
he  should  pursue.     He  seems  never  ^  to  have  really  forgiven  himself  for 
not  making  greater  exertions  to  join  Pompey,  and  to  have  been  per- 
suaded that  the  only  chance,  though  a  slender  one,  for  the  constitution 
lay  in  his  triumph  \     He  was  also  much  disappointed  *  by  the  unremit- 
ting  energy  of  Caesar^s  operations,  which  allowed  no  time  for  negotia- 
tions.    And,  as  has  been  before  remarked  ^  the  notion  of  living  on 
friendly  terms  with  Gabinius  and  others  of  his  old  enemies,  seemed 
intolerable.     His  disgust «  at  the  violence  of  some  of  Pompey  s  adherents 
was  as  great  as  ever,  and  he  disapproved  the  project  of  starving  Rome 
into  submission ;  but  the  licentious  ^  and  arrogant  conduct  of  Caesar's 
officers  was  a  more  present  annoyance.     He  was  anxious  ^  too,  not  to 
seem  merely  to  depend  on  the  result  of  the  Spanish  campaign,  and  the 
representations  of  Caesar ^  Antony ^«,  Caeliusl^  and  Tullia^^^  did  not  per- 
suade him  to  be  neutral.     At  times  he  even  seems  to  have  thought  of 
raising  an  insurrection  against  Caesar  in  Italy,  but  declined  the  over- 
tures made  him  by  three  cohorts  at  Pompeii,  as  he  suspected  a  snare  ". 
To  the  last^*  he  seems  to  have  hesitated  between  joining  Pompey  and 
retiring  to  some  neutral  place.     He  finally  embarked  at  Caieta^'  on 
June  7,  and  sailed  for  Greece.     On  his  arrival  in  Pompey's  camp,  the 
state  of  affairs  he  found,  and  Cato's  reproach  ^^  for  his  folly  in  going 
there,  must  have  disconcerted  him  still  more.     He  was  shocked  by  the 
ferocity  ^^  of  the  language  he  heard,  and  distrusted  both  the  efficiency  of 
the  army  and  the  skill  of  its  leaders.  Accordingly^'  he  took  no  prominent 
part  in  operations;  or,  as  Plutarch ^^  expresses  it,  Pompey  would  not 
entrust  him  with   any  important   commission,   being   annoyed   at   his 
querulousness.     Cicero  revenged  himself  by  sarcasms  ^^  on  Pompey's 

tactics  and  officers. 

§  8.  Caesar,  after  the  interview  with  Cicero  mentioned  above,  went  to 
Rome  and  attempted  to  procure  the  senate's  sanction  to  negotiations 
with  Pompey.  The  senate  approved  the  plan,  but  no  one  offered 
to  act  as  envoy  2^;  according  to  Caesar  ^^,  the  threats  which  Pompey 

»  Ad  Att.  o.  i^,  6  or  A,  where  an  account  is  given  of  Caesar's  proposed  resting-places. 
-  lb.  9.  6,  4  ;  9-  10,  2  and  3.  ^  ib.  10.  4,  3.  '  lb.  9.  14,  i  and  2  ;  9.  18,  i. 

'  supra,  §  5  ;  Ad  Att.  9.  7,  5 ;  10.  8,  3.  '^^b.  9.  7.  4 ;  9-  9.  2.  Ib. 

10   io%  •  10   \x   I  Mb.  10.  8,  2  ;  Ad  Fam.  2.  16,  6.  *  Ad  Att. 

lo!  sV  '         ^'  -  lb.  10.  8  A.  "Ad  Fam.  8.  16.  "  Ad  Att   lO 

8,  I.  ^  lb.  10.  16,  4.  "  lb.  10.  18,  2 ;  Ad  Fam.  2    16,  2.  Ad 

Fam.  14.  7,  3 ;  cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  3,  6.         ''  Plut.  Cic.  38.        ^'  Ad  Fam.  7.  3.  2  "  Ad 

Att.  1 1   4.  if  ^«  Plut.  Cic.  38.  ^0  lb.  1.  c.  "  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I. 

32  and  33.  ^'^  Bell.  Civ.  I.  33. 


298 


INTRODUCTION 


had  uttered  on  his  departure  from  Rome  caused  this  reluctance. 
Caesar  also,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  L.  Metellus,  a  tribune,  forced 
the  doors  of  the  *more  sacred  treasury  \'  of  which  the  contents  were 
reserved  for  the  emergency  of  a  Gaulish  invasion.  He  then  started 
for  Spain,  according  to  Caelius'^  much  incensed  against  the  senate. 
The  hostile  attitude  of  Massilia  ^  into  which  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus 
threw  himself,  detained  him  for  thirty  days,  while  he  made  preparations 
for  a  siege  and  began  the  construction  of  a  fleet.  He  committed  further 
operations  to  D.  Brutus  and  C.  Trebonius.  Meanwhile  his  legate, 
C.  Fabius,  had  forced*  the  Pyrenees  at  the  head  of  three  legions. 
Caesar  presently  joined  him,  and  began  operations  at  once  against 
L.  Afranius  and  M.  Petreius,  who  commanded  a  large  ^  force  near 
Ilerda.  This  may  have  been  early  in  June  ^  according  to  the  calendar. 
The  campaign  which  followed  was  marked  by  great  alternations  of  suc- 
cess, but  terminated  after  forty  '^  days  with  the  capitulation "  of  the 
Pompeian  forces.  Caesar  then  marched  against  M.  Varro  in  Baetica, 
where  the  people  were  so  well  disposed  towards  the  invader,  that  Varro 
could  make  no  effective  resistance,  and  all  Spain  submitted  to  Caesar. 
He  placed  it  under  Q.  Cassius,  one  of  the  tribunes  of  this  year,  with  an 
army  of  four  ®  legions,  and  set  out  for  Rome. 

On  his  way  he  received  the  submission  of  Massilia,  \vhich  had  been 
besieged  ^*^  with  great  energ}'  by  D.  Brutus  and  Trebonius.  He  there 
heard  ^*  that  he  had  been  named  dictator  by  M.  Lepidus,  one  of  the 
praetors,  and  continued  his  journey  to  Rome.  On  his  way  he  had 
to  suppress  a  serious  mutiny  ^^  at  Placentia.  After  his  arrival  at  Rome 
he  presided  at  consular  comitia  ^'^,  and  was  himself  elected  with  P.  Servi- 
lius  Isauricus;  introduced  an  equitable  measure  for  the  settlement  of 
debts;  altered"  in  various  cases  his  appointments  of  provincial  go- 
vernors ;  restored  some  of  the  exiles  who  had  been  condemned  under 
the  Leges  Pompeiae  in  52  b.c.  (except  Milo);  and  at  the  close  of  the 
year  set  off  for  Brundisium. 

§  9.  In  other  quarters  the  events  of  the  year  had  been  unfavourable  to 


^  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  33;  Ad  Att.  10.  8,  6 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  41. 
8.  16,  I.  »  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  34-36.  *  lb.  i.  37. 

Appendix  7  ;  also  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  38,  39.  ^  Caesar  (Bell.  Civ.  i. 

the   winter   supply   of  corn   was    exhausted,   and    the   harvest   not   ripe. 
■^  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  32.  *  lb.  i.  41-87.     The  capitulation  was 

August  2,  but  the  calendar  was  nearly  two  months  in  advance  of  the  seasons. 
Fischer,  Romische  Zeittafeln,  sub  anno.  '  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  2. 

Hither  Spain  seems  shortly  afterwards  to  have  been  entrusted  to  M.  Lepidus, 
Bell.  Alex.  59 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  48  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  I.  ^*'  Caes 

56-58;  2.  1-16.  "  lb.  2.  21.  "  App.  Bell.  Civ. 

Cassius  41.  26-35.  "  Q>2it%.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  I  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  48; 

41.  36-38.  "  App.  1.  c. 


*  Ad  Fam. 

»  See 

48)  says  that 

Cp.   note   8. 

nominally  on 

Appendix  8  ; 

17-21.     But 

now  praetor. 

.  Bell.  Civ.  I. 

2.  47  ;  Dion 

Dion  Cassius 


TO  THE  THIRD  PART, 


299 


Caesar.  Curio,  after  occupying  Sicily  \  crossed  over  into  Africa,  and 
obtained  at  first  great  successes,  but  was  afterwards  defeated  and  his 
army  destroyed^  by  Juba,  king  of  Numidia,  co-operating  with  Pom- 
peian officers.  About  the  same  time  Dolabella  and  C.  Antonius,  a 
younger  brother  of  Marcus,  were  defeated  in  Illyricum  by  M.  Octavius 
and  L.  Scribonius  Libo.     Antonius  was  made  prisoner  ^ 

Pompey,  in  the  meantime  *,  was  collecting  and  organizing  a  large 
force  in  Epirus  and  Macedonia.  A  considerable  fleet  gave  him  the 
command  of  the  Adriatic.     He  wintered  at  Thessalonica  ^. 


48  B.C. 

§  10.  Cicero  spent  the  first  months  of  this  year  in  the  camp  of 
Pompey.  While  there  he  received  letters  from  Caelius^  and  Dola- 
bella "',  The  first  expressed  regret  for  having  taken  Caesar's  side ;  the 
last  begged  Cicero  to  return  to  Italy  now  that  he  had  seen  how  small 
were  Pompey's  chances  of  success.  During  the  battle  of  Pharsalus 
Cicero  was  at  Dyrrhachium  ®,  in  bad  health.  Labienus  brought  the 
news  of  the  defeat  there  ^  and  the  partisans  of  Pompey  crossed  over 
to  Corcyra,  where,  probably  ^^,  Cato  asked  Cicero,  as  the  senior  consular 
present,  to  take  the  command.  Cicero  declined,  and  was  threatened 
with  death  by  Cn.  Pompeius  the  younger.  Cato,  however,  protected 
him,  and  Cicero  sailed  to  Brundisium,  where  he  remained  for  some 
time  ". 

He  seems  to  have  written  few  letters  from  Epirus,  and  was  perhaps 
afraid  ^^  to  write  freely.  Such  as  we  have  shew  ^^  much  anxiety  "  for  his 
wife,  who  appears  to  have  been  embarrassed  by  want  of  money,  which 
Cicero  could  not  understand ;  regret  '^  for  his  mistake  in  leaving  Italy ; 
and  despondency^^  at  his  party's  prospects.  He  advanced  considerable" 
sums  to  Pompey.  Subsequent  letters  ^^  illustrate  still  more  strongly  the 
discontent  and  melancholy  which  then  possessed  him.  From  the  taunts 
of  Antony  it  seems  that  Cicero's  petulance  and  gloom  gave  general 
offence ^^     He  does  not  comment  in  detail  on  the  events  of  the  war,  but 

*  Cato  evacuated  it  without  a  struggle,  nor  did  M.  Cotta  succeed  in  holding  Sardinia, 
which  Q.  Valerius  occupied  for  Caesar.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  16,  3;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  30. 
2  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  23-44.     Curio  himself  fell.  3  ^pp.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  47  ;  Dion 

Cassius  41.  40.  *  Appendix  7  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  3-5.  ^  djo^  Cassius  41.  44. 

«  Ad  Fam.  8.  17.  ^  lb.  9.  9.  »  Plut.  Cic.  39.  »  De  Divin.  i.  32,  68. 

*•*  Piut.  Cic.  39,  and  Cat.  55.  "  Plut.  Cic.  39.     Perhaps  he  went  previously  to  Patrae, 

cp.  Ad  Fam.  13.  17,  i ;  Ep.  79  (Ad  Att.  11.  5),  4,  note.     "  Ad  Att.  11.  4,  2.  "  lb. 

II.  1-4.  "  lb.  II.  2,  2;  II.  4,  I.  15  lb.  II.  3,  I, •  II.  4,  I.  "  lb.  II. 

4»  '•  "  lb.  II.  3,  3.  18  Ad  Fam.  4.  7,  2  ;  6.  I,  5  ;  7.  3,  2 ;  Ad  Att.  II.  6, 

2-6.  1^  Philipp.  2.  16,  39:  Mommsen  4.  2,  397. 


300 


INTRODUCTION 


refers  in  one  place  *  to  the  foolish  confidence  inspired  by  Caesar's  defeat 
near  Dyrrhachium. 

§  II.  In  the  winter  Caesar  had  succeeded  in  conveying  seven  legions 
to  Epirus,  and  was  afterwards  joined  by  Antony  with  four  more,  all,  how- 
ever, much  thinned  by  battles,  long  marches,  and  unhealthy  quarters. 
He  attempted  to  blockade  Pompey's  lines  at  Petra,  near  Dyrrhachium, 
but  a  serious  reverse  forced  him  to  give  up  this  plan,  and  he  marched 
into  the  interior,  where  he  was  joined  by  Cn.  Domitius  Calvinus,  whom 
he  had  detached  into  Macedonia.  Pompey  also  formed  a  junction  with 
his  father-in-law,  Scipio,  whom  he  had  recalled  from  Syria.  A  decisive 
battle  was  fought  near  Pharsalus  on  August  9  ^ ;  and,  in  spite  of  Caesar's 
great  inferiority  of  numbers,  especially  in  cavalry,  it  resulted  in  a  complete 
victory  for  him.  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus  fell  in  the  rout;  Pompey, 
giving  up  his  cause  for  lost,  fled  to  Egypt ;  his  friends  dispersed  ^. 

§  12.  In  Italy  some  trouble  was  caused  by  the  turbulent  proceedings 
of  M.  Caelius  Rufus,  one  of  the  praetors.  He  had  previously  *  expressed 
to  Cicero  his  discontent  with  Caesar,  and  now  proposed  ^  various  laws, 
granting  to  debtors  terms  more  favourable  than  Caesar  had  offered  them. 
Caelius  was  opposed  by  C.  Trebonius,  one  of  his  colleagues,  and  by  the 
consul  Servilius,  and  was  suspended  by  the  senate.  In  revenge  he  sent 
messages  to  Milo,  who  came  to  Italy,  and  the  two  together  attempted  to 
stir  up  a  servile  war.  Both,  however,  were  killed  without  effecting  any- 
thing*. In  a  letter  to  Cicero,  mentioned  above,  Caelius  had  affirmed 
that  discontent  with  Caesar  was  general,  except  among  the  great  money- 
lenders. Dion  Cassius^  describes  opinion  as  really  divided,  but  appa- 
rently favourable  to  Caesar.  He  allows,  however,  that  Pompey's  prob- 
able cruelty  after  success  was  feared.  Appian^  says  that  the  people 
was  anxious  for  a  peaceable  settlement,  and  knew  that  in  case  of  a 
decisive  battle  the  victor  must  become  its  master.  These  two  state- 
ments are  consistent  with  each  other,  and  probable,  but  we  do  not  know 
on  what  contemporary  authority  they  rest. 

§  13.  In  Africa,  after  the  death  of  Curio,  the  Pompeians  and  Juba  had 
apparently  not  been  disturbed. 

In  Spain,  the  governor  left  by  Caesar,  Q.  Cassius  Longinus  ®,  was 


*  Ad  Fam.  7.  3,  2.  *  Calendarium  Amitern.  ap.  Mommsen  Corpus 

Inscr.  Lat.  i.  324.  'Ad  Fam.  4.  7,  1  and  3  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  I -103, 

exc.  20-32  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  87.  *  Ad  Fam.  8.  17.  ^  This 

must  have  taken  place  early  in  48  B.C.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  i  and  3,  20  and  21  ;  App. 
2.  48 ;  Dion  42.  22-25.  Caesar  had  only  provided  that  arbitrators  should  be  appointed, 
and  creditors  compelled  to  receive  land  in  payment  at  the  value  it  bore  before  the  war. 
«  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  22.  ^  42.  17  and  18.  »  Bell.  Civ.  2.  48. 

'  Dion  Cassius  42.  15  and  16. 


TO  THE  THIRD  PART. 


301 


very  oppressive,  and  a  plot  was  formed  against  his  life.  The  conspira- 
tors attacked  him  when  he  was  reviewing  his  army  at  Corduba.  Cassius, 
however,  escaped,  though  severely  wounded,  and  renewed  his  severities. 
Part  of  his  army  then  mutinied,  and  placed  M.  Marcellus  Aeserninus,  the 
quaestor,  at  its  head.  He  did  not  disown  his  allegiance  to  Caesar,  and 
was  supported  by  M.  Lepidus,  proconsul  ^  of  Hither  Spain.  These  dis- 
orders were  put  a  stop  to  next  year  by  the  arrival  of  Trebonius  to 
assume  the  government  of  Spain  as  proconsul  ^  whereon  Cassius  de- 
parted, and  was  drowned  near  the  mouth  of  the  Iberus.  Precious  time 
had  been  lost  for  Caesar,  for  he  had  wished  that  Cassius  should  invade 
Africa  from  Spain  ^ 

^  Bell.  Alex   59  and  63.  2  ggH   ^j^^^^  g^  .  j^j^j^  Cassius  43,  29.     He  was 

praetor  in  48  B.C.  (cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  20),  but  like  Lepidus,  who  had  been  praetor  in 
49  B.C.,  is  called  proconsul  as  a  provincial  governor.  ^  Bcil.  Alex.  51  ;  56. 


SELECT    LETTERS 


OF 


M.    TULLIUS    CICERO. 


PART   III. 


46.    To   ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.    VII.  lo). 

Neighbourhood  of  Rome,  Jan.  17  (?),  49  b.c.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I  have  decided  to  go  away  at  once.  Hitherto  our  leaders  seem  to  have  behaved 
unwisely  enough.  If  Pompey  stays  in  Italy  we  shall  all  stay  with  him ;  if  not,  we 
must  consider  what  to  do.     Write  to  me  often. 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

SUBITO  consilium  cepi,  ut  ante  quam  luceret  exirem,  ne  qui 
conspectus  fieret  aut  sermo,  lictoribus  praesertim  laureatis.  De 
reliquo  neque  hercule  quid  agam  nee  quid  acturus  sim  scio ;  ita 
sum  perturbatus  temeritate  nostri  amentissimi  consilii.  Tibi 
vero    quid   suadeam,   cuius   ipse    consilium   exspecto  ?    Gnaeus  s 


This  letter  must  apparently  have  been 
written  between  Jan.  12  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  16. 
II,  3)  and  Jan.  ig  (cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  12,  i). 
Probably  Jan.  17  (cp.  Ep.  63,  4). 

1.  Ut  .  .  exirem.  Cicero  must  mean, 
•  to  leave  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome,'  For 
he  had  not  forfeited  his  '  imperium/  as  he 
would  have  done  by  entering  Rome.  Cp. 
Ep.  54,  5  and  6;  p.  37,  note  on  1.  15. 

2.  Conspectus,  '  attention.' 


Lictoribus  .  .  laureatis,  'especially  as 
my  fasces  are  still  laurelled '  for  successes  in 
Cilicia.  This  would  attract  more  notice  to 
his  movements. 

4.  Nostri  amentissimi  consilii,  'the 
frantic  decision  of  our  party.'  Referring 
either  to  their  hasty  defiance  of  Caesar,  or 
to  their  leaving  Rome  unguarded. 

Tibi  .  .  suadeam.  Perhaps  Atticus 
had  asked  Cicero's  advice. 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


304 

noster  quid  consilii  ceperit  capiatve  nescio,  adhuc  in  oppidis 
coartatus  et  stupens.  Omnes,  si  in  Italia  consistat,  erimus  una ; 
sin  cedet,  consilii  res  est.  Adhuc  certe,  nisi  ego  insamo  stulte 
omnia  et  incaute.  Tu,  quaeso,  crebro  ad  me  scribe  vel  quod 
5  in  buccam  venerit. 


47.    To   ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.   VII.  n). 
Campania,  Jan.  19,  (?)  49  b-c  (705  a-U-c) 

..  I  am  astonished  by  the  news  of  Caesar's  proceedings.     2.  Even  ^ounshkr 
sovereignty  in  a  free  state  is  an  atrocious  crime.    3-  What  do  you  thmk  of  Pompey  s 
Sn'^Jgive  up  the  capital .    I  should  disapprove  of  it     4.  but  t  aUus    .ght  ha 
excited  much  sympathy  with  him  and  indignation  agamst  Caesar.    I  tf;;«  *J  ^J  ^ 
command  in  Campania  and  the  adjacent  coast  districts  for  Pompey.  not  a  trouble- 

some  office. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Quaeso.  quid  hoc  est?  aut  quid  agitur?  mihi  enim  tenebrae  i 
sunt-  'Cingulum'  inquit  'nos  tenemus,  Anconem  amisimus; 
Labienus  discessit  a  Caesare.'  Utrum  de  imperatore  popuh 
Romani  an  de  Hannibale  loquimur?  o  hominem  amentem  et 
10  miserum,  qui  ne  umbram  quidem  umquam  roC  KoXoi)  vident . 
Atque  haec  ait  omnia  facere  se  dignitatis  causa.  Ubi  est  autem 
dignitas  nisi  ubi  honestas?   honestum  igitur  habere  exerc.tum 


1.  In  oppidis,  •among  the  towns  of 
Campania  probably.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III, 
§§  I  ;  2,  for  an  account  of  Pompey's  move- 
ments. 

2.  Coartatus  et  stupens,  'embarrassed 
and  confounded '  by  the  number  of  his  par- 
tisans who  thronged  there.  The  word 
♦coartatus'  seems  to  be  rare  in  Cicero s 
writings.  , 

Consistat.    Wesenb.  •consistet. 

3.  Consilii  res  est,  *  it  is  a  matter  for 

consideration.*  ^ 

Stulte  omnia  et  incaute, sc. 'facta sunt. 

4.  Vel  quod  in  buccam  venerit, 
« even  the  first  thing  that  comes  into  your 
head.*     Forcell.     Cp.  Ep.  84,  2,  note. 

6.  Quid  hoc  est?  *what  is  the  mean- 
ing of  this?'  referring  to  what  follows. 
On  the  indie,  in  questions,  cp.  Madv.  356, 
Obs.  3.  Cicero  prefers  to  state  the  question 
directly,  rather  than  to  make  it  depend  on 
quaeso. 


Mihi  enim  tenebrae  sunt.  Tenebrae 
is  I  think,  the  predicate.  On  the  plural 
'  sunt,'  cp.  Madv.  216.  *  It  is  quite  obscure 
to  me.'     Forcell. 

7.  Cingulum.  In  Picenum,  about  20  m. 
S  W.  of  Ancona,  now  Cingoli.  It  had  been 
rebuilt  by  Labienus.     Cp.  p.  281,  note  on 

*  Vnquit :  cp.  Ep.  45,  3-  Perhaps  Cicero 
forwarded  to  Atticus  a  letter  contaimng  the 
news  on  which  he  comments. 

Anconem  :  cp.  luv.  Sat.  4.  40. 

♦Ante   domum  Veneris   quam   Dorica 
sustinet  Ancon.' 

*  Ancona '  is  the  more  usual  form.     Cp.  Ep. 

*8.  Labienus  :  cp.  Ep.  44,  6,  note. 

10.  ToC   /«aXov  =  ' honesti,'   'of  moral 

beauty.*  , 

11.  Dignitatis,   'his   proper  position. 
Cicero  rather  plays  upon  the  word  in  what 
follows,  •  How  can  there  be  honour  without 
honourable  conduct?* 


EP.47.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VII.  ji.         305 

nullo  publico  consilio.^  occupare  urbes  civium,  quo  faoilior  sit 
aditus  ad  patriam?  xp^Qiv  aTTOKoirdsj  (pvydbojv  Kadobovs^  sescenta 
alia  scelera  moliri, 

Sibi  habeat  suam  fortunam  ?  unam  mehercule  tecum  apricationem  5 
in  illo  lucrativo  tuo  sole  malim  quam  omnia  istius  modi  regna, 
vel  potius  mori  millies  quam  semel  istius  modi  quicquam  cogi- 

2  tare.     '  Quid  si  tu  velis  ? '  inquis.     Age  quis  est,  cui  velle  non 
liceat.?    Sed  ego  hoc  ipsum  velle  miserius  esse  duco  quam  in 
crucem  tolli ;  una  res  est  ea  miserior,  adipisci  quod  ita  volueris.  10 
Sed   haec  hactenus ;    libenter  enim    in  his  molestiis  kvcrxokdCia 

3  t  cocoN.    Redeamus  ad  nostrum  :  per  fortunas !  quale  tibi  consi- 
lium Pompeii  videtur }  hoc  quaero,  quod  urbem  reliquerit.     Ego 
enim  ditopG).     Turn  nihil  absurdius.     Urbem  tu  relinquas }     ergo 
idem,   si    Galli    venirent.     'Non    est'  inquit   'in   parietibus   res  15 
pubhca.'     At  in   aris    et    focis.     'Fecit  Themistocles ;   fluctum 


'] 


1.  Nullo  publico  consilio,  'without 
any  public  authority.'  On  the  ablat.,  cp. 
Ep.  34,  2,  note. 

2.  Patriam, 'his own  city.'  Cp.DeLeg. 
2.  2,  5,  where  Cicero  speaks  of  himself  as 
having  two  '  patriae ' — Arpiiium  by  birth, 
Rome  by  citizenship. 

Xp€a)x/  aTTOKOTtas,  'an  abolition  of 
debts.'     Cp.  Demosth.  adv.  Tiniocr.  746. 

<f>vyaS(vv  KaOo^ovs,  'restorations  of 
exiles.'  As  these  would  often  be  political 
offenders,  a  comprehensive  restoration  would 
be  a  revolutionary  measure.  A.  Gabinius, 
T.  Munatius  Plancus,  and  Q.  Pompeius 
Rufus,  were  now  political  exiles.  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  I,  3,  where  Cicero,  in  praise 
of  Antony,  represents  him  as  answering  to 
the  question  '  num  qui  exsules  restituti  ? 
unum  .  .  praeterea  neminem.'  Cp.  also 
Mommsen  4.  2,  326. 

Sescenta,  'countless.*  Very  common. 
Cp.  p.  80. 

4.  T^v  OiSjv,  k.tX*:  Eur.  Phoen.  506. 

5.  Unam  .  .  apricationem,  'one  day's 
basking  with  you.* 

6.  Lucrativo.  I  can  hardly  explain  this 
word.  Boot  says,  '  sol  lucrativus  dici  potuit 
et  is  quem  Atticus  negotiis  surripuisset,  et  is 
quo  ut  frueretur  aliquo  loci  impedimento 
amoto  effecisset.'  Quintil.  Inst.  Orat.  10.  7, 
27)  uses  'opera  lucrativa'  in  a  sense  appa- 
rently =•  opera  subseciva.'  'Lucrativus'  is 
a  legal  term  properly,  applied  to  things 
acquired  by  bequest  or   gift.     Forcell.     It 


seems  not  to  occur  elsewhere  in  Cicero's 
writings. 

8.  Quid  si  tu  velis,  sc.  *  regnare.* 
Age  quis  est  .  .  liceat,  'who  is  there 

who  may  not  desire  it?'     Cp.  luv.  Sat.  10, 

95 

'  Quidni 
Haec   cupias?   et  qui  nolunt  occidere 
quem  quam 
Posse  volunt.' 

9.  Hoc  ipsum  velle,  'the  mere  wish 
for  such  power.'  Cp.  Ep.  83,  2  '  ut  ipsum 
vinci  contemnerent.* 

11.  Enim  .  .  kvcrxoXdCct)  f  cocOiX. 
Baiter  suggests  aws  &v,  '  talk  thus  idly  while 
I  am  safe,'  referring  to  his  rather  declama- 
tory attack  on  Caesar  in  this  letter.'  Wesenb. 
suggests  aoi.  'Enim,*  'enough  of  this  de- 
clamation, it  can  be  justified  as  a  relief  to  my 
spirits,'  '  I  have  indulged  myself  with  it, 
for.'  The  word  «vaxoAd^cu  is  found  in 
Arist.  Pol.  7.  12,  7,  in  the  sense  of  spending 
time  in  a  place. 

12.  Nostrum,  sc.  'Pompeium.' 

13.  Hoc  .  .  reliquerit,  'I  mean  his 
leaving  the  capital.*  On  the  mood,  cp. 
Epp-  3-  3  ;  9.  II.  notes,  on  pp.  33,  72. 

14.  Turn,  sc.  'videtur,*  *at  one  time  I 
think.* 

Relinquas:  on  the  mood,  cp,  Ep.  45,4, 
note. 

15.  Idem,  sc.  'faceres.'  An  imaginary 
dialogue  between  Pompey  and  Cicero  follows. 

16.  At  in  aris  et  focis,  Cicero  replies. 


»o5  M.  TULLII  CICEROmS  [PART  ill. 

enim  totius  barbariae  ferre  urbs  una  non  poterat.'  At  idem 
Pericles  non  fecit,  annum  fere  post  quinquagesimum,  cum  praetei 
moenia  nihil  teneret,  et  nostri  olim  urbe  reliqua  capta  arcem 
tamen  retinuerunt : 

Rursus  autem  ex  dolore  municipali  sermonibusque  eorum  quos  4 
convenio,  videtur  hoc  consilium  exitum  habiturum :  mira  homi- 
num  querela  est-nescio  istic,  sed  facies  ut  sciam-,  sine  magis- 
tratibus   urbem   esse,  sine   senatu ;    fugiens    denique    Pompeius 

10  mirabiliter  homines  movet :  quid  quaeris?  alia  causa  facta  est; 
nihil  iam  concedendum  putant  Caesari.     Haec  tu  mihi  expUca 
qualia  sint.     Ego  negotio  praesum  non  turbulento ;  volt  enim  5 
me  Pompeius  esse,  quem  tota  haec  Campania  et  maritima  ora 
habeat  inCaKoirov,  ad  quem  dilectus  et  summa  negotu  referatur ; 

,5  itaque  vagus  esse  cogitabam.  Te  puto  iam  videre,  quae  sit 
6pM  Caesaris,  qui  populus,  qui  totius  negotii  status :  ea  velim 
scribas  ad  me,  et  quidem,  quoniam  mutabilia  sunt,  quam  sae- 
pissime ;  acquiesco  enim  et  scribens  ad  te  et  legens  tua. 


EP.48.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VII.  j^.  307 


Fluctum  .  .  totius  barbariae,  'the 
flo  <d  of  all  the  forces  of  the  East/  i.e.  of 
Xexes'  army.  The  word  is  not  necessarily 
used  of  Asiatics,  and  perhaps  there  is  here 
an  allusion  to  the  hordes  who  were  supposed 
to  be  following  Caesar.  See  Ep.  48,  3. 
Wesenb.  has  *  Themislocles.'  Fluctum,  &c., 
making  Cicero's  comment  begin  with  '  Fluc- 
tum/ which  perhaps  improves  the  sense.  ^ 

2.  Quinquagesimum.  The  invasion 
of  Xerxes  took  place  480  B.C.  ;  that  of 
Archidamus  431  B.C. 

3.  Olim.      After  the  battle  of  the  Allia, 

390  B.C. 

5.  ovTu  TTOV  /f.T.X. :  Hom.  II.  9.  524. 
But  ovTOJ  ml  seems  the  usual  reading. 

6.  Rursus  .  .  habiturum.  Here  the 
statement  of  another  view  about  the  plan 
pursued  begins.  '  On  the  other  hand,  to 
judge  from  the  indignation  of  the  municipal 
towns,  and  from  the  language  of  people 
whom  I  meet,  I  think  the  plan  will  suc- 
ceed.' . 

7.  Exitum.  This  word  is  not  often 
used  of  a  good  result  without  some  epithet 
to  qualify  it.     Cp.  'meliores  .  .  exitus*  Ep. 

\  Nescio  istic,  sc.  'an  ita  sit/ 'I  know 
not  if  the   case   be   the  ^  same  at   Rome. 
Ernesti  proposes  '  an  istic/ 


9.  Fugiens  .  .  Pompeius  .  .  movet, 
•  people  are  strangely  affected  by  the  sight 
of  Pompey  as  a  fugitive/  On  the  use  of 
the  participle    as   an   adjective,  cp.  Madv. 

424. 

10.  Alia  causa  facta  est,  'the  whole 
aspect  of  the  case  is  changed.'  Forcell.  Cp. 

Ep.  92,  4. 

11.  Haec   .  .  qualia  sint,  *what  will 

come  of  all  this. 

12.  Turbulento, 'troublesome.* 

14.  kirioKoirov,  'superintendent/  Quite 

classical. 

Ad  quem  dilectus  ..  referatur,  'to 
have  the  chief  authority  in  the  recruiting, 
and  the  general  direction  of  affairs.'  ^  Cp. 
the  use  of  '  referre  '  with  *  ad  senatum  '  and 
'  ad  populum,'  meaning '  to  consult/  Wesenb. 
however,  doubts  if  '  referatur'  can  have  the 
sense  here  needed,  and  suggests  *  deferatur/ 
On  the  facts,  cp.  Ep.  52,  5. 

ic.  Vagus  esse,  'to  move  about  from 

place  to  place/ 

Cogitabam.     Epistolary  tense. 

Videre.     Quia  Romae  es.     Manut. 

Quae  sit  dpfx^  Caesaris,  *  at  what 
point  Caesar  is  aiming/     Wiel.,  Billerb. 

16.  Qui  populus,  sc.  'sit/  'how  the 
people  is  disposed  *  ^ 

18.  Acquiesco,  '  I  become  tranquil. 


k** 


48.    To   ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    VII.  13). 
Cales,  Jan.  23  (?),  49  b.c  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  delighted  with  the  behaviour  of  Labienus.  Piso,  too,  deserves  credit.  O.ie 
can  hardly  call  this  struggle  against  the  ambition  of  one  man  a  civil  war ;  but  he  is 
formidable,  and  our  mistakes  have  been  serious.  2.  I  cannot  learn  from  Pompey 
what  he  means  to  do,  and  he  seems  quite  at  a  loss  himself.  Our  forces  are  not  effec- 
tive enough  for  war,  yet  the  time  for  negotiation  has  passed.  3.  I  am  in  doubt  how 
to  provide  honourably  for  the  safety  of  my  family,  and  should  like  to  hear  your 
advice.  You  and  Peducaeus  must  consider  what  propriety  requires  from  you.  4.  Let 
me  know  what  does  take  place,  and  what  you  think  will  take  place. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

De  Vennonianis  rebus  tibi  assentior.  Labienum  ijpcoa  iudico  ; 
facinus  iam  diu  nullum  civile  praeclarius,  qui,  ut  aliud  nihil, 
hoc  tamen  profecit :  dedit  illi  dolorem  ;  sed  etiam  ad  summam 
profectum  aliquid  puto.  Amo  etiam  Pisonem,  cuius  indicium 
de  genero  suspicor  visum  iri  grave.  Quamquam  genus  belli  5 
quod  sit  vides :  ita  civile  est,  ut  non  ex  civium  dissensione, 
sed  ex  unius  perditi  civis  audacia  natum  sit.  Is  autem  valet 
exercitu,  tenet  multos  spe  et  promissis,  omnia  omnium  concu- 
pivit.  Huic  tradita  urbs  est,  nuda  praesidio,  referta  copiis : 
quid  est,  quod  ab  eo  non  metuas,  qui  ilia  templa  et  tecta  non  10 
patriam,  sed  praedam  putet.?»  quid  autem  sit  acturus  aut  quo 
modo,  nescio,  sine  senatu,  sine  magistratibus :    ne  simulare  qui- 


1.  Vennonianis, '  of  C.  Vennonius.*  He 
was  a  friend  of  Cicero  and  Atticus,  and  died 
in  or  before  the  year  46  b.c.  He  is  men- 
tioned Ad  Att.  6.  I,  25  ;  Ad  Fam.  13. 
72,  2. 

ijpoja  iudico,  'I  esteem  a  hero.*  On 
the  double  ace,  cp.  Madv.  227  c. 

2.  Facinus  .  .  praeclarius,  sc. '  factum 
est,'  '  no  more  noble  act  in  discharge  of  a 
citizen's  duty.' 

Ut  aliud  nihil,  sc.  '  profecerit/  Cp. 
Madv.  440  a,  Obs.  4,  for  '  ut '  in  the  sense 
of  'granting  that;'  479  d,  Obs.  5,  on  the 
ellipse;  and  229  b,  on  the  ace.  hoc,  denot- 
ing extent,  with  neuter  verbs. 

3.  Ad  summam,  '  for  the  main  interest 
of  our  party.' 

4.  Pisonem.    L.  Calpurnius  Piso,  consul 


in  58  B.C.  He  and  Cicero  had  been  bitter 
enemies,  but  were  now  on  good  terms,  and 
seem  to  have  remained  so  to  the  end.  Intr. 
to  Part.  I,  §§  18-20;  Part  H,  §  8 ;  Philipp. 
I.  4,  10;  8.  10,  28. 

5.  Genero,  Caesare.     Caesar  had  mar- 
ried Piso's  daughter  Calpurnia. 

Q_uamquam,  'and  yet  this  is  of  the  less 
importance.' 

6.  Ita  civile  .  .  natum,  'though  a 
civil  war,  it  is  not  one  of  parties,  but  has 
been  caused  by  the  ambition  of  one  man, 
and  therefore  the  judgment  of  eminent  citi- 
zens like  Piso  will  have  the  less  weight 
with  the  followers  of  that  man.  On  ita  . . 
ut,  cp.  Ep.  50,  I,  note. 

12.  Ne  simulare  .  .  voXitikus,  'he 
will  not  be  able,  even  in  his  hypocrisy,  to 


X%' 


3o8 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


dem  poterit  quicquam  TroAtrtfco)?.  Nos  autem  ubi  exsurgere  poter- 
imus  aut  quando?  quorum  dux  quam  a(TTpaTriyy]Tos,  tu  quoque 
animadvertis,  cui  ne  Picena  quidem  nota  fuerint,  quam  autem 
sine  consilio,  res  testis :  ut  enim  alia  omittam  decem  annorum 

speccata,  quae   condicio  non   huic   fugae   praestitit?    Nee   vero  2 
nunc    quid   cogitet   scio,  ac  non   desino   per   litteras   sciscitari. 
Nihil  esse  timidius  constat,  nihil  perturbatius ;  itaque  nee  prae- 
sidium,  cuius  parandi  causa  ad  urbem  retentus  est,  nee  locum 
ac  sedem  praesidii  ullam  video  :  spes  omnis  in  duabus  insidiose 

10  retentis,  paene  alienis  legionibus.  Nam  dilectus  adhuc  quidem 
invitorum  est  et  a  pugnando  abhorrentium ;  condicionum  autem 
amissum  tempus  est.  Quid  futurum  sit,  non  video  ;  commissum 
quidem  a  nobis  certe  est  sive  a  nostro  duce,  ut  e  portu  sine 
gubernaculis  egressi  tempestati  nos  traderemus.    Itaque  de  Cice-  3 

15  ronibus  nostris  dubito  quid  agam ;  nam  mihi  interdum  aman- 
dandi  videntur  in  Graeciam ;  de  Tullia  autem  et  Terentia,  cum 
mihi  barbarorum  adventus  ad  urbem  proponitur,  omnia  timeo, 
cum  autem  Dolabellae  venit  in  mentem,  paulum  respiro.  Sed 
velim  consideres,  quid  faciendum  putes :  primum  -npos  to  acr(i>akis 

20  — aliter  enim  mihi  de  illis  ac  de  me  ipso  consulendum  est— , 
deinde  ad  opiniones,  ne  reprehendamur,  quod  eas  Romae  velimus 


observe  constitutional  forms/  e.g.  Caesar 
could  not  legally  get  himself  named  dictator, 
as  both  the  consuls  had  followed  Pompey. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  15,  2  ;  and,  for  another  diffi- 
culty of  Caesar,  Ep.  62,  3. 

I.  Exsurgere,  'to  raise  our  heads.' 
Frequent  in  this  metaphorical  sense. 

a.  Q.uam  darparrjyrjTOS,  *  how  little 
of  a  general.'  Apparently  not  used  in  this 
sense  by  any  other  writer. 

3.  Picena,  'the  state  of  affairs  in  Pice- 
num,'  a  district  devoted  to  Pompey,  and 
with  the  state  of  which  he  ought  to  have 
been  thoroughly  familiar. 

Quam  .  .  sine  consilio,  *  how  destitute 

of  a  policy.' 

5.  Condicio,  'terms'   or  'agreement.' 

Forcell. 

Nee  vero  .  .  scio,  'nor,  indeed,  do  I 
even  yet  know  his  plans.' 

7.  Praesidium,  *  armed  force.' 

8.  Retentus,'  detained  in  Italy,' whereas 
he  might  have  been  governing  Spain.  Cp. 
Intr.  toPart  II,  §§  14;  '5. 

Locum  ac  sedem  praesidii,  ^'any 
place  for  the  rendezvous  of  our  forces.' 

9.  Duabus  .  .  legionibus.  They  had 
been  withdrawn  from  Caesar,  nominally  for 


service  against  the  Parthians.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  II,  §  27  ;   Ep.  33,  4;  Momrasen  4.  2, 

353-  ,  ^ ,  ^         , 

Insidiose,    'under    a    false    pretence 

of  being  employed  against  the  Parthians. 
The  best  MS.  has  '  hividiose,*  which  might 
mean,  *  in  a  way  which  caused  ill-feel- 
ing/ 

11.  Invitorum,  gen.  object. :  cp.  Madv. 
283,  The  passage  is  important,  as  illustrat- 
ing the  state  of  feeling  in  Italy. 

Condicionum,  'for  negotiations.*     Na- 

gelsb.  64,  173. 

12.  Commissum  .  .  ut,  'we  have 
brought  it  to  pass  that.'  The  word  sug- 
gests blame.     Forcell. 

14.  De  Ciceronibus,  'about  my  son 
and  nephew.*  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  1^2,  3  '  fran- 
gor  saepe  misericordia  puerorum.' 

17.  Barbarorum.  Of  Caesar's  Gauls. 
Cp.Lucan  Phars.  i.  475,  6,  and  Merivale  2. 
Ill  and  112. 

18.  Dolabellae,  now  Tullia's  husband. 
On  the  gen.  after  '  venit  in  mentem,'  cp. 
Madv.  291,  Obs.  3. 

20.  De  illis, 'about  my  family.' 

21.  Ad  opiniones:  ad=7rp(5s,  *  with  a 
view  to  what  people  will  think.'     Forcell. 


< 


I 


.V. 


EP.  49.]    EPISTOLA RUM  AD  A  TTICUM   VIII,  ii  A,        309 

esse  in  communi  bonorum  fuga.  Quin  etiam  tibi  et  Peducaeo — 
scripsit  enim  ad  me — quid  faciatis  videndum  est ;  is  enim  splen- 
dor est  vestrum,  ut  eadem  postulentur  a  vobis,  quae  ab  amplis- 
simis  civibus.  Sed  de  hoc  tu  videbis,  quippe  cum  de  me  ipso 
4  ac  de  meis  te  considerare  velim.  Reliquum  est  ut  et  quid  5 
agatur,  quoad  poteris,  explores  scribasque  ad  me,  et  quid  ipse 
coniectura  assequare,  quod  etiam  a  te  magis  exspecto  :  nam  acta 
omnibus  nuntiantibus  a  te  exspecto  futura.  Mavris  6'  apiaros — . 
Loquacitati  ignosces,  quae  et  me  levat  ad  te  quidem  scribentem 
et  elicit  tuas  litteras.  10 


49.     POMPEY  TO  CICERO  (AD  ATT.  VIII.  11  A). 
.  LucERiA,  Feb.  10,  {})  49  B.C.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I  hear  that  L.  Domitius  is  on  his  way  to  join  me  with  thirty  cohorts.     You  had 
better  come  to  us  at  Luceria. 

CN.  POMPEIUS  PROCOS.  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI  IMP. 

Q.  Fabius  ad  me  venit  a.  d.  Illl.  Idus  Febr.  Is  nuntiat  L.  Domi- 
tium  cum  suis  cohortibus  XI.  et  cohortibus  XIIII.,  quas  Vibullius 
adduxit,  ad  me  iter  habere ;  habuisse  in  animo  proficisci  Corfinio 


I.  Peducaeo.  Probably  Cicero  means 
the  Sex.  Peducaeus  mentioned  Ep.  41,  i. 
Cp.  note  there.  Atticus  had  held  no  public 
office,  but  his  wealth,  and  intimacy  with 
eminent  men,  placed  him,  Cicero  says,  on  a 
level  with  the  noblest,  and  his  behaviour 
would  therefore  be  strictly  criticised. 

4.  Tu  videbis  =  ' vide.'  Cp.  Ep.  38, 
10,  note;  '  tu  *  is  emphatic,  'you  for  your- 
self.' 

Quippe  .  .  velim,  *  as  you  may  well 
do,  for  I  want  your  advice  on  my  affairs 
also,'  and  therefore  you  surely  are  competent 
to  manage  your  own. 

5.  Reliquum  est  .  .  ut  .  .  explores: 
cp.  on  the  conj,,  Madv.  373. 

6.  Quoad  poteris.  These  words  are 
not  in  a  dependent  clause  like  quid  agatur. 
'  Reliquum  est  ut  explores  '  =  '  explora.' 

Quid  .  .  assequare.  On  the  mood, 
cp,  Madv.  356. 

7.  Etiam  .  .  magis,  *  even  more  than  a 
report  of  news.' 

Acta  .  .  futura,  'all  can  tell  me  what 
has  happened ;  I  expect  you  to  tell  me  what 
will  happen.* 


8.  MavTis  5'  dpicFTos  ocrns  flfea^ti 
Ka\cus.  A  fragment  of  Euripides.  Cp.  Plut. 
de  Defect.  Orac.  432  C,  ed.  Wyttenbach. 
Cicero  translates  the  line  (De  Divin.  2.  5, 
12)  '  bene  qui  coniiciet  vatem  hunc  perhi- 
bebo  optumum.' 

11.  Q^  Fabius  Vergilianus  had  been  a 
legate  of  Appius  Claudius  in  Cilicia,  and  was 
now  a  partisan  of  Pompey.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  3. 

3.  I  ;  3-  4,  I- 

12.  Cohortibus  xi.     Pompey  (Ad  Att. 

8.  12  A,  i)  speaks  of  Domitius  as  having 
twelve  cohorts ;  hence  Wesenb.  proposes  to 
read  xii  here. 

Vibullius.  L.  Vibullius  Rufus  has  been 
mentioned  Ep.  29,  lo.  His  present  com- 
mission was  to  raise  forces  in  Picenum  for 
Pompey.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  15.  He 
was  devoted  to  Ponipey,  but  had  not 
authority  enough  to  overrule  the  obstinate 
L.  Domitius,  for  an  account  of  whose  pro- 
ceedings, cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  2  ;  Momm- 
sen  4.  2,  375.  Vibullius  afterwards  served 
under  Afranius  and  Petreius  in  Spain.  Cp. 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  34, 


310 


Af.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


a.  d.  V.  Idus  Febr.,  C.  Hirrum  cum  v.  cohortibus  subsequi.    Cen- 
seo,  ad  nos  Luceriam  venias ;  nam  te  hie  tutissime  puto  fore. 


50.    T  o   P  O  M  P  E  Y  (A  D  A  T  T.  VIII.  ii  B). 
FORMiAE,  Feb.  15  or  16,  49  B.C.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  glad  to  hear  better  news  from  Picenum  than  I  expected.  If  you  think  my 
district  can  be  held,  I  will  stay  here,  though  the  towns  are  unprotected.  2.  I  went  to 
Capua  as  you  wished  ;  Libo  and  T.  Ampius  were  acting  with  great  energy  there. 
I  remained  at  Capua  till  the  consuls  left ;  returned  there  shortly  afterwards,  and  left 
again  for  Formiae,  where  I  now  am.  3.  If  you  wish  to  concentrate  all  our  forces, 
1  will  join  you. 

M.  CICERO  IMP.  S.  D.  CN.  MAGNO  PROCOS. 

A.  d.  XV.  Kalend.  Martias  Formiis  accepi  tuas  litteras,  ex  1 
quibus  ea,  quae  in  agro  Piceno  gesta  erant,  cognovi  commodiora 

5  esse  multo,  quam  ut  erat  nobis  nuntiatum,  Vibulliique  virtutem 
industriamque  libenter  agnovi.  Nos  adhuc  in  ea  ora,  cui  prae- 
positi  sumus,  ita  fuimus,  ut  navem  paratam  haberemus ;  ea  enim 
audiebamus  et  ea  verebamur,  ut,  quodcumque  tu  consilium  cepis- 
ses,  id  nobis  persequendum  putaremus.     Nunc  quoniam  aucto- 

10  ritate  et  consilio  tuo  in  spe  firmiore  sumus,  si  teneri  posse  putas 
Tarracinam  et  oram  maritimam,  in  ea  manebo,  etsi  praesidia 
in  oppidis  nulla  sunt ;  nemo  enim  nostri  ordinis  in  his  locis 
est  praeter  M.  Eppium,  quem  ego  Minturnis  esse  volui,  vigi- 
lantem    hominem    et    industrium :    nam   L.  Torquatum,   virum 

15  fortem  et  cum  auctoritate,  Formiis  non  habemus,  ad  te  profec- 
tum  arbitramur.    Ego  omnino,  ut  proxime  tibi  placuerat,  Capuam  2 
veni  eo  ipso  die,  quo  tu  Teano  Sidicino  es  profectus ;  volueras 


1.  C.  Hirrum  :  cp.  Epp.  33,  34  34,  5, 
note  s. 

Subsequi,  is  following  closely. 
Censeo  .  .  venias  :  cp.  Ep.  66,  3,  note. 

2.  Tutissime.  For  adverbs  as  predi- 
cates, cp.  Ep.  4,  I,  note. 

6.  Cui  praepositi  sumus.  The  best 
MS.  has  '  ubi  p.  s.'  The  verb  '  praepo- 
nere  *  is  found  without  a  dative  following 
in  Caesar  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  89)  and  Livy  (37, 

4O. 

7.  Ita  fuimus  .  .  ut  .  .  haberemus. 
'Ita,  ut'  =  'quidem,  sed,'  cp.  p.  26,  note. 


Deminutioni  sententiae  inservit.     Forcell. 
9.  Auctoritate, 'assurance.'    Forcell. 

13.  M.  Eppfum  :  cp.  Ep.  34,  5. 

14.  Torquatum  :  cp.  Ep.  36,  10.  He 
was  now  praetor,  hence  'cum  auctoritate' 
below.  Manulius  supposes  an  elder  Tor- 
quatus  to  be  referred  to,  for  he  says  '  ut 
consularem,'  and  no  Torquatus  had  been 
consul  since  65  B.C. 

16.  Omnino, 'assuredly,'  'lassu  eyou.* 
Cp.  Ep.  45,  3,  note  on  p.  284.  Metzg.  has 
•  wirklich.* 

17.  Eo  ipse  die,  Jan.  23rd.  Cp.  AdAtt, 
7- 13.  7- 


^r 


i 


EP.50.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VIII.  11  B.      311 

enim  me  cum  M.  Considio  pro  praetore  ilia  negotia  tueri.     Cum 
eo  venissem,  vidi  T.  Ampium   dilectum  habere   diligentissime, 
ab  eo  accipere  Libonem,  summa  item  diligentia  et  in  ilia  colonia^ 
auctoritate.     Fui  Capuae,  quoad  consules.     Iterum,  ut  erat  edic- 
tum  a  consulibus,  veni  Capuam  ad  Nonas  Februar.   Cum  fuissem  5 

3  triduum,  recepi  me  Formias.  Nunc,  quod  tuum  consilium  aut 
quae  ratio  belli  sit,  ignoro :  si  tenendam  hanc  oram  putas,  quae 
et  opportunitatem  et  dignitatem  habet  et  egregios  cives,  et,  ut 
arbitror,  teneri  potest,  opus  est  esse  qui  praesit;  sin  omnia 
unum  in  locum  contrahenda  sunt,  non  dubito  quin  ad  te  statim  10 
veniam,  quo  mihi  nihil  optatius  est,  idque  tecum,  quo  die  ab 
urbe  discessimus,  locutus  sum.  Ego,  si  cui  adhuc  videor  segnior 
fuisse,  dum  ne  tibi  videar,  non  laboro,  et  tamen,  si,  ut  video, 
bellum  gerendum  est,  confido  me  omnibus  facile  satis  facturum. 

4  M.  Tullium,  meum  necessarium,  ad  te  misi,  cui  tu,  si  tibi  vide-  15 
retur,  ad  me  litteras  dares. 


Teano  Sidicino.  There  was  another 
Teanum  in  Apulia.  The  place  here  men- 
tioned stood  on  the  Latin  way,  about  four- 
teen miles  N.W.  of  Casilinum,  and  five  miles 
N.W.  of  Cales. 

Volueras  .  .  me  .  .  tueti.  On  the 
constr.,  cp.  Ep.  44,  3,  note. 

1.  Cum  M.  Considio.  M.  Considius 
had  been  named  in  the  beginning  of  this 
year  by  the  senate  to  succeed  Caesar  in 
Cisalpine  Gaul.     Cp.  Ep.  52,  3. 

Ilia  negotia  tueri  :  cp.  Ad  Fam.  10. 
II,  I  'tuum  munus  tuere.'  'Ilia  negotia' 
means  the  superintendence  of  the  levy.    Cp. 

Ep.  47,  5- 

2.  T.  Ampium.    T.  Ampius  Balbus  was 

a  zealous  adherent  of  Pompey ;  apparently 
he  was  tribune  64-63  B.C.,  and  praetor  in 
59  B.C.  He  had  governed  Cilicia  before 
Lentulus  (Ad  Fam.  i.  3,  2),  served  under 
Pompey  at  Pharsalus,  and  was  afterwards 
pardoned  by  Caesar  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  1 2  ; 
Orell.  Onomast.,  sub  nom.). 

3.  Accipere,  sc. 'milites  delectos.'    Bil- 

lerb. 

Libonem.      L.  Scribonius  Libo.      Cp. 

Ep.  21,  3,  note. 

Colonia.  Capua,  perhaps,  became  a 
colony  by  virtue  of  the  '  Lex  lulia  Agraria  ' 
of  59  B.C.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  40, 102  ;  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  17;  and  Ep.  10,  l,  note. 


5.  Ad  Nonas,  '  on  the  5th.* 

Fuissem  ='commoratus  essem.'  Fwrcel', 

supp.  '  ibi.' 

7.  Ratio,  'the  plan.' 

8.  Opportunitatem,  'a  good  geogra- 
phical position.'  Cicero  probably  means, 
for  keeping  up  communication  with  Spain, 
and  for  threatening  Caesar's  hold  of  the 
capital. 

Dignitatem,  'importance.'  Capua  had 
been  the  second  city  of  Italy. 

10.  Non  dubito  .  .  veniam,  *I  am 
resolved  to  come  to  you  at  once.'  Cicero 
did  not  do  so,  however.  On  the  tense  of 
'veniam,'  cp.  Madv.  378  a,  Obs.  2.  On 
Cicero's  conduct,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§3 
and  4. 

13.  Dum  ne  tibi  videar,  sc.  'segnior.' 
For  this  sense  of  '  dum,'  *  provided  that,'  cp. 
Madv.  351  b,  Obs.  2. 

Et  tamen  .  .  satis  facturum,  'and 
yet  (though  I  do  not  value  the  opinion  of 
others  much),  if  we  are  to  have  war,  as  I 
see  we  are,  I  am  confident  of  satisfying 
every  one.'  Cicero  means,  that  when  he 
had  given  up  all  hope  of  peace,  he  would  be 
most  energetic  in  war. 

15.  M.  Tullium.  Perhaps  a  freedman. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  4,  I  ;  13-  22,  4  'TuUiura 
scribam  nihil  fuit  quod  appellares.' 


312 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


51.     POMPEY  TO  L.  DOMITIUS  AHENOBARBUS 

(AD  ATT.  VIII.  12  D). 
LucERiA,  Feb.  17,  49  ^.c.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  learn  from  your  letter  that  what  I  feared  has  happened.  Caesar  intends  not  to 
offer  you  battle  at  once,  but  to  cut  you  off  from  me.  I  do  not  trust  my  forces  enough 
to  attempt  to  relieve  you.  2.  Exert  yourself  to  the  utmost  to  join  me  even  now ; 
my  new  levies  cannot  assemble  rapidly,  and  if  they  could,  would  be  worth  little 
opposed  to  veterans. 

CN.  MAGNUS  PROCOS.  S.  D.  L.  DOMITIO  PROCOS. 

Litterae  mihi  a  te  redditae  sunt  a.  d.  XIII.  Kal.  Martias,  in  1 
quibus  scribis  Caesarem  apud  Corfinium  castra  posuisse.     Quod 
putavi  et  praemonui  fit,  ut  nee  in  praesentia  committere  teeum 
proelium  velit  et  omnibus  copiis   conductis  te   implicet,  ne  ad 

5  me  iter  tibi  expeditum  sit  atque  istas  copias  coniungere  opti- 
morum  civium  possis  cum  iis  legionibus,  de  quarum  voluntate 
dubitamus  :  quo  etiam  magis  tuis  litteris  sum  commotus  ;  neque 
enim  eorum  militum,  quos  mecum  habeo,  voluntate  satis  con- 
fido,  ut  de  omnibus  fortunis  rei  publicae  dimicem,  neque  etiam, 

10  qui  ex  dilectibus  conscripti  sunt  a  consulibus,  convenerunt.    Qua  2 
re  da  operam,  si  ulla  ratione  etiam  nunc  efficere  potes,  ut  te 
explices,  hue    quam  primum   venias,  ante   quam  omnes  copiae 
ad  adversarium  conveniant ;  neque  enim  celeriter  ex  dilectibus 
hue  homines  convenire  possunt,  et,  si  convenirent,  quantum  iis 


3.  Fit,  ut  .  .  velit.  On  the  constr., 
cp.  Ep.  48,  4,  note. 

4.  Et  omnibus  .  .  dubitamus,  '  et ' 
adversative .  (cp.  Ep.  38,  2  note),  'what  I 
anticipated  and  forewarned  you  of  is  hap- 
pening; Caesar  is  unwilling  to  offer  you 
battle  at  once;  he  has  combined  all  his 
forces  to  blockade  you,  so  that  you  may  not 
be  able  to  come  to  me  without  impediment, 
and  join  your  forces  with  mine.* 

5.  Atque, 'and  so.'  It  gives  prominence 
to  the  second  clause.     Cp.  Mad  v.  433. 

Istas  copias  .  .  optimorum  civium, 
♦  your  forces,  which  are  composed  of  the 
most  loyal  citizens.*  The  army  of  Domitius 
consisted  of  recruits  from  central  Italy  and 
Picenum,  on  whom  Pompey  relied  to  over- 
awe his  two  veteran  legions  which  had 
served  s(  me  time  under  Caesar.  Cp.  Ap- 
pendix 7,  and  Ep.  48,  2,  note.    On  the  gen. 


*  civium,*  cp.  Ep.  36,  7,  note. 
6.   lis.     Wesenb.  '  his.' 

8.  Voluntate.  On  the  abl.,  cp.  Madv. 
244  a,  note  p;   264. 

9.  Ut  de  omnibus  .  .  dimicem,  Mo 
risk  a  battle  involving  the  whole  fortunes  of 
the  state.' 

12.  Hue.  The  omission  of  a  conjuction 
is  curious.  Orell.  proposes  to  insert '  que ;  ' 
Wesenb.  '  et ;  *  but  may  not  haste  of  com- 
position account  for  the  omission  ?  Cp.  Ep. 
72,  2,  '  improbes.* 

14.  Si  convenirent  .  .  sit.  On  the 
imperf.  '  convenirent,'  as  expressing  what 
does  not  take  place,  cp,  Madv.  347  b.  The 
sentence  is  elliptical,  and  requires  words 
meaning  '  it  would  be  in  vain  for,'  to  com- 
plete it.  Cp.  Virg.  Eel.  9.  45,  and  Coning- 
ton's  note. 


^.^% 


tr 


EP.52.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XVL\%,    313 

committendum   sit,  qui    inter  se   ne  noti   quidem   sunt,  contra 
veteranas  legiones  non  te  praeterit.  • 


52.    To  HIS  Freedman  tiro  (AD  FAM.  XVI.  12). 
Capua,  Jan.  27,  49  ^.c.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  You  may  judge  of  our  danger  when  I  tell  you  that  we  have  abandoned  Rome  to 
fire  and  plunder.  2.  I  have  done  all  I  could  for  peace,  but  others  were  eager  for  war. 
3.  Caesar  has  offered  us  terms,  which  we  have  accepted  with  a  proviso ;  4.  if  he 
agrees  to  this,  peace  may  be  maintained.  In  case  of  war  chances  would  be  in  our 
favour,  especially  as  Labienus,  his  best  officer,  has  deserted  him.  5.  I  have  at  present 
only  the  superintendence  of  the  coast  from  Formiae  southwards,  but  in  case  of  war 
I  shall  have  a  military  command.  I  am  annoyed  that  Dolabella  is  with  Caesar. 
I  hope  this  bad  news  wiU  not  injure  your  health.  6.  I  have  asked  A.  Varro  to  take 
care  of  you,  and  he  has  promised  to  do  so.  Do  not  sail  in  stormy  weather,  but  come 
to  me  as  soon  as  you  can  without  danger  to  your  health.  My  son  is  near  Formiae, 
my  wife  and  daughter  are  at  Rome.     Capua,  Jan.  27. 

TULLIUS  S.  D.  TIRONI  SUO. 

1  Quo  in  discrimine  versetur  salus  mea  et  bonorum  omnium  atque 
universae  rei  publicae,  ex  eo  scire  potes,  quod  domos  nostras  et 
patriam  ipsam  vel  diripiendam  vel  inflammandam  reliquimus  :  in  5 
eum  locum  res  deducta  est,  ut,  nisi  qui  deus  vel  casus  aliqui  sub- 

2  venerit,  salvi  esse  nequeamus.     Equidem,  ut  veni  ad  urbem,  non 
destiti  omnia  et  sentire  et  dicere  et  facere,  quae  ad  concordiam 
pertinerent ;  sed  mirus  invaserat  furor  non  solum  improbis,  sed 
etiam  iis  qui  boni  habentur  ut  pugnare  cuperent,  me  clamante  10 
nihil    esse    bello  civili    miserius.     Itaque  cum    Caesar  amentia 


I.  Qui    .    .    sunt,    indie,    as   a    simple 
explanation.     Cp.  Madv.  362  a. 

TIRONI.  M.  TuUius  Tiro  was  a  freed- 
man, for  whom  Cicero  and  all  his  family 
had  the  greatest  regard;  Cicero  was  often 
anxious  about  his  health.  Tiro  had  re- 
ceived a  good  education,  and  is  thought  to 
have  formed  in  part  the  collection  of  Cicero's 
correspondence  which  we  possess.  Cp.  p.  1 2 1 ; 
Ad.  Att.  16.  5,  5  ;  Ad  Fam.  16»  15  ;  16.  16  ; 
16.17;  16-.  21  ;  16.  26. 

5.  Patriam  ipsam:  cp. Ep.  47,  i,note. 

Reliquimus,  'we,  the  friends  of  Pom- 
pey, have  left.' 

7.  Ut  veni  ad  urbem  :  cp.  Epp.  44,  4 ; 
46,  notes.  The  phrase  '  ad  urbem  esse  *  was 
used  to  describe  the  position  of  an  officer 


holding  •  imperium,*  who  was  waiting  close 
to  Rome,  but  had  some  reason  for  not  wish- 
ing to  enter  the  •  urbs.'  Cp.  Epp.  5.  4;  29, 
25  ;  35,  6,  notes,  and  note  E,  p.  123. 

'  8.  Omnia  .  .  pertinerent,  *to  fashion 
all  my  sentiments,  words,  and  acts,  with  a 
view  to  concord.'  'Pertinerent:'  on  the 
mood,  cp.  Ep.  34,  2,  note  ;  and  on  the 
tense,  p.  92,  and  Madv.  383  :  it  follows 
♦  destiti.' 

9.  Invaserat  seems  only  here  to  be  used 
with  the  dative  by  Cicero.  Forcell.  quotes 
Varro  and  Lucretius  for  its  use  with  that 

case. 

iO.  Me  clamante, 'in  spite  of  my  out- 
cries 

II.  Cum  ..  raperetur.     On. the  mood, 

cp.  Ep.  45,  I,  note. 


3H 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


quadam  raperetur  et  oblitus  nominis  atque  honorum  suorum  Ari- 
minum,  Pisaurum,  Anconam,  Arretium  occupavisset,  urbem  reli- 
quimus  ;  quam  sapienter  aut  quam  fortiter,  nihil  attinet  disputari ; 
quo  quidem  in  casu  simus,  vides.     Feruntur  omnino  condiciones  3 

5  ab  illo,  ut  Pompeius  eat  in  Hispaniam ;  dilectus,  qui  sunt  habiti, 
et  praesidia  nostra  dimittantur ;  se  ulteriorem  Galliam  Domitio, 
citeriorem  Considio  Noniano — ^his  enim  obtigerunt — traditurum  ; 
ad  consulatus  petitionem  se  venturum,  neque  se  iam  velle  absente 
se  rationem  haberi  suam ;  se  praesentem  trinum  nundinum  peti- 

10  turum.    Accepimus  condiciones,  sed  ita,  ut  removeat  praesidia  ex 
iis  locis,  quae  occupavit,  ut  sine  metu  de  his  ipsis  condicionibus 
Romae  senatus  haberi  possit.     Id  ille  si  fecerit,  spes  est  pacis,  4 
non  honestae — leges  enim  imponuntur — ,  sed  quidvis  est  melius 
quam  sic  esse  ut  sumus.     Sin  autem  ille  suis  condicionibus  stare 

15  noluerit,  bellum  paratum  est,  eius  modi  tamen,  quod  sustinere  ille 
non  possit,  praesertim  cum  a  suis  condicionibus  ipse  fugerit, 
tantum  modo  ut  eum  intercludamus,  ne  ad  urbem  possit  accedere, 

(cp.  Madv.  235)  'during  the  space  which 
the  law  requires,  that  between  three  market 
days.'  According  to  the  inclusive  way  of 
cou.iting  adopted  at  Rome  this  period  need 
not  be  more  than  seventeen  days ;  the  Hrst, 
ninth,  and  seventeenth,  being  '  nundinae.' 
Cp.  Ep.  I,  I,  note. 

10.  Accepimus  condiciones,  foll.,'we 
accepted  his  terms,  but  on  condition  that.' 
For  this  sense  of  '  ita  ut,'  cp.  Ep.  50,  i, 
note.  The  decision  here  referred  to  seems 
to  have  been  adopted  at  a  council  held  at 
Teanum  on  Jan,  23  or  24.  Cp.  Inlr.  to 
Part  III,  §  I,  and  notes;  Ad  Att.  7.  14,  I  ; 
7.  15,  2.  Caesar  (Bell.  Civ.  i.  10  and  11) 
enlarges  on  the  unfairness  of  the  demands 
addressed  to  him. 

Ex  iis  locis  quae  occupavit,  i.e.  from 
the  places  south  of  the  Rubicon  which  Cae- 
sar had  occupied  :  see  above,  §  2. 

14.  Sin  autem  .  .  bellum  paratum 
est.  The  perf.  indie,  used  of  a  certain 
future  result,  cp.  Madv.  340,  Obs.  2. 

Suis  condicionibus  stare,  'to  abide 
by  his  own  terms.'  On  the  ablative,  cp. 
Madv.  267. 

15.  Tamen  introduces  a  consolatory  re- 
flection. 

17.  Tantum  modo  ut,  'provided  only 
that.'  Supfle.  But  Hofmann  translates  the 
words  '  may  we  only,'  making  '  ut '  =  *  uti- 
nam  :'  cp.  Ep.  63,  4.  But  that  passage  is  a 
quotation  from  a  longer  one,  and  may  itself 
be  open  to  either  construction. 


1.  Honorum,  'the  high  offices  he  had 
held.' 

Ariminum,  now  Rimini;  Pisaurum, 
now  Pesaro,  and  Ancona,  were  on  or  very 
near  the  Adriatic  coast. 

2.  Arretium,  now  Arezzo,  in  north 
Etruria. 

3.  Nihil  attinet  disputari,  'there  is 
no  good  in  discussing.'  Cicero's  own  opin- 
ion was  not  on  the  whole  favourable  to  the 
4)olicy  of  abandoning  Rome.  Cp.  Ep.  54,  3 
with  47,  3  and  4. 

4.  '0  m  n  i  n  o  :  cp.  Epp.  45,3;  50,2,  notes. 

5.  Ut  Pompeius  eat  in  Hispaniam: 
cp.  Epp.  45,  3,  note  ;  91,  5,  note.  He  was 
now  proconsul  of  Spain,  which  was  admi- 
nistered for  him  by  his  legates.  Cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  I.  9. 

Dilectus.  'the  new  levies.' 

6.  Praesidia,  '  the  forces  in  garrison.' 
Domitio,  L.Ahenobarbo,  consule  54  B.C. 

7.  Considio  Noniano  :  cp.  Ep.  50, 
2,  note.  He  had  been  praetor  but  not 
consul. 

Obtigerunt,  'were  assigned'  by  a  vote 
of  the  senate  in  this  case.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell. 
Civ.  I.  6.  The  arrangement  was  probably 
made  just  before  Caesar  crossed  the  Ru- 
bicon. 

8.  Absente  se,  more  emphatic  than  'ab- 
sentis.'     Cp.  Philipp.  11.  10,  23. 

9.  Rationem  .  .  suam  :  cp.  Ep.  34  ,9, 
note,  p.  241. 

Trinum  nundinum,  ace.  of  duration : 


ti 


EP.52.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XVL\%.    315 

quod  sperabamus  fieri  posse ;  dilectus  enim  magnos  habebamus 
putabamusque  ilium  metuere,  si  ad  urbem  ire  coepisset,  ne  Gallias 
amitteret,  quas  ambas  habet  inimicissimas  praeter  Transpadanos, 
ex  Hispaniaque  sex  legiones  et  magna  auxilia  Afranio  et  Petreio 
ducibus  habet  a  tergo  :  videtur,  si  insaniet,  posse  opprimi,  modo  ut  5 
urbe  salva.  Maximam  autem  plagam  accepit,  quod  is,  qui  sum- 
mam  auctoritatem  in  illius  exercitu  habebat,  T.  Labienus,  socms 

5  sceleris  esse  noluit :  reliquit  ilium  et  est  nobiscum,  multique  idem 
facturi  esse  dicuntur.  Ego  adhuc  orae  maritimae  praesum  a 
Formiis.  Nullum  maius  negotium  suscipere  volui,  quo  plus  apud  10 
ilium  meae  litterae  cohortationesque  ad  pacem  valerent ;  sm 
autem  erit  bellum,  video  me  castris  et  certis  legionibus  praefu- 
turum.  Habeo  etiam  illam  molestiam,  quod  Dolabella  noster 
apud  Caesarem  est.     Haec  tibi  nota  esse  volui,  quae  cave  ne  te 

6  perturbent  et  impediant   valetudinem  tuam.     Ego  A.  Varroni,  15 
quem  cum    amantissimum   mei   cognovi,  tum   etiam  valde    tui 
studiosum,  diligentissime  te  commendavi,  ut  et  valetudinis  tuae 
rationem   haberet    et    navigationis    et   totum   te    susciperet    ac 

I  shall  be  put  in  charge  of  a  camp  and^  of 
certain  legions  '  On  this  sense  of  *certus  = 
'  quidani,'  cp.  Forcell.  As  a  consular,  Cicero 
would  have  received  a  high  command  in 
Pompey's  army,  probably,  had  he  not  de- 
layed too  long  to  join  him.  After  the 
battle  of  Pharsalus  Cato  urged  him  to  take 
the  command  of  the  forces  assembled  at 
Corcyra.     Cp.  Pint.  Cic.  39. 

13.   Dolabella  noster  :  cp.  Ep.  42,  i. 

15.  Perturbent  .  .  tuam,  '  disturb  you 
so  as  to  interfere  with  your  recovery.' 

Valetudinem,  'recovery.'  Siipfle.  Cp. 
Nagelsb.  8.  31.  'Valetudo'  is  a  neutral 
word,  used  both  of  health  and  sickness. 
Tiro  was  now  recovering  from  a  fever. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  16.  11,  i. 

A.  Varroni.  The  name  of  this  man  m 
full  would  be  A.  Terentius  Varro  Murena, 
as  he  passed  by  adoption  from  the  family  of 
the  Licinii  Murenae  into  that  of  the  Te- 
rentii  Varrones.  He  served  under  Pompey 
in  the  civil  wars,  and  was  perhaps  father  of 
the  Murena  who  was  consul  with  Augustus 
in  23  B.C.,  and  was  executed  for  alleged  con- 
spiracy. Cp.  for  notices  of  him,  Caes.  Bell. 
Civ.  3.  19;  Cic.  Ad  Fam.  13.  22,  i  ;  Pro 
Caecina  9,  25;  Drumann  4.  193;  and  of 
the  son  Hor.  Carm.  3,  10;  Dion  Cassius 
54>  3  >  Velleius  2.  91. 

18.  Totum  te  =  'te  omnino;'  cp.  Ep. 
29,  22,  and  Tusc.  Disp.  6-  "^.  5  *  [philoso- 
phiae]  nos  .  .  penitus  totosque  tradidimus.* 


I.  Sperabamus  and  the  following  im- 
perfects are  epistolary  tenses. 

3.  Quas  ambas,  i.e.  the  Cisalpine  and 
Transalpine  provinces.  This  statement 
was  not  true,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  by 
results, 

Transpadanos.     Cp.  Epp.  31,  2;  44, 

6,  notes. 

4.  Sex  legiones.  Caesar  (Bell.  Civ.  i. 
38)  mentions  seven,  but  one  of  these  was 
levied  in  Spain  (lb.  I.  85).  M.  Varro  go- 
verned Baetica.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  HI,  §  8 ; 
Appendix  7. 

5.  Si   insaniet,  'if  he  perseveres  in  his 

mad  enterprise.'  ^ 

Modo  ut  urbe   salva,  sc.  '  opprimatur, 
'only  may  his  destruction  not  involve  the 
ruin  of  the  capital.'     Cp.  p.  314,  1.  I7- 
7.  T.  Labienus  :  cp.  Ep.  44,  6,  note. 
9.  Orae  maritimae  .  .  a  Formiis,  '  I 
have  the  superintendence  of  the  coast  from 
Formiae  southwards.'     Cicero's  head  quar- 
ters were  at  Capua.    Cp.  Ep.  54,  4.    Siipfle, 
however,  thinks  he  visited  Formiae  so  often 
that  he  might  regard  it  as  his  chief  station. 
To  illustrate  the  ambiguity  of  Cicero's  con- 
duct at  this  time,  cp.  Epp.  50 ;  54,  5  ;  64  ; 
and  Ad  Att.  8.  11,  D. 

10.  Nullum  maius,  foil.  Cp.  Epp.  54, 
5;  91,  6;  Ad  Fam.  4.  7,  2,  as  illustrating 
Cicero's  behaviour. 

Apud  ilium,  '  with  Caesar.' 

12.  Video  . .  praefuturum,  '  I  see  that 


3i6 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  III. 


> 


tueretur :  quern  omnia  facturum  confido  ;  recepit  enim  et  mecum 
locutus  est  suavissime.  Tu,  quoniam  eo  tempore  mecum  esse  non 
potuisti,  quo  ego  maxime  operam  et  fidelitatem  desideravi  tuam, 
cave  festines  aut  committas,  ut  aut  aeger  aut  hieme  naviges : 

5  numquam  sero  te  venisse  putabo,  si  salvus  veneris.  Adhuc  nemi- 
nem  videram,  qui  te  postea  vidisset  quam  M.  Volusius,  a  quo  tuas 
litteras  accepi :  quod  non  mirabar ;  neque  enim  meas  puto  ad  te 
litteras  tanta  hieme  perferri.  Sed  da  operam,  ut  valeas  et,  si 
valebis,  cum  recte  navigari  poterit,  tum  naviges.     Cicero  meus  in 

lo  Formiano  erat,  Terentia  et  TuUia  Romae.  Cura,  ut  valeas. 
nil.  K.  Februar.    Capua. 


53.    To    TIRO    (AD    F  A  M.    XVI.  15). 

Date  uncertain. 

I.  Aegypta  has  just  arrived,  and  gives  a  good  account  of  you.  I  am  sorry,  how- 
ever, lo  hear  that  you  are  too  ill  to  write  :  pray  take  every  care  of  yourself.  2.  P.  S. 
Hermia  has  just  come  with  a  letter  from  you  ;  its  irregular  writing  does  not  surprise 
me.     I  send  you  Aegypta  and  a  cook  to  wait  upon  you. 

tullius  tironi  sal. 

Aegypta  ad  me  venit  pr.  Idus  Apr.     Is  etsi  mihi  nuntiavit  te  1 

plane  febri  carere  et  belle  habere,  tamen,  quod  negavit  te  potuisse 

ad  me  scribere,  curam  mihi  attulit,  et  eo  magis,  quod  Hermia, 

15  quem  eodem  die  venire  oportuerat,  non  venerat.  Incredibili  sum 

sollicitudine  de  tua  valetudine,  qua  si  me  liberaris,  ego  te  omni 


1.  Recepit,  'he  promised:*  rather 
stronger  than  '  pollicitus  est.'     Forcell. 

2.  Eo  tempore,  foil.  Probably  =  ' in  the 
critical  days  at  the  beginning  of  this  year.' 

6.  M.  Volusius,  only  here  mentioned 
apparently. 

7  Quod  non  mirabar,  foil.  Cicero 
was  not  surprised  that  he  heard  so  little 
from  or  about  Tiro,  for  he  thought  that  his 
own  letters  were  much  delayed  on  their  way 
to  Tiro. 

8.  Tanta  hieme,  *now  that  it  is  the 
depth  of  winter.'  •  Bei  so  tiefem  Winter,' 
Metzg.  Cp.  '  multa  nocte '  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  9^ 
2,  and  Nagelsb.  70,  188.  Wiel.  translates 
'  during  this  stormy  weather.'  On  the 
ablat.  (modi),  cp.  Madv.  257. 

9.  In    Formiano,    'in  my    villa   near 


Formiae.'     It  is  mentioned  also  Ad  Att.  4. 
2,  5- 

TULLIUS  TIRONI.  As  the  date  of 
this  letter  is  uncertain  and  unimportant,  I 
have  inserted  it  here  as  an  illustration  of 
Cicero's  care  for  Tiro,  to  whom  the  pre- 
ceding letter  was  addressed. 

12.  Aegypta,  a  freednjan  of  Cicero,  men- 
tioned Ad  Att.  8.  15,  I ;   12.  37,  I. 

13.  Belle  habere.  Cp.  Ep.  77,  i 
•  minus  belle  habuit.' 

14.  Hermia  :  cp.  Ep.  15,  12,  note. 

16.  Sollicitudine.  On  the  ablat.,  cp. 
Ep.  35»  3'  note. 

Omni  cura  liberabo  ='manumittam  te.' 
Manut.  There  are  allusions  to  some  promise 
of  the  kind  in  Ad  Fam.  16. 10,  2  ;  16.  14,  2. 


<\ 


y 


EP.54.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VIIL  ^.  317 

cura  liberabo.  Plura  scriberem,  si  iam  putarem  lubenter  te  legere 
posse.  Ingenium  tuum,  quod  ego  maximi  facio,  confer  ad  te  mihi 
tibique  conservandum.     Cura  te  etiam  atque  etiam  diligenter. 

Vale. 
2      Scripta  iam  epistola  Hermia  venit.     Accepi   tuam  epistolam  5 
vacillantibus  litterulis,  nee  mirum,  tam  gravi  morbo.     Ego  ad  te 
Aegyptam  misi,  quod  nee  inhumanus  est  et  te  visus  est  mihi 
diligere,  ut  is  tecum  esset,  et  cum  eo  coquum,  quo  uterere.   Vale. 


54.    To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.   VIII.  3). 
Near  Cales,  about  Feb.  19,  49  ^-c  (7o5  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  anxious  for  your  advice  as  to  what  I  ought  to  do  if  Pompey  leaves  Italy. 
I  will  set  both  sides  of  the  question  before  you  as  fairly  as  I  can.  2.  Pompey's  services 
to  me,  and  our  intimacy,  seem  to  make  it  a  duty  to  stand  by  him,  and  if  I  remain  at 
Rome  I  must  fall  into  the  power  of  Caesar.  His  language  is  friendly,  but  how  can 
I  live  without  influence  and  with  a  prospect  of  disgrace  in  case  of  Pompey's  success  ? 
3.  On  the  other  hand,  Pompey's  mistakes  have  been  many  and  serious,  and  he  has 
never  taken  my  advice :  to  omit  his  earlier  errors,  what  can  be  worse  than  his  present 
flight  from  Rome  ?  4.  '  But  he  will  recover  it.'  When  ?  His  measures  have  hitherto 
been  ill-conceived  and  disastrous.  I  reluctantly  took  charge  of  Capua,  and  could 
mark  the  general  apathy.  5-  How  can  I  join  Pompey  at  this  season?  6.  If  I  stay 
at  Rome  I  shall  do  no  worse  than  Q.  Mucins  did  under  the  tyranny  of  Cmna.  But 
the  '  imperium  '  which  I  retain  would  even  then  embarrass  me.  I  hope  you  will  not 
infer  from  all  this  that  my  choice  is  made,  but  will  advise  me  impartially.  I  have 
a  vessel  ready  at  Caieta,  and  another  at  Brundisium.  7.  I  have  just  received  news 
that  Caesar  is  opposed  at  Corfinium  by  Domitius  with  an  effective  army.  I  do  not 
think  Pompey  will  desert  Domitius,  though  his  measures  look  suspicious.  We  hear 
reports,  which  I  do  not  believe,  of  successes  won  by  Afranius  over  Caesar's  officers. 
I  write  from  Formiae. 

CICERO  ATTICO  sal. 

1      Maximis  et  miserrimis  rebus  perturbatus,  cum  coram  tecum 
mihi  potestas  deliberandi  non  esset,  uti  tamen  tuo  consilio  volui ;  10 


1.  Si  iam  putarem  .  .  posse,  'if  I 
thought  you  were  already  well  enough  to 
read  with  pleasure.* 

2.  Confer  =  'adhibe'  (Forcell.),  'em- 
ploy.' 

6.  Vacillantibus  litterulis,  'with  its 
letters  written  by  a  trembling  hand/  =  *  tre- 
mente  manu  exaratis.'  Forcell.  On  the  abl., 
see  the  preceding  section. 


Tam  gravi  morbo.     On  this  ablat.,  cp. 

Ep.  I,  2,  note,  on  p.  28. 

7.  Nee  . .  et.  On  this  combination,  cp. 
Ep.  6,  4,  note  on  p.  4.»). 

8.  Coquum.  Probably  one  of  Cicero  s 
slaves,  who  would  be  able  to  prepare  proper 
food  for  an  invalid. 

10.  Esset,  epistolary  tense. 


3i8 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


deliberatio  autem  omnis  haec  est,  si  Pompeius  Italia  cedat,  quod 
eum  facturum  esse  suspicor,  quid  mihi  agendum  putes,  et,  quo 
facilius  consilium  dare  possis,  quid  in  utramque  partem  mihi  in 
mentem  veniat,  explicabo  brevi.    Cum  merita  Pompeii  summa  2 

5  erga  salutem  meam  familiaritasque,  quae  mihi  cum  eo  est,  tum 
ipsa  rei  publicae  causa  me  adducit,  ut  mihi  vel  consilium  meum 
cum  illius  consilio,  vel  fortuna  mea  aim  illiiis  for  tuna  coniungenda 
esse  videatur.  Accedit  illud  :  si  maneo  et  ilium  comitatum  opti- 
morum  et  clarissimorum  civium  desero,  cadendum  est  in  unius 

10  potestatem,  qui,  etsi  multis  rebus  significat  se  nobis  esse  amicum, 
et  ut  esset,  a  me  est — tute  scis— propter  suspitionem  huius  impen- 
dentis  tempestatis  multo  ante  provisum,  tamen  utrumque  con- 
siderandum  est,  et  quanta  fides  ei  sit  habenda  et,  si  maxime 
exploratum  sit  eum  nobis  amicum  fore,  sitne  viri  fortis  et  boni 

15  civis  esse  in  ea  urbe  in  qua,  cum  summis  honoribus  imperiisque 
usus  sit,  res  maximas  gesserit,  sacerdotio  sit  ampllssimo  praeditus, 
nomen  futurus,  subeundumque   periculum  sit,  cum  aliquo   fore 
dedecore,  si  quando  Pompeius  rem  publicam  recuperarit.   In  hac  3 
parte  haec  sunt ;  vide  nunc,  quae  sint  in  altera :  nihil  actum  est 

20  a  Pompeio  nostro  sapienter,  nihil  fortiter ;  addo  etiam,  nihil  nisi 
contra  consilium  auctoritatemque  meam.  Omitto  ilia  Vetera, 
quod  istum  in  rem  publicam  ille  aluit,  auxit,  armavit,  ille  legibus 


I.  Omnis  haec  est  .  .  putes,  '  is  all 
about  the  question  what  you  think  I  ought 
to  do  in  case  Pompey  leaves  Italy.'  On 
the  use  of  'haec/  cp.  Madv.  314.  The 
arguments  for  accompanying  Pompey  begin 
with  *cum  merita  Pompeii,'  and  end 
with  '  recuperarit.' 

6.  Consilium,  •decision.*  Cp.  Ep.  46 
*  subito  consilium  cepi.' 

8.  Illud  :  cp.  Ep.  34,  9,  note. 

Ilium  comitatum  .  .  civium,  'that 
company  of  good  citizens  *  which  will  follow 
Pompey.  On  this  use  of  the  pronoun,  cp. 
Madv.  485  b  and  c. 

9.  Unius,  sc.  Caesaris. 

10.  Multis  rebus,  '  in  many  relations.' 

Siipfle. 

II.  A  me  est ..  provisum  :  cp.Intr.to 
Part  II,  §§  4-6;  Epp.  25,  notes;  29,  12, 
note. 

12.  Utrumque  refers  to  the  clauses 
which  follow,  beginning  with  et  .  .  et. 

15.  Esse  in  ea  urbe  .  .  recuperarit, 
*to  remain  in  a  city  in  which  after  filling 
the  highest  posts  he  will  be  a  mere  shadow, 
and  will  incur  the  risk  of  being  disgraced  in 


case  of  Pompey's  restoring  the  old  constitu- 
tion.' So  Wiel.  and  Forcell.  For  this  sense 
of  '  nomen,'  cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  15,  i  '  me  nomen 
habere  duarum  legionum,*  and  Livy  7.  29 
'  nomen  magis  qiiam  vires.' 

16.  Sacerdotio  = 'auguratu.'  Cicero 
was  elected  augur  on  the  death  of  P. 
Crassus,  son  of  the  triumvir,  in  53  B.C.  Cp. 
Plut.  Cic.  36. 

17.  Cum  aliquo  fore  dedecore,  'of 
being  disgraced  to  some  extent.'  Would 
not  *ne  cum  al.  ded.  sit*  be  more  usual? 
Cp.  Madv.  376.  The  sense,  however,  seems 
plain. 

12.  In  hac  parte  haec  sunt,  '  on  this 
side  of  the  question  there  is  this  to  be  said,' 
'  such  are  the  weights  in  this  scale.'  Cp.  Ep. 
1 29,  2  *  nuUius  partis  esse.' 

22.  Istum,  Caesarem. 

Ille,  Pompeius. 

Ille  legibus  .  .  auctor,  sc.  *  fuit.'  On 
the  dat.,  cp.  Madv.  241,  Obs.,  and  415.  The 
laws  referred  to  are  those  of  Caesar's  con- 
sulship. Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  17  ;  Ep.  10, 
2,  note. 


/ 
t 


EP.54.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VIII.  2,.  319 

per  vim  et  contra  auspicia  ferendis  auctor,  ille  Galliae  ulterioris 
adiunctor,  ille  gener,  ille  in  adoptando  P.  Clodio  augur,  ille 
restituendi  mei  quam  retinendi  studiosior,  ille  provinciae  propa- 
gator, ille  absentis  in  omnibus  adiutor,  idem  etiam  tertio  con- 
sulatu,  postquam  esse  defensor  rei  publicae  coepit,  contendit,  ut  5 
decem  tribuni  pi.  ferrent,  ut  absentis  ratio  haberetur,  quod  idem 
ipse  sanxit  lege  quadam  sua,  Marcoque  Marcello  consuli  finienti 
provincias  Gallias  Kalendarum  Martiarum  die  restitit :  sed,  ut 
haec  omittam,  quid  foedius,  quid  perturbatius  hoc  ab  urbe  discessu 
sive  potius  turpissima  fuga?  quae  condicio  non  accipienda  fuit  10 
potius  quam  relinquenda  patria?  malae  condiciones  erant ;  fateor, 
4  sed  num  quid  hoc  peius?  *At  recuperabit  rem  publicam.' 
Quando  ?  aut  quid  ad  eam  spem  est  parati .?  Non  ager  Picenus 
ami.ssus  ?  Non  patefactum  iter  ad  urbem  ?  non  pecunia  omnis  et 
publica  et  privata  adversario  tradita?  Denique  nulla  causa,  nullae  15 


A 


1.  Contra  auspicia:  cp.  Ep  lo,  1.  c. 
Bibulus  had  declared  *  se  servaturum  de 
caelo,'  for  a  great  part  of  the  year,  which 
would  render  legislation  irregular  during  that 
time. 

Galliae  .  .  adiunctor,  'added  the  Far- 
ther to  the  Nearer  Gaul'  as  a  part  of 
Caesar's  government.  The  senate  made  this 
addition  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  17),  but 
Cicero  hints  that  Pompey  had  suggested  it. 

2.  Ille  gener,  sc.  Caesaris. 

In  adoptando  .  .  augur,  'declared  as 
augur  that  he  saw  no  obstacle  to  the  adop- 
tion of  Clodius '  by  Fonteius.  On  which,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  18. 

3.  Restituendi  .  .  studiosior,  'was 
more  earnest  in  promoting  my  recall  from 
exile  than  in  trying  to  prevent  my  going 
into  exile.'  Cp.  for  the  words,  Ep.  29,  14, 
and  for  the  facts,  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §§  20  and 

21.  , 

Propagator,  'prolonged  his  tenure  of 
by  the  Lex  Pompeia  Lipinia  in  55  B.C.     In 
this  sense  the  word   seems  only  to  occur 
here. 

5.  Contendit  .  .  ferrent,  'exerted  him- 
self to  induce  the  ten  tribunes  to  prop-rse.* 
'  Contendere  *  = '  laborare.'     Forcell. 

6.  Q_uod  idem  sua,  '  and  that  very 
provision  he  sanctioned  by  a  certain  law  of 
bis  own,'  perhaps  referring  to  the  clause 
appended  by  Pompey  to  his  law  '  de  iure 
magistratuum  '  in  52  B.C.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part 

11,  §  14- 

7.  Finienti    .    .    die,  'when  he  pro- 


posed to  limit  Caesar's  government  by 
the  first  of  March,'  'to  fix  March  i  as 
the  last  day  of  Caesar's  government.'  Cp. 
Ep.  34,  5  and  9.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
March  i.^o  or  49  B.C.  is  referred  to.  In 
my  first  edition  I  said  '  probably  the  earlier 
date  ;'  but  I  now  agree  with  Lange  (3.  374) 
in  preferring  the  latter. 

11.  Condiciones.  According  to  Sueto- 
nius (lul.  29);  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  2.  32); 
and  Plutarch  (Caes.  31)  ;  Caesar's  final  oflfers 
before  the  beginning  of  hostilities  in  January 
49  B.C.  were — to  surrender  Transalpine  Gaul 
and  the  greater  part  of  his  army  at  once  ; 
Cisalpine  Gaul  and  the  remainder  of  his 
army  on  his  election  to  the  consulship,  or 
to  give  up  his  command  if  Pompey  would 
do  the  same. 

12.  Num  quid  hoc  peius,  sc*  esse  po- 

tuit,'    'could    anything  be  worse  than  this 
hasty  surrender  of  the  capital.* 

13.  Ad  eam  spem,  *  to  realize  that 
hope.'  On  '  ad '  with  such  words  as  '  para- 
tum,'  cp.  Madv.  247  b,  Obs.  6,  and  on  the 
gen.  parati,  lb.  285  b. 

14.  Pecunia  omnis.  The  consuls  in 
their  panic  had  forgotten  to  carry  away  the 
contents  of  the  treasury.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part 
III,  §  I,  and  Ad  Att.  7.  21,  2  ;  Ep.  71,  6, 
note. 

15.  Nulla  causa:  cp.  Ad  Att.  9.6,4 
'  causa  temere  instituta.*  *  No  definite  ob- 
ject.' Wiel.  The  objects,  for  instance,  of 
Pompey,  Cato,  and  the  consul  Lentulus, 
would  diflfer  very  much. 


320 


3f.  TULLIl  CIC FRONTS 


[part  III. 


vires,  nulla  sedes,  quo  concurrant  qui  rem  publicam  defensam 
velint :  Apulia  delecta  est,  inanissima  pars  Italiae  et  ab  impetu 
huius  belli  remotissima  ;  fuga  et  maritima  opportunitas  visa  quaeri 
desperatione.     t  In  te  cepi  Capuam,  non  quo  munus  illud  defu- 

5  gerem,  sed  in  ea  causa,  in  qua  nullus  esset  ordinum,  nullus  apertus 
privatorum  dolor,  bonorum  autem  esset  aliquis,  sed  hebes,  ut  solet, 
et,  ut  ipse  sensissem,  multitudo  et  infimus  quisque  propensus  in 
alteram  partem,  multi  mutationis  rerum  cupidi,  dixi  ipsi  me  nihil  5 
suscepturum  sine  praesidio  et  sine  pecunia ;  itaque  habui  nihil 

10  omnino  negotii,  quod  ab  initio  vidi  nihil  quaeri  praeter  fugam  ; 
eam  si  nunc  sequor,  quonam  ?  Cum  illo  non ;  ad  quem  cum 
essem  profectus,  cognovi,  in  iis  locis  esse  Caesarem,  ut  tuto  Luce- 
riam  venire  non  possem.  Infero  mari  nobis,  incerto  cursu,  hieme 
maxima  navigandum  est.     Age  iam,  cum  fratre  an  sine  eo  cum 

15  filio  ?  an  quo  modo  ?  in  utraque  enim  re  summa  difficultas  erit, 
summus  animi  dolor.  Qui  autem  impetus  illius  erit  in  nos  ab- 
sentes  fortunasque  nostras?     Acrior  quam  in  ceterorum,  quod 


1.  Nulla    sedes,    *  no    rendezvous'   or 
*  rallying  point.' 

Defensam  velint.  On  the  constr.,  cp. 
Madv.  396,  Obs.  2. 

2.  Delecta  est,  'has  been  chosen'  for 
the  assembly  of  our  forces. 

Inanissima,  *  the  least  populous.' 
Impetu,  *  the  onward  movement.'    For- 

cell. 

3.  Fuga  .  .  desperatione,  *  it  seemed 

that  our  leaders  in  their  desperation  were 
seeking  for  an  easy  access  to  the  sea,  and 
for  means  of  flight.'  Cp.  Livy  45-  3°  '  "i*" 
ritimas  opportunitates/  On  the  personal 
construction  of  '  videor '  with  the  infin.,  cp. 
Madv.  400  a,  and  Obs. 

4.  In  te:  'invite'  would  make  good 
sense,  and  has  some  MS.  authority.  Wesenb. 
adopts  it. 

Cepi,  'assumed  the  command  at.* 

Non  quo  .  .  esse  solet,  'not  that  I 
wished  to  evade  that  commission,  but  be- 
cause the  cause  in  which  I  had  to  act  was 
regarded  with  such  indifference.' 

8.  Cupidi,  sc.  '  essent.* 

On  the  historical  allusions  in  the  two 
preceding  sections,   cp.   Intr.  to  Part   III, 

§§  1-3- 

Ipsi,   sc.   Pompeio.       If  the   precedmg 

passage    from    non    quo    to    cupidi    be 

genuine,  there  surely  should  be  a  full  stop 

after  cupidi,  unless,  indeed,  the  words  '  sed 


in  ea  ..pecunia'  correspond  to  '  non  quo,' 
foil.     Wesenb.  punctuates  '  cupidi :' 

9.  Sine  praesidio,  'without  an  armed 
force.' 

10.  Quod  ab  initio  .  .  fugam.  Ma- 
nutius  connects  these  words  with  dixi  .  . 
pecunia,  in  which  case  itaque  .  .  ne- 
gotii must  be  a  parenthetical  or  subordinate 

clause. 

11.  Eam  si  nunc  .  .  quonam?  'if  I 
now  follow  that  flying  company,  whither 
shall  I  go  ?'  Cp.  PhiUpp.  2.  22,  54  '  exsequi 
cladem  illam  fugamque.' 

Cum  illo,  'sc.  'Pompeio  non  possum 
fugere.' 

12.  Essem  profectus,  'had  set  out.' 
Cp.  Ep.  30,  I,  p.  219,  1.  4. 

13.  Infero  mari,  'by  the  western,  or 
Tuscan  sea.'  On  the  ablat.  (of  the  direc- 
tion), cp.  Madv.  274. 

Incerto  cursu,  'to  an  unknown  desti- 
nation.' 

Hieme  maxima,  '  in  the  depth  of  win- 
ter.'    Cp.  Ep.  52,  6. 

15.  In  utraque  re  .  .  dolor,  *  either  al- 
ternative will  involve  great  difficulties  and 
much  suff^ering.'  Cicero  would  neither  wish 
to  part  from  his  relatives,  nor  to  expose 
them  to  the  risks  of  camp  life. 

16.  Q_ui  autem  ..  nostras, 'with  what 
violence  will  Caesar  behave  to  me  and  my 
fortunes  during  my  absence.' 


C 


( 


i 


K: 


i 


EP.54.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VIII,  3.  321 

putabit  fortasse  in  nobis  violandis  aliquid  se  habere  populare. 
Age  iam,  has  compedes,  fasces,  inquam,  hos  laureatos  efferre  ex 
Italia  quam  molestum  est !  Qui  autem  locus  erit  nobis  tutus, 
ut  iam  placatis  utamur  fluctibus,  ante  quam  ad  ilium  venerimus  ? 
6  qua  autem  aut  quo,  nihil  scimus.  At  si  restitero  et  fuerit  nobis  5 
in  hac  parte  locus,  idem  fecero,  quod  in  Cinnae  dominatione 
Philippus,  quod  L.  Flaccus,  quod  Q.  Mucins,  quoquo  modo  ea  res 
huic  quidem  cecidit,  qui  tamen  ita  dicere  solebat,  se  id  fore 
videre,  quod  factum  est,  sed  malle  quam  armatum  ad  patriae 
moenia  accedere.  Aliter  Thrasybulus,  et  fortasse  melius  ;  sed  est  10 
certa  quaedam  ilia  Mucii  ratio  atque  sententia,  est  ilia  etiam 
[Philippi],  et,  cum  sit  necesse,  servire  tempori  et  non  amittere 
tempus,  cum  sit  datum.  Sed  in  hoc  ipso  habent  tamen  iidem 
fasces  molestiam  :  sit  enim  nobis  amicus,  quod  incertum  est,  sed 
sit :  deferet  triumphum.     Non  accipere,  t  ne  periculosum  sit,  in-  15 


1.  In  nobis  .  .  populare,  'that  he 
recommends  himself  to  the  populace  by 
outrages  oflfered  to  me.'  This  is  signi- 
ficant as  shewing  that  a  large  part  of 
the  Roman  populace  cherished  resentment 
against  Cicero  for  his  treatment  probably  of 
Lentulus  and  perhaps  of  Clodius. 

2.  Fasces  .  .  laureatos  :  cp.  Ep.  46, 
note. 

4.  Ut  iam  placatis  .  .  fluctibus,  'sup- 
posing that  I  have  a  calm  passage.'  On  the 
conjunct.,  cp.  Ep.  48,  i,  note. 

Ad  ilium,  sc.  Pompeium. 

5.  Qua  .  .  aut  quo,  'by  what  route  or 
whither.' 

Fuerit  .  .  locus,  'if  I  shall  be  allowed 
a  place  of  rest  here  in  Italy.' 

6.  Quod  .  .  Philippus,  sc.  'fecit.'  L. 
Marcius  Philippus,  consul  in  91  B.C.,  re- 
sisted, in  the  interest  of  the  equites,  the 
measures  of  M.  Livius  Drusus.  On  Sulla's 
return  to  Italy,  Philippus  repaired  to  his 
camp,  and  was  well  received  there.  Cp. 
Mommsen  3.  138;  224;  331  ;  348. 

7.  L.  Flaccus  was  the  interrex  who 
proposed  a  law  for  conferring  dictatorial 
powers  upon  Sulla.  Cp.  De  Leg.  Agrar.  3. 
2,  5  and  6.  Mommsen  (3.  pp.  327  ;  348) 
identifies  him  with  the  L.  Valerius  Flaccus 
who  was  consul  in  100  B.C. 

Q^  Mucins  Scaevola  governed  the  pro- 
vince of  Asia  with  remarkable  integrity  in 
98  B  c,  was  consul  in  95  b.c,  and  after- 
wards pontifex  maximus.  In  82  B.C.  the 
praetor  L.  Damasippus  murdered  him  by 
the  order  of  C.  Marius  the  younger.     For 


another  notice  of  him,  cp.  Ep.  29,  26,  note. 

Quoquo  modo  .  .  cecidit,  'however 
that  choice  turned  out  for  him,'  indie,  of  an 
actual  fact  =  though  it  turned  out  badly. 

8.  Id  fore,  i.e.  that  he  would  be  mur- 
dered. 

10.  Aliter  Thrasybulus,  sc.  'fecit.' 
He  left  Athens  on  the  installation  of  the 
thirty  tyrants,  but  returned  to  deliver  it 
from  their  sway.  Cp.  Xen.  Hellen.  2.  3, 
42  ;  2.  4. 

Est  certa  quaedam  .  .  sententia, 
*  the  policy  and  resolution  of  Mucius  is  quite 
adequately  grounded.'     Hofm. 

11.  Est  ilia  etiam,  'there  is  another 
also  '  (my  own) ;  '  ilia  '  referring  to  what 
follows. 

12.  [Philippi.]  Baiter  is  surely  right  in 
putting  this  word  in  brackets.  For  Cicero 
only  six  lines  above  has  spoken  of  Mucius 
and  Philippus  as  behaving  alike,  whereas  he 
is  here  distinguishing  between  two  different 
lines  of  conduct. 

Et  cum  sit  necesse  .  .  datum,  'of 
yielding  to  circumstances  as  long  as  it  is 
necessary,  and  yet  not  losing  a  chance  when 
it  is  offered.'  I  think  Cicero  means  that 
he  would  be  more  supple  than  Mucius  in 
adversity,  and  less  passive  when  an  oppor- 
tunity for  action  offered. 

13.  In  hoc  ipso, 'even  if  I  behave  thus.* 

14.  Sit  enim  .  .  amicus,  'for  suppose 
Caesar  should  prove  my  friend.' 

15.  Non  accipere  .  .  ad  bonos.  For- 
cell.  says  that  '  non '  may  have  the  force  of 
•  nonne ; '  (cp.  p.  319, 1.  13  '  non  ager  Pice- 


3^ 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


vidiosum  ad  bonos.  O  rem,  inquis,  difficdem  «f  nexphcabdem  1 
atqui  explicanda  est.  Quid  enim  fieri  potest?  Ac  ne  rne  ex  st. 
maris  ad  manendum  esse  propensiorem,  quod  plura  m  earn  partem 
verba  fecerim,  potest  fieri,  quod  fit  in  multis  quaest.onibus,  ut  res 

5  verbosior  haecLrit,  ilia  verior.    Quam  ob  rem  "t  -x.ma  d 
aequo  animo  deliberanti,  ita  mihi  des  consilium  velim     Navis  et 
in  Caieta  est  parata  nobis  et  Brundisii.    Sed  ecce  nuntu  scnbente  7 
me  haec  ipsa  noctu  in  Caleno,  ecce  litterae,  Caesarem  ad  Corfi- 
nium,Domirium  Corfiniicum  firmo  exercitu  et  pugnare  cup^en^. 

loNon  puto  etiam  hoc  Gnaeum  nostrum  commissurum  ut  Dom 
tium  relinquat,  etsi  Brundisium  Scipionem  cum  cohort.bus  duabus 
pralSlt,  1  gionem  .  Fausto  conscriptam  in  Sic.hams.b.  pla- 
ce" TLnsule  duci  scripserat  ad  consules;  sed  turpe  Domitium 
deseri  implorantem  eius  auxilium.    Est  quaedam  spes,  m.h,  qui- 

,  -  dem  non  magna,  sed  in  his  locis  firma,  Afranium  in  Pyrenaeo  cum 
TrTbonio  pugna  se,pulsum  Trebonium,  etiam  Fabium  tuum  trans- 


nus  amissus/  and  Ep.  89.   l),  and  Hofm. 
makes    ne=*ut    non/  referring   to   Tusc. 

Disp.  2.  5,  14.     See  also  Ltvy  31.  7-     ^P; 
Madv.352.     The  sense  will  then  be, 'Will 

not  my  acceptance,  even  supposing  it  involve 
no  danger,  bring  me  into  disrepute  with 
good  citizens?'  Orell.  proposes  «non  acci- 
Sere  me  periculosum  est ;  accipere  invidio- 
sum;'  Wesenb.  «non  accipere  vereor  ne 
periculosum  sit,  accipere  invidiosum  ad 
bonos/  Mr.  Jeans  thinks  it  needless  to 
insert  'vereor,'  but  would  insert  'accipere, 
before  •  invidiosum.'  .     ,  .,  r»« 

I.  O    rem   .   .    inexplicabilem.     On 
the  ace,  cp.  Madv.  236.  '  Hard  and  insoluble 

^'t!^^Quid  enim  fieri  potest?  '  for  what 
else  can  be  done?*  no  third  course  is  open. 
Schiitz.  proposes  to  insert '  aliter."         ^ 

3.  In  eam  partem, 'to  that  end,  'on 

that  side.' 

4.  In  multis  quaestionibus.'m  many 

discussions.* 

Res  verbosior  .  .  verior.  *the  course 
last  dwelt  upon  (that  of  remaining  in  Italy) 
may  have  more  copious  arguments  in  its 
favour,  but  the  other  sounder/  ^ 

7  In  Caieta, '  off  my  estate  at  Caieta. 
Hofm.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  I.  4,  3  * Caietanum  .  . 
omabo/  'Misenum'  is  similarly  used  for 
an  estate.  Philipp.  2.  29,  73-  But  as  the 
words  are  followed  by  '  Brundisii,  may 
not  'in  Caieta*  mean  merely  'in  the  port 

of  Caieta?*  .   ^. 

8.  In    Caleno.     This  estate  of   Cicero 
seems  to  be  only  mentioned  here.     Cp.  Ap- 


pendix 5»  §  ^'  ,    f       r- 

Ad  Corfinium,  sc.  'esse,*  is  before  Cor- 
finium/  That  town,  situated  in  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Peligni,  had  been  the  capital  of 
the  Italians  in  the  Marsic  or  Social  war.  It 
was  now  held  for  Pompey  by  L.  Domitius 
Ahenobarbus.     Cp.  Ep.  51,  i;  Intr.  to  Part 

"  io.  Commissurum  ut.'wiU  be  guilty 
of/     Cp.  Ep.  48,  2,  note. 

II.  Scipionem:  cp.  Ep.  I,  3»  "«te. 

12  Fausto.  L.  Sulla,  surnamed  Faustus, 
was  a  son  of  the  dictator.  He  was  put  to 
death  towards  the  close  of  the  African  cam- 
paign by  Caesar's  partisans.  Intr.  to  Part 
IV,  §  10 ;  Bell.  Afric.  95-        ^  ^  ,   , 

13.  A  consule,  '  by  one  of  the  consuls. 

Cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  12,  A,  3. 

Turpe  .  .  deseri.     On  the  ace.  with 
infin.  as  a  subject,  cp.  Madv.  388  a ;  398  a. 

15.  Afranium  :  cp.  Ep.  I,  i,  note. 

Cum  Trebonio.  C.  Trebonius  now 
held  a  high  command  in  Gaul  for  Caesar, 
and  afterwards  directed  the  siege  of  Mas- 
silia  with  D.  Brutus.  Subsequently  he  joined 
the  conspiracy  of  Brutus  and  Cassius ;  go- 
verned Asia  for  some  months  after  Caesar  s 
death  ;  and  was  treacherously  murdered  by 
Dolabella.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  III,  §  8 ;   V, 

§§  4;  14.  , 

16.  Fabium.  C.  Fabius  was  another 
of  Caesar's  principal  officers.  Orell.  pro- 
poses Fadium,  which  Baiter  adopts.  But 
M.  Fadius  Gallus  was  then  in  Italy.     Cp. 

Ad  Att.  8.  12,  I.  .     r^     T 

Transisse, '  has  deserted  to  us.     Cp.  In 


^    1 

.1 


.4- 


^'i 


EP.  ^^,'\     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VIII.  9.  323 

isse  cum  cohortibus,  summa  autem,  Afranium  cum  magnis  copiis 
adventare :  id  si  est,  in  Italia  fortasse  manebitur.  Ego  autem, 
cum  esset  incertum  iter  Caesaris,  quod  vel  ad  Capuam  vel  ad 
Luceriam  iturus  putabatur,  Leptam  ad  Pompeium  misi  et  litteras, 
ipse,  ne  quo  inciderem,  reverti  Formias.  Haec  te  scire  volui  5 
scripsique  sedatiore  animo,  quam  proxime  scripseram,  nullum 
meum  indicium  interponens,  sed  exquirens  tuum. 


55.    To   ATTICUS(AD   ATT.   VIII.   9). 

FoRMiAE,  Feb.  25,  49  B.C.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  not  annoj^ed  by  the  publication  of  my  letter  to  Caesar,  and  I  think  its 
language  justified  by  the  end  I  had  in  view.  2.  Pompey  has  used  expressions  quite 
as  complimentary,  and  your  conduct,  and  that  of  many  others,  has  been  quite  as 
equivocal  as  mine.  3.  I  wish  to  be  at  Arpinum  on  the  28th,  and  then  to  spend  some 
days  in  my  various  villas.  I  am  very  glad  you  approve  of  the  line  of  conduct  I  pro- 
pose to  follow.  The  clemency  of  Caesar,  compared  with  Pompey's  desertion  of  his 
friends,  is  doing  our  cause  much  harm.  4.  The  two  Balbi  both  assure  me  that 
Caesar's  views  are  moderate  and  pacific.  I  suppose  Pompey  may  have  reached 
Brundisium  by  now,  but  the  'monster'  shews  remarkable  energy. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Epistolam  meam  quod  pervolgatam  scribis  esse,  non  fero 
moleste :  quin  etiam  ipse  multis  dedi  describendam  ;  ea  enim 
et  acciderunt  iam  et  impendent,  ut  testatum  esse  velim,  de  pace  10 
quid  senserim.  Cum  autem  ad  eam  hortarer  eum  praesertim 
hominem,  non  videbar  ullo  modo  facilius  moturus,  quam  si  id, 
quod  eum  hortarer,  convenire  eius  sapientiae  dicerem.  Eam  si 
*  admirabilem '  dixi,  quoniam  eum  ad  salutem  patriae  hortabar, 
non  sum  veritus  ne  viderer  adsentari,  cui   tali  in  re  lubenter  15 


Verr.  2  Act.  1 .  1 5,  40  '  ad  adversarios  trans- 
eas;'  also  Ep.  71,  2.  The  reports  to  which 
Cicero  refers  were  false.  Cp.  Intr  to  Part 
III,  §  8  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  37  and  40. 

I.  Summa  autem,  either  '  spes  est/  or 
*  the  general  import  of  the  rumours  is/ 

3.  Esset . .  putabatur,  epistolary  tenses. 

Ad  Capuam.  The  preposition  is  in- 
serted because  the  neighbourhood  of  Capua 
is  meant.  That  place  and  Luceria  were 
held  for  Pompey,  and  Caesar  could  not 
count  on  being  admitted  within  the  walls 
of  either.     Cp.  Madv.  232. 

4.  Leptam  :  cp.  Ep.  27,  2,  note. 
Et  litteras  «'cum  litteris/ 


5.  Ne  quo  inciderem,  sc.  *in  Cae- 
sarem.' 

6.  Proxime.  •  last.'     Forcell. 

7.  Interponens,  '  expressing/     Forcell. 

8.  Epistolam  meam.  Cicero  means  a 
letter  he  wrote  to  Caesar.  The  passages 
quoted  from  it  in  this  letter  are  found  in 
Ep.  64  ;  but  if  that  be  really  the  letter  here 
referred  to,  there  is  some  confusion  about 
the  dates. 

9.  Quin  etiam,  *  nay,  even/ 

10.  Testatum  :  cp.  Ep.  29,  30,  note. 
13.  Quod    eum     hortarer,    '  which  I 

advised  him  to  do.'     Cp.  Ep.  38,  2,  note. 


Y  % 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  in. 


324 

me  ad  pedes  abiecissem.  Qua  autem  est  'aliquid  impertias 
temporis/  non  est  de  pace,  sed  de  me  ipso  et  de  meo  officio  ut 
aliquid  cogitet ;  nam  quod  testificor  me  expertem  belli  fuisse, 
etsi  id  re  perspectum  est,  tamen  eo  scripsi,  quo  in   suadendo 

5  plus  auctoritatis  haberem,  eodemque  pertinet,  quod  causam  eius 
probo.     Sed  quid  haec  nunc  ?  utinam  aliquid  profectum  esset !  2 
ne  ego  istas  litteras  in  contione  recitari  velim,  si  quidem  ille 
ipse  ad  eundem  scribens  in  publico  proposuit  epistolam  lUam, 
in  qua  est  '  pro  tuis  rebus  gestis  amplissimis.'    Amplionbusne 

10  quam  suis,  quam  Africani?  Ita  tempus  ferebat ;  si  quidem  etiam 
vos  duo  tales  ad  quintum  miliarium,-quid  nunc  ipsum  unde  se 
recipient!,  quid  agenti,  quid  acturo  ?  quanto  autem  ferocius  ille 
causae  suae  confidet,  cum  vos,  cum  vestri  similes  non  modo 
frequentes,  sed  laeto  voltu  gratulantes  viderit  ?  '  Num  igitur  pec- 


I.   Qua  autem   est 


but 


.  cogitet, 
where  the  words  "  bestow  some  time 
occur,  I  meant  "on  thoughts  — not  of 
peace  but— of  myself  and  of  my  obliga- 
tions to  Pompey."  '  To  entreat  any  citizen 
•to  bestow  some  time'  on  thoughts  of 
peace  would  be  humiliating  to  Cicero. 
The  words  de  pace  may  be  taken  dif- 
ferently ;  '  that  does  not  refer  to  peace/ 
Wesenb.  has  '  quod  autem  est/  '  whereas  I 
say.'     With  the  use  of  •  est '  in  1.  i,  cp.  Ep. 

37»  3.  P-  257-  ^    ^  ,. 

3.  Nam    quod  .  .  haberem,   *  for   as 

to  my  protest  that  I  have  taken  no  part  in 

the  war,  though  that  rests  on  good  evidence 

(and  therefore  I  might  mention  it  simply  for 

my  own  sake),  my  object  in  making  it  was 

to  give  more  weight  to  my  recommendation 

(of  peace).'   On  this  sense  of  *  nam,'  cp.  Ep. 

9,  8,  note. 

5.  Eodemque  pertinet  ..  probo,  *  and 

the  same  is  the  object  of  my  saying  that  I 
approve  his.  plea.'  Cp.  Ep.  64,  2.  For 
this  sense  of  '  pertinet,'  cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act. 
5.  10,  25  ♦  summa  illuc  pertinet  ut  sciatis.' 
The  expressions  of  Cicero's  letter  to  Caesar 
had  apparently  been  criticised  as  too  adula- 
tory in  tone.  A  more  serious  charge  might 
be  based  on  the  difference  of  its  language 
from  that  of  the  two  letters  to  Pompey, 
Ad  Att.  8.  II  Band  D. 

6.  Quid  haec  nunc,  sc.  «commemoro. 

7.  Velim.  The  pres.  conj.  is  used  of 
things  still  possible,  where  in  English  we 
should  use  the  imperf.    Cp.  Ep.  35,  2,  note. 

Si  quidem,  '  seeing  that.' 
Ille  ipse,  Pompeius. 

8.  In  publico  proposuit  =  'promul- 
gavit '  (Forcell.),  *  published.' 


9.  In  qua  est,  'in  which  the  words 
occur.'  This  letter  was  an  answer  of  Pom- 
pey's  to  Caesar's  demands  (cp.  Ep.  52,  3); 
it  is  mentioned,  apparently,  Ad  Att.  7.  17,  2, 
and  was  drawn  up  by  Sestius. 

10.  Suis,  sc.  Pompeii.  Cicero  cavils  at 
the  use  of  the  superlative  amplissimis, 
apparently.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  26,  2  '  at  qui- 
bus  verbis  I  "  pro  tuis  rebus  gestis  amphssi- 


»» » 


mis. 

Ita  tempus  ferebat,  «such  language 
was  required  by  circumstances.'  '  Ferre  =  re- 
quirere  postulare.'     Forcell. 

Si  .  .  vos  duo  tales  .  .  miliarium,  '  if 
two  such  men  as  you  and  Sex.  Peducaeus 
think  of  going  as  far  as  the  fifth  milestone 
to  meet  Caesar.'  For  the  coupling  together 
of  Atticus  and  Peducaeus,  cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  13, 

3;  7.  i4'3;  7- 17,  ^-         ^  .   ^       o, 

II.  Quid  nunc  ipsum, 'why  just  now  ^ 

Cp.  Madv.  487,  Obs.  I. 

Unde  se  recipienti,  sc.  Caesari,  •  con- 
sidering whence  he  is  returning.'  The  best 
MS.  has  apparently  *  quod  ad  nunc  ipsum 
unde  se  recipienti.'  Boot's  suggestion, 
adopted  by  Baiter,  is  'quid  nunc  ipsum  de 
se  recipient!,'  •  what  pledges  is  Caesar  willing 
to  take '  as  to  his  future  conduct  ?  '  Unde 
seems,  however,  to  make  good  sense.  Cae- 
sar was  returning  from  a  victory  won  over 
his  countrymen.  Wesenb.  suggests  'quo,' 
sc.  '  Romam '  for  '  quod  '  or  '  quid  '  before 
•  nunc  ipsum.'  If  *  quid '  and  '  unde '  be  re- 
tained  there  should  I  think  be  a  comma 
after  '  ipsum.' 

12.  Ille,  Caesar.  -  ^ 

14.  Fr  equentes,*  thronging  to  meet  him. 

Num  igitur  peccamus?  Atticus  is  sup- 
posed to  ask. 


r 


EP.55.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  VlII,^.  325 

camus  ? '     Minime  vos  quidem ;  sed  tamen  signa  conturbantur, 
quibus  voluntas  a  simulatione  distingui  posset.  Quae  vero  senatus 

3  consulta  video  ?  sed  apertius,  quam  proposueram.  Ego  Arpini 
volo  esse  pridie  Kal.,  deinde  circum  villulas  nostras  errare,  quas 
visurum  me  postea  desperavi.  Evyei;?/  tua  consilia  et  tamen  5 
pro  temporibus  non  incauta  mihi  valde  probantur.  Lepido  qui- 
dem— nam  fere  avvbLrjix^pevoixev,  quod  gratissimum  illi  est — num- 
quam  placuit  ex  Italia  exire,  Tullo  multo  minus ;  crebro  enim 
illius  litterae  ab  aliis  ad  nos  commeant.  Sed  me  illorum  sen- 
tentiae  minus  movebant ;  minus  multa  dederant  illi  rei  publicae  10 
pignora ;  tua  me  hercule  auctoritas  vehementer  movet ;  adfert 
enim  et  reliqui  temporis  recuperandi  rationem  et  praesentis 
tuendi.     Sed,  obsecro  te,  quid  hoc  miserius  quam  alterum  plau- 

"sus  in  foedissima  causa  quaerere,  alterum  ofifensiones  in  optima  ? 
alterum   existimari  conservatorem   inimicorum,  alterum   deser-  15 
torem  amicorum.'^  et  mehercule  quamvis  amemus  Gnaeum  nos« 
trum,  ut  et  facimus  et  debemus,  tamen  hoc,  qiaod  talibus  viris 


1.  Minime  vos  quidem.  Cicero 
means  that  he  had  no  right  to  reproach 
them,  though  in  another  place  he  had  said 
that  as  much  would  be  expected  from  them 
as  from  the  noblest.  Cp.  Ep.  48,  3.  In 
another  passage  (Ad  Att.  7.  17,  i)  he  re- 
marks ironically,  that  they  might  fairly  be 
angry  with  Pompey,  as  the  war  had  caused 
a  great  depreciation  of  property. 

Contujbantur,  '  are  confused.* 

2.  Qjiibus  . .  distingui  posset, '  which 
might  enable  us  to  distinguish  men's  real 
from  their  pretended  sentiments.* 

Quae  vero  senatus  consulta.  I  can- 
not find  an  account  of  any  decrees  passed 
between  Pompey's  departure  from  Rome 
and  Caesar's  arrival  there.  But  probably 
they  were  ambiguous  and  timid. 

3.  Apertius,  sc.  'scribo.' 

4.  Pridie  Kal.,  sc.  Mart. 

Quas  .  .  desperavi,  'which  I  despaired 
of  ever  visiting  again.'  Probably  when 
Caesar  crossed  the  Rubicon  Cicero  feared 
confiscation. 

5.  Evy evrj,  'generous.'  Tfvvatos  is 
more  common  in  this  sense ;  but  cp.  Soph. 
Ant.  38  ;  Philoct.  874. 

6.  Lepido.  M'.  Aemilius  Lepidus  Livi- 
anus  was  consul  in  66  B.C.,  when  Cicero 
was  praetor. 

7.  avvSir}H€p€von€v,  'pass  our  days 
together.*  The  word  occurs  Arist.  Rhet. 
2.  4. 

8.  Tullo.      A  L.  Volcatius  Tullus  was 


consul  in  66  b.c,  and  another  was  praetor 
in  46  B.C.,  and  consul  in  33  B.C.  Cicero 
probably  refers  to  the  former. 

Crebro  enim  .  .  commeant, 'I  often 
have  letters  of  Tullus  forwarded  to  me  by 
people  to  whom  he  writes.' 

10.  Movebant,  epistolary  tense. 

11.  Pignora,  'pledges  of  attachment.' 
Cicero's  past  services  were  pledges  for  his 
future  conduct.  Cp.  In  Cat.  4.  5,  9  '  habe- 
mus  .  .  a  C.  Caesare  .  .  sententiam  tamquam 
obsidem  .•.  voluntatis.* 

Tua  .  .  auctoritas.  Atticus  advised 
Cicero  not  to  be  in  a  hurry  to  leave  Italy. 
Cp.  Ep.  63,  6. 

12.  Reliqui  temporis  .  .  tuendi,  '  of 
keeping  what  I  have  now,  and  of  recover- 
ing in  future  what  I  have  lost.'  Metzg. 
For  '  tempus  *  used  in  this  sense,    cp.   Ep. 

99.  3- 

13.  Alterum  plausus  .  .  in  optima. 
On  the  ace.  and  inf.  as  a  subject,  cp.  Ep.  54, 
7,  note,  p.  322.  Caesar's  vigour  and  modera- 
tion had  won  general  applause  (see  Ep.  59, 
2  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  23),  while  Pompey 
was  blamed  for  not  marching  to  the  aid  of 
Domitius  at  Corfinium.    Cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  7»  i. 

14.  Offensiones  quaerere,  'to  incur 
unpopularity.*  Cp.  Livy  25,  6  *  ignominia 
quaereretur.' 

15.  Conservatorem,  especially  at  Cor- 
finium.    Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  2. 

17.  Talibus  viris.  Domitius  and  his 
comrades  at  Corfinium,  among  whom  was 


326 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


non  subvenit,  laudare  non  possum  ;  nam  sive  timuit,  quid  igna- 
vius?  sive,  ut  quidam  putant,  meliorem  suam  causam  illorum 
caede  fore  putavit,  quid  iniustius  ?  sed  haec  omittamus  ;  augemus 
enim  dolorem  retractando.     VI.  Kal.  vesperi  Balbus  mmor  ad  4 
5  me   venit,  occulta   via    currens   ad  Lentulum   consulem,  missu 
Caesaris,  cum  litteris,  cum  mandatis,  cum  promissione  provm- 
ciae,  Romam  ut  redeat,  cui  persuaded  posse  non  arbitror,  nisi 
erit   conventus.     Idem  aiebat   nihil  malle    Caesarem,  quam    ut 
Pompeium   adsequeretur-id   credo-et  rediret  in  gratiam :   id 
10  non  credo  et  metuo  ne  omnis  haec  dementia  ad  t  unam  illam 
crudelitatem  colligatur.     Balbus   quidem   maior   ad  me   scribit 
nihil  malle  Caesarem  quam  principe  Pompeio  sine  metu  vivere : 
tu  puto  haec  credis.     Sed,  cum  haec  scribebam  v.  Kalend.,  Pom- 
peius  iam  Brundisium   venisse  poterat :    expeditus    enim  ante- 
15  cesserat  legiones  XI.  KaL  Luceria.    Sed  hoc  re>a9  horribili  vigi- 
lantia,  celeritate,  diligentia  est.     Plane  quid  futurum  sit  nescio. 


Cicero's  friend  P.  Lentulus  Spinther.  Of 
Domitius  himself  Cicero  had  no  good  opinion. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  I,  3  'quorum  nemo  nee 
stultior  est  quam  L.  Domitius/  This  charge 
against  Pompey  seems  groundless ;  he  had 
only  two  legions  of  doubtful  fidelity,  and 
some  raw  levies  to  oppose  to  Caesar's 
veterans.     Cp.  Ep.  51,  2. 

2.  Meliorem  .  .  fore  putavit.  Pom- 
pey might  expect  to  gain  in  two  ways: 
bv  the  horror  which  cruelty  on  Caesars 
part  would  excite,  and  by  the  removal  of  an 
impracticable  partisan  in  Domitius.  But 
the  insinuation  that  he  contemplated  such 
a  result  seems  simply  malignant.  ^ 

4.  Retractando,  '  by  handling  it  anew, 

•  by  recurring  to  its  cause.'      Cp.  the  use  of 

*  manus  adferre,'  Ep.  16,  2,  note. 

vi.  Kal.,  sc.  Mart.  =  'Feb.  24.' 
Balbus  minor.  Nephew  and  namesake 
of  the  better-known  Balbus,  mentioned  Ep. 
27,  3.  The  nephew  shewed  great  pride  and 
cruelty  as  quaestor  in  Baetica  after  Caesar's 
death.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  32,  1-3. 

6.  Cum  promissione  provinciae. 
Caesar  might  promise  to  use  his  influence  to 
secure  for  Lentulus  the  administration  of  a 
lucrative  province,  and,  as  Lentulus  was 
much  embarrassed  (see  Ep.  80,  6;  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  1.4),  such  an  offer  would  be  very 
grateful  to  him. 

7.  Ut    redeat,    *on    condition   of    nis 
return.'     Cp.  Ep.  54,  5»  ««^e. 


Nisi  erit  conventus,  sc.  Lentulus.   Cp. 
Ad  Att.  10.  4,  II  'opus  fuit  Hirtio  con- 

8.  Ut  .  .  adsequeretur.  Caesar  might 
wish  to  overtake  Pompey  in  order  to  bring 
him  to  an  engagement,  Cicero  suggests. 
Balbus  probably  meant  that  he  wished  for  a 
friendly  interview. 

10.  Ne    omnis    haec  .  .  colligatur, 
*  lest  Caesar  be  acquiring  all  this  reputation 
for  clemency  with  a  view  to  the  one  act  of 
cruelty   he  contemplates,'    i.e.   the   execu- 
tion   of  Pompey,    which    suspicion    seems 
to  have  been  groundless.     '  SuUanam '  and 
'  Cinnanam '  have  been  suggested  as  emend- 
ations for  ♦  unam.'     For  'coiligere  clemen- 
tiam,'  cp.  De  Amic.  17,  61  '  benevolentiam 
collegere;'  De  Legg.  I.  19,  5°  *  rumorem 
bonum  coiligere.'      '  Clementia  *^  seems  to 
mean  '  a  reputation  for  clemency.' 

12.  Principe  Pompeio.  These  words 
are  not  used  I  think  in  a  technical  sense,  and 
merely  mean  *  while  Pompey  is  the  chief 
man  in  the  state,'  '  under  the  pre-eminence 

of  Pompey.'  ^ 

13.  Puto  (ironical),  •  I  suppose.    Forcell. 

15.  Legiones.  The  two  legions  which 
he  had  recalled  from  Caesar  (see  Ep.  48,  a, 
note),  and  others  of  recruits.  He  crossed 
the  Adriatic  with  five  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III, 
§  2,  note  16). 

T€pas,  'monster.*  Not  apparently  used 
quite  in  this  sense  in  classical  Greek. 


i 


EP.55.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VIII,  ii.         327 

56.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.    VIII.    11). 
FoRMiAE,  Feb.  a;,  (Baiter)  49  ^-c.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  not  so  much  agitated  as  you  suppose,  and  spend  all  my  time  in  studying 
the  portrait  of  a  statesman  drawn  in  my  work  on  the  Commonwealth.  2.  Pompey  is 
not  such  a  man  :  he  only  cares  for  sovereignty,  and  intends  to  assail  Italy  with  the 
forces  of  the  East,  and  to  rule  like  Sulla.  If  he  and  Caesar  had  desired  it,  a  peaceful 
settlement  was  quite  possible.  3.  I  give  you,  as  you  requested,  my  views  of  the 
future.  We  neutrals  have  to  dread  the  vengeance  of  both  parties.  4.  Italy  will  next 
summer  be  the  scene  of  a  ruinous  struggle,  and  I  see  no  topic  of  consolation. 
5.  Caesar  is  well  satisfied  with  me,  and  is  anxious  to  persuade  the  consul  Lentulus 
to  stay  in  Italy.  6.  I  send  you  two  hasty  letters  from  Pompey,  with  my  replies. 
7.  I  am  anxious  to  know  the  result  of  Caesar's  march  to  Brundisium.  Let  me  hear 
what  good  citizens  say  at  Rome,  and  send  me  the  book  of  Demetrius  of  Magnesia, 
upon  concord. 

CICERO  ATTICO  sal. 

1  Quod  me  magno  animi  motu  perturbatum  putas,  sum  equidem, 
sed  non  tam  magno  quam  tibi  fortasse  videor;  levatur  enim 
omnis  cura,  cum  aut  constitit  consilium  aut  cogitando  nihil 
explicatur  ;  lamentari  autem  licet.  Illud  tamen  totos  dies ;  sed 
vereor  ne,  nihil  cum  proficiam,  etiam  dedecori  sim  studiis  ac  5 
litteris  nostris.  Consumo  igitur  omne  tempus  considerans, 
quanta  vis  sit  illius  viri,  quem  nostris  libris  satis  diligenter, 
ut  tibi  quidem  videmur,  expressimus.  Tenesne  igitur,  modera- 
torem  ilium  rei  publicae  quo  referre  velimus  omnia  .^  nam  sic 
quinto,  ut   opinor,  in   libro   loquitur    Scipio :    '  ut   enim   guber-  10 


I.  Quod  me  .  .  putas,  'as  for  your 
thinking.'     Cp.  Ep.  26,  2,  p.  182. 

3.  Cum  aut  constitit  .  .  explicatur, 
*  when  one  has  either  come  to  a  fixed  deci- 
sion, or  can  do  no  good  by  deliberating.' 
Cp.  Billerb.,  Wiel.  On  the  tenses,  cp.  Madv. 
335  b,  Obs.  I  ;  and  on  the  mood,  Ep.  44, 
7,  note. 

4.  Illud  tamen,  either  'facio,'  «c.  Ma- 
mentor,'  or,  referring  to  the  following  words, 
supp.  'itero,'  *I  keep  repeating  for  whole 
days  the  following  words,'  sc.  sed  vereor 
.  .  nostris,  which  Orell.  marks  as  a  quo- 
tation. Boot  removes  the  full  stop  at 
'licet'  and  substitutes  'quidem'  for  'tamen.' 
Madvig  (Advers.  Crit.  2.  236)  also  suggests 
'  quidem.' 

5.  Ne,  nihil  cum  proficiam  etiam  . 
.  .  sim,  Mest  since  I  do  no  good,  I  may 
even  be  a  disgrace,'  i.e.  not  merely  useless, 


but  a  scandal. 

7.  Quanta  vis  sit  .  .  expressimus, 
'  how  great  is  the  nature,  or  character,  of 
the  statesman  whom  I  have  described  care- 
fully enough,  as  you  think,  in  my  book  on 
the  Commonwealth.' 

8.  Ut  tibi  .  .  videmur  :  cp.  Ep.  54,  4, 
note,  p.  320. 

Tenesne  igitur  .  .  omnia?  *Do  you 
remember  what  I  would  have  the  statesman 
already  referred  to  make  the  standard  of  his 
whole  conduct  ? '  For  this  sense  of  '  tenes,' 
cp.  Virg.  Eel.  9.  45  •  numeros  memini  si 
verba  tenerem;'  and  of  referre,  Cic.  De 
Leg.  I.  I,  5  'cum  in  ilia  ad  veritatem  .  .  . 
referantur  . .  pleraque.'  The  passage  Cicero 
quotes  from  the  '  Commonwealth  '  is  only 
preserved  here. 

9.  Nam  =  7a/),  'you  may  remember, 
for.* 


328 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  hi. 


natori  cursus  secundus,  medico  salus,  imperatori  victoria,  sic 
huic  moderatori  rei  publicae  beata  civium  vita  proposita  est, 
ut  opibus  firma,  copiis  locuples,  gloria  ampla,  virtute  honesta 
sit ;  huius  enim  operis  maximi  inter  homines  atque  optimi  ilium 

5  esse  perfectorem  volo.'     Hoc  Gnaeus  noster  cum  antea  num-  2 
quam,  tum  in  hac  causa  minime  cogitavit :  dominatio  quaesita 
ab  utroque  est,  non  id  actum,  beata  et  honesta  civitas  ut  esset. 
Nee  vero  ille  urbem  reliquit,  quod   eam  tueri  non  posset,  nee 
Italiam,  quod  ea  pelleretur,  sed  hoc   a  primo  cogitavit,  omnes 

10  terras,  omnia  maria  movere,  reges  barbaros  incitare,  gentes 
feras  armatas  in  Italiam  adducere,  exercitus  conficere  maximos. 
Genus  illud  Sullani  regni  iam  pridem  appetitur,  multis,  qui  una 
sunt,  cupientibus.  An  censes  nihil  inter  eos  convenire,  nullam 
pactionem  fieri  potuisse  ?  hodie  potest ;  sed  neutri  ukotio^^  est  ille, 

15  ut  nos  beati  simus :  uterque  regnare  volt.     Haec  a  te  invitatus  3 
breviter  exposui ;  voluisti  enim  me,  quid  de  his  malis  sentirem, 
ostendere.     Dpo^ecrTrtC^   igitur,  noster  Attice,  non   hariolans,  ut 
ilia,  cui  nemo  credidit,  sed  coniectura  prospiciens  : 

iamque  mari  magno  ...  * 

20  Non  multo,  inquam,  secus  possum  vaticinari ;    tanta   malorum 
impendet  'lAias.     Atque  hoc  nostra  gravior  est  causa,  qui  domi 

appetitur,  'he  has  long  been  desiring  a 
sovereignty  like  that  of  Sulla/  Cp.  Ep.  6i,  4. 

13.  Eos,  Caesar  and  Pompey. 
Convenire,  sc.  «potuisse,'  'do  you  think 

that  no  agreement  could  have  been   made 
before  this  ?  one  might  be  made  even  now.* 

14,  GKOTtdi;  cp.  Ep.  II,  I. 

17.  npo^ccirtCw,  cp.  Aesch.  Prom. 
Vinct.  219. 

Hariolans,  'under  divine  inspiration.' 

18.  Ilia,  Cassandra.  Cicero  means  that 
he  does  not  claim  inspiration,  but  only 
political  sagacity. 

19.  Iamque  mari  magno  classis  cita 
Texitur  :  exitium  examen  rapit : 
Adveniet,  fera  velivolantibus 
Navibus  complebit  manus  littora. 

The  passage  is  given  De  Divin.  I.  31,  67, 
and  appears  to  be  from  a  tragedy  on  the 
fall  of  Troy,  entitled  Alexander,  by  Ennius. 
Boot. 

20.  Non  .  .  secus,  'not  s^iy  differently 
from  Cassandra.' 

Malorum  .  .  'IA(a?,  'as  many  woes 
as  she  foretold  for  her  country.'  Cp.  De- 
mosth,  De  Fals.  Leg.  387  /m/fwy  'IX«is. 


2.  Proposita  est,  ut  .  .  honesta  sit, 
*is  set  before  him  as  his  object,  viz.  that 
their  life  (or  the  commonwealth)  be  secured 
in  respect  of  power'  or  (Jeans)  Sn  their  pos- 
sessions.' '  Rich  in  material  resources,  distin- 
guished by  fame,  and  ennobled  by  the  prac- 
tice of  virtue.'     On  the  ablatives,  cp.  Madv. 

253- 

5.  Perfectorem, 'author.'   Cp.  De  Orat. 

I.    60,   257   'perfectorem    dicendi   esse   ac 
magistrum.' 

6.  In  hac  causa,  'on  this  question,'  i.e. 
his  dispute  with  Caesar. 

8.  Ille  urbem  reliquit,  sc.  Pompeius. 

Quod  .  .  non  posset :  cp.  for  the  mood, 
Ep.  28,  7,  note. 

10.  Movere,  'to  agitate,'  'ransack'  for 
men  and  ships,  or  perhaps  '  terras '  and 
'  maria '  mean  *  land  and  sea  forces.'  Cicero 
had  probably  received  information  from 
Luceria  of  the  language  held  there  in  Pom- 
pey's  councils.  Cp.  infra,  §  4 ;  and  Ep.  59, 
2  '  nescio  quas  eius  Lucerias  horrent ; '  C. 
Cassius  wrote  to  Cicero  from  Luceria  to 
advise  him  to  be  neutral.     Cp.  Ep.  83,  4. 

12.  Genus  illud  Sullani  regni  .  ,  . 


\\ 


EP.  56.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VIII,  w.         329 

sumus,  quam   illorum,  qui    una   transierunt,  quod   illi   alterum 

4  metuunt,  nos  utrumque.  Cur  igitur,  inquis,  remansimus  ?  vel 
tibi  paruimus  vel  non  occurrimus  vel  hoc  fuit  rectius.  Concul- 
cari,  inquam,  miseram  Italiam  videbis  proxima  aestate  f  aut 
utriusque  in  mancipiis  ex  omni  genere  collectis,  nee  tam  pro-  5 
scrii^\\o  pertimescenda,  quae  Luceriae  multis  sermonibus  denun- 
tiata  esse  dicitur,  quam  t  universam  interitus  :  tantas  in  confli- 
gendo  utriusque  vires  video  futuras.  Habes  coniecturam  meam  ; 
tu  autem  consolationis  fortasse  aliquid  exspectasti :  nihil  invenio, 

5  nihil  fieri  potest  miserius,  nihil  perditius,  nihil  foedius.  Quod  10 
quaeris,  quid  Caesar  ad  me  scripserit,  quod  saepe,  gratissimum 
sibi  esse  quod  quierim,  oratque  in  eo  ut  perseverem.  Balbus 
minor  haec  eadem  mandat.  Iter  autem  eius  erat  ad  Lentulum 
consulem  cum  litteris  Caesaris  praemiorumque  promissis,  si 
Romam  revertisset ;   verum,  cum  habeo  rationem  dierum,  ante  15 

6  puto  tramissurum,  quam  potuerit  conveniri.  Epistolarum  Pom- 
peii duarum,  quas  ad  me  misit,  neglegentiam  meamque  in  rescri- 
bendo  diligentiam  volui  tibi  notam  esse :  earum  exempla  ad  te 

7  misi.  Caesaris  hie  per  Apuliam  ad  Brundisium  cursus  quid 
efficiat,  exspecto :  utinam  aliquid  simile  Parthicis  rebus !  Simul  20 


1.  Qui  una  transierunt,  'who  crossed 
the  sea  with  Pompey.' 

Alterum,  'only  one  of  the  combatants.* 

2.  Vel  tibi  paruimus  .  .  rectiu5,  *I 
answer,  either  because  1  took  your  advice, 
or  because  1  failed  to  meet  Pompey,  or 
because  this  was  really  the  best  course.' 


3.  Conculcari 


mancipiis. 


Ab 


utriusque  mancipiis  perhaps  makes  sense 
with  the  slightest  departure  from  the  best 
MS.,  and  is  the  reading  of  one  early  edition. 
Orell.  suggests  'utrimque  mancipiis,'  which 
would  give  the  same  sense.  *  You  will  see 
unhappy  Italy  trodden  under  foot  next  sum- 
mer, and  by  slaves  on  both  sides,'  i.e.  by 
men  fighting  for  rival  pretenders.  Tacitus 
(Ann.  I.  2)  says  that  after  the  battle  of 
Philippi,  '  nulla  iam  publica  arma,'  i.e.  there 
were  only  struggles  of  individuals  for  empire. 
Wesenb.  suggests  *  et  quati  utriusque  vi 
mancipiis.' 

5.  Ex  omni  genere  collectis.  Caesar 
had  enlisted  Gauls.  Pompey  hoped  to  draw 
large  forces  from  the  East.  Intr.  to  Part  III, 
§  9  ;  Appendix  7. 

6.  Multis  sermonibus,  'in  many 
speeches  of  Pompey  and  his  friends.' 

7.  Universam,  'universae'  (Klotz),  sc. 


'Italiae;'  or  'in  universum'  (Kayser)  would 
make  good  sense. 

10.  Perditius.  This  comparative  seems 
to  be  uncommon  ;  but  cp.  Ep.  105,  i. 

11.  Quod  saepe,  'the  same  as  often 
before.' 

13.  Haec  eadem  mandat.  The  best 
MS.  has  •  mandata,'  sc.  *fert.*  'Gives  me 
the  same  advice.' 

Ad  Lentulum  :  see  Ep.  55,  4. 

14.  Si  .  .  revertisset.  On  the  tense, 
depending  on  'erat,'  cp.  Madv.  379. 

15.  Cum  habeo  rationem  .  .  conve- 
niri, 'when  I  count  the  days,  I  think  Len- 
tulus  will  cross  the  sea  with  Pompey  before 
Balbus  can  possibly  have  met  him.' 

16.  Epistolarum  .  .  duarum.  A  and 
C  appended  to  this  letter  in  the  complete 
editions. 

17.  Neglegentiam, 'carelessness.'  Prob- 
ably Cicero  refers  to  the  haste  and  brevity 
with  which  the  two  notes  referred  to  were 
written. 

19.  Cursus,  'hasty  march.' 

Quid  efficiat.  For  the  tense,  cp, 
Madv.  378  ;  Ep.  50,  3,  note. 

20.  Parthicis  rebus.  Cicero  may  refer 
to  the  recklessness  and  disaster  of  Crassus, 


w 


33^ 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  hi. 


aliquid  audiero,  scribam  ad  te :  tu  ad  me  velim  bonorum  ser- 
mones;  Romae  frequentes  esse  dicuntur.  Scio  equidem  te  in 
publicum  non  prodire,  sed  tamen  audire  te  multa  necesse  est. 
Memini  librum  tibi  adferri  a  Demetrio  Magnete  ad  te  missum 
5  [scio]  ircpt  o^ovolas.  Eum  mihi  velim  mittas.  Vides,  quam 
causam  mediter. 


57.     To   ATTIC  US    (AD    ATT.   VIII. 
FoRMiAE,  March  i,  49  b.c.  (705  a.u.c.) 


13)- 


I.  The  weakness  of  my  eyes  compels  me  to  employ  a  secretary,  and  I  write  briefly, 
having  nothing  to  say.  If  Caesar  overtakes  Pompey  in  Italy,  there  is  some  chance  of 
peace.  The  moderation  and  watchfulness  of  Caesar  have  made  a  profound  impression, 
1.  and  the  country  people  whom  I  meet  care  for  nothing  but  their  private  interests. 
The  mistakes  of  our  friends  have  been  most  pernicious  to  the  common  cause. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Lippitudinis    meae  signum   tibi  sit   librarii  manus  et   eadem  1 

causa  brevitatis,  etsi  nunc  quidem  quod  scriberem  nihil  erat : 

omnis  exspectatio  nostra  erat  in  nuntiis  Brundisinis.     Si  nactus 

10  hie  esset  Gnaeum  nostrum,  spes  dubia  pacis,  sin  ille  ante  trami- 

sisset,  exitiosi   belli  metus.     Sed   videsne,   in   quem   hominem 


or  perhaps  to  the  sudden  disappearance  of 
the  Parthians  from  Syria,  owing  to  the 
intrigues  of  Bibulus.  Cp.  Ep.  42,  3.  Manu- 
tius  thinks  that  the  allusion  is  to  the  slight 
results  produced  by  Parthian  invasions  in 
general,  the  invaders  often  disappearing  after 
making  great  demonstrations. 
I.  Sermones,  so. 'scribas/ 

3.  Frequentes  esse,  sc.  '  boni.' 

In  publicum,  'into  the  streets *  =  *  in 
locum  publicum.'     Forcell, 

4.  Tibi  adferri,  'I  remember  the  send- 
ing of  it  to  you  '  as  a  present  circumstance. 
Cp.  Madv.  408  b,  Obs.  2. 

A  Demetrio.  Demetrius  of  Magnesia, 
a  rhetorician,  who  was  a  contemporary  and 
friend  of  Cicero  and  Atticus.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
4.  1 1,  2  ;  8.  1 2,  6 ;  9.  9,  2.  He  also  wrote 
v€pi  dfiojvvfiQiv.  Cp.  Diog.  Laert.  I.  il, 
38.  The  work  here  referred  to  was  prob- 
ably an  (iridd^is  on  concord,  and  may  be 
referred  to  Ad  Att.  4.  il,  2. 

5.  Quam  causam  mediter,  sc.  *  tueri,* 
•what  part  I  intended  to  play.'  Cicero  might 
find  materials  in  the  work  of  Demetrius  for 
an  argument  in  favour  of  peace  between 
Pompey  and  Caesar. 


March  i.  Cicero,  Ad  Att.  8.  14,  i, 
speaks  of  himself  as  writing  '  epistolas  quoti- 
dianas.'  Now  Ad  Att.  8.  16  was  written 
on  March  4. 

7.  Lippitudinis,  an  inflammation  of  the 
eyes,  generally  with  rheum. 

Manus,  'handwriting.'  If  Cicero's  eyes 
had  not  been  weak  he  would  have  written 
an  autograph  letter. 

Eadem  causa,  sc.  '  Hppitudo.* 

9.  Omnis  exspectatio  . .  Brundisinis, 
*  I  await  with  undivided  interest  the  news 
we  may  expect  from  Brundisium.'  On  the 
use  of  an  adjective  in  such  a  sense,  cp.  Madv. 
300  c,  Obs.  3. 

Si  nactus  hie  .  .  metus,  '  if  Caesar 
has  overtaken  Pompey,  there  is  some  hope 
of  peace ;  if  not,  a  ruinous  war  is  to  be 
feared.'  The  plup.  '  nactus  esset '  follows 
'  erat,*  to  be  supplied  with  *  spes '  as  an 
epistolary  tense.  '  Nactus '  is  not  very 
common  in  this  sense. 

II.  In  quem  hominem  inciderit  res 
publica,  'what  a  formidable  man  the  State 
has  fallen  in  with*  or  '  into  the  hands  of.' 
The  word  is  more  common  in  such  phrases 
as  *  incidere  in  insidias,'  '  incidere  in  manus 


,  * . 


"^r^ 


EP.  58.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   VIII.  15  A.      331 

inciderit  res  publica?  quam  acutum,  quam  vigilantem,  quam 
paratum?  si  mehercule  neminem  occiderit  nee  cuiquam  quic- 
quam  ademerit,  ab  iis,  qui  eum  maxime  timuerant,  maxime 
2  diligetur.  Multum  mecum  municipals  homines  loquuntur,  mul- 
tum  rusticani :  nihil  prorsus  aliud  curant  nisi  agros,  nisi  villulas,  5 
nisi  nummulos  suos.  Et  vide,  quam  conversa  res  sit :  ilium, 
quo  antea  confidebant,  metuunt,  hunc  amant,  quem  timebant. 
Id  quantis  nostris  peccatis  vitiisque  evenerit,  non  possum  sine 
molestia  cogitare.  Quae  autem  impendere  putarem,  scripseram 
ad  te,  et  iam  tuas  litteras  exspectabam.  w 

58.    The  elder  BALBUS  to  CICERO 
(AD  ATT.  VIII.  15  A.) 

Probably  written  about  March  i,  49  b.c.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  entreat  you,  Cicero,  to  do  your  best  to  bring  about  an  understanding  between 
Pompey  and  Caesar.  2.  I  am  much  indebted  to  you  for  dissuading  the  consul 
Lentulus  from  leaving  Italy.  I  wish  he  had  been  more  accessible  to  me  before ;  but 
even  now,  if  he  will  be  guided  by  you  and  return  to  Rome,  all  may  go  well.  3.  I  am 
sure  you  will  approve  of  Caesar's  behaviour  at  Corfinium,  and  glad  that  you  were 
pleased  by  my  nephew's  visit.  I  am  confident  that  Caesar  will  fulfil  all  promises  made 
by  himself,  or  by  my  nephew  on  his  behalf. 

BALBUS  CICERONI  IMP.  SAL. 
1      Obsecro  te,  Cicero,  suscipe  curam  et  cogitationem  dignissimam 
tuae  virtutis,  ut  Caesarem  et  Pompeium  perfidia  hominum  distrac- 


alicuius.*  But  cp.  Ep.  88,  6  '  in  vitupera- 
tores  meos  incidisses.' 

T.  Si  mehercule  .  .  ademerit,  'if  he 
puts  no  one  to  death  and  extorts  nothing 
from  any  one,'  as  we  may  anticipate  from 
his  conduct  hitherto. 

3.  Qui  eum  .  .  timuerant.  The 
country  people.     Cp.  Ep.  47,  4. 

5.  Rusticani,  •  country  proprietors,' 
elsewhere,  apparently,  identified  with  the 
municipales,  or  citizens  of  the  municipal 
towns.     Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  i.  48,  127. 

Villulas,  'their  paltry  farms.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  8.  12  B,  2,  where  Pompey  suggests 
that  Domitius  may  be  hampered  by  men, 
'  qui  te  impediant  ut  villas  suas  servent.' 

6.  Quam  conversa  res  sit,  '  how  the 
state  of  affairs  is  changed.'  The  best  MS. 
has  '  est,*  which  might  perhaps  be  defended 
by  a  passage  in  the  oration  Pro  Sex.  Rose. 
Amer.  43,  125  'hoc  videamus:  eius  hominis 
bona  qua  ratione  venierunt.* 


8.  Nostris,  'on  our  side.'  Cicero  prob- 
ably refers  to  the  hasty  rupture  with  Cae- 
sar; the  abandonment  of  Rome;  and  the 
violent  language  of  the  friends  of  Ppmpey. 
Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§  1-4. 

9.  Autem,  'however,'  though  my  reflec- 
tions are  so  painful. 

Putarem.  On  the  mood,  cp.  p.  200, 
note  on  1.  3. 

Scripseram,  *  I  wrote.'  Ep.  56  is  the 
letter  referred  to. 

Balbus.     Cp.  Ep.  27,  2,  note. 

12.  Tuae  virtutis.  The  ablative  is 
much  more  common  with  'dignus.*  See, 
however,  Pro  Balbo  2,  5,  where  some  MSS. 
have  '  dignum  rei  videtur.* 

Distractos,  'torn  asunder.' 
charged  Cicero  with  fostering 
trangement.  Cp.  Philipp.  3.  9 
10,  24. 


Antony 
this  es- 
33;     2. 


!•' 


33^ 


M.  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  III. 


EP.59.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    VIII,  \6. 


333 


tos  rursus  in  pristinam  concordiam  reducas.  Crede  mihi  Cae- 
sarem  non  solum  fore  in  tua  potestate,  sed  etiam  maximum 
beneficium  te  sibi  dedisse  iudicaturum,  si  hue  te  reiicis.  Velim 
idem  Pompeius  facial,  qui  ut  adduci  tali  tempore  ad  ullam  con- 
5  dicionem  possit,  magis  opto  quam  spero ;  sed,  cum  constiterit 
et  timere  desierit,  tum  incipiam  non  desperare  tuam  auctorita- 
tem  plurimum  apud  eum  valituram.  Quod  Lentulum  [consulem]  2 
meum  voluisti  hie  remanere,  Caesari  gratum,  mihi  vero  gratissi- 
mum  medius  fidius  fecisti ;  nam  ilium  tanti  facio,  ut  non  Cae- 

10  sarem  magis  diligam ;  qui  si  passus  esset  nos  secum,  ut  consue- 
veramus,  loqui  et  non  se  totum  etiam  et  etiam  ab  sermone 
nostro  avertisset,  minus  miser,  quam  sum,  essem.  Nam  cave 
putes  hoc  tempore  plus  me  quemquam  cruciari,  quod  eum,  quem 
ante   me  diligo,  video  in   consulatu  quidvis  potius  esse  quam 

15  consulem.  Quod  si  voluerit  tibi  obtemperare  et  nobis  de  Caesare 
credere  et  consulatum  reliquum  Romae  peragere,  incipiam  sperare 
etiam  consilio  senatus,  auctore  te,  illo  relatore,  Pompeium  et 
Caesarem  coniungi  posse.  Quod  si  factum  erit  me  satis  vixisse 
putabo.    Factum  Caesaris  de  Corfinio  totum  te  probaturum  scio  :  3 

20  quo  modo  in  eius  modi  re,  commodius  cadere  non  potuit  quam 


2.  Fore  in  tua  potestate,  '  will  place 
himself  at  your  disposal,'  will  comply  with 
your  wishes  in  all  things.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
5.  4,  2,  where  Cicero  promises  Metellus 
Nepos  'omnibus  in  rebus  me  fore  in  tua 
potestate/ 

3.  Si  hue  te  reiicis  =  *si  intendis  ani- 
nium  in  banc  rem  *  (Forcell.),  *  if  you  devote 
your  thoughts  to  this  end.' 

5.  Magis  opto  quam  spero  .  .  ut : 
cp.  Madv.  372  a,  and  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  85 

•  hoc  sperans  ut  .  .  uteretur.' 

Cum  constiterit.    *Cum'  almost  =  *si,' 

•  if  he  halts  anywhere.*    This  sense  of '  cum' 
may  be  explained  by  supposing  an  ellipse, 

•  when  he  halts,' — which  is  not  very  likely, 
— '  then,'  and  not  till  then. 

7.  Lentulum.  The  consul  L.  Lentulus. 
v.  infra. 

8.  Meum.  In  another  passage,  Ad  Att. 
9.  7  B,  2,  Balbus  speaks  of  having  re- 
ceived great  favours  from  Lentulus. 

Hie,  sc.  *in  Italy.' 

10.  Qui,  Lentulus. 

13.  Plus  me  quemquam  .  .  qnam 
consulem,  'that  any  one  suffers  more  than 
I  do  at  seeing  a  man  whom  I  love  almost 
more  than  myself,  behave  during  his  consul- 
ship as  anything  rather  than  a  consul.* 


15.  Tibi  obtemperare:  cp.  supr.  1.  7 
•  quod  Lentulum  .  .  voluisti  hie  remanere.' 

16.  Peragere,*  to  pass,"  complete.'  Cp. 
De  Senect.  19,  70  'peragenda  fabula  est;' 
Virg.  Aen.  4.  653  'cursumque  peregi.' 

17.  Etiam  consilio  .  .  posse,  'that 
even  with  the  sanction  of  the  senate,  at 
your  suggestion,  and  with  Lentulus  to  put 
the  question,  Pompey  and  Caesar  may  be 
reconciled.' 

18.  Posse  is  often  used  where  we  might 
expect  a  future.  Cp.  Madv.  410,  Obs.  I. 
This  is  different  from  the  usage  noticed 
p.  26,  note  on  1.  3. 

19.  Totum.  Manutius  refers  this  to  the 
whole  of  Caesar's  operations  at  Corfinium, 
not  merely  to  his  treatment  of  the  prisoners 
made  there.  He  argues  that  Cicero  might 
be  pleased  to  hear  that  Caesar's  promptitude 
had  prevented  the  pitched  battle  and  conse- 
quent bloodshed  which  must  probably  have 
taken  place  if  Domitius  had  joined  Pompey 
with  his  forces. 

20.  Quo  modo  in  eius  modi  re=*ut 
in  tali  re,'  *  considering  the  circumstances.' 

Cadere,  'turn  out.'  I  cannot  find  a 
precistrly  similar  use  of  this  verb,  without  a 
subject.  Cp.  Epp.  33,  2  ;  54,  6 ;  Madv. 
218  b  and  d,  Obs.  2. 


I   1 


\y^  \ 


ut  res  sine  sanguine  confieret.  Balbi  mei  tuique  adventu  delec- 
tatum  te  valde  gaudeo :  is  quaecumque  tibi  de  Caesare  dixit 
quaeque  Caesar  scripsit,  scio,  re  tibi  probabit,  quaecumque  for- 
tuna  eius  fuerit,  verissime  scripsisse. 


59.     To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    VIII.    i6). 
March  4,  49  B.C.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  made  arrangements  for  everything  except  a  secret  and  safe  journey  to  the 
upper  sea  ;  I  must  get  away  soon  to  avoid  detention.  Not  that  I  am  attracted  by 
Pompey,  whose  generalship  is  no  better  than  his  statesmanship,  but  I  fear  public 
opinion,  though  foolishly.  2.  Caesar  is  the  idol  of  the  country  towns,  and  Pompey's 
threats  have  caused  general  alarm.  If  Caesar,  after  expelling  Pompey  from  Italy, 
returns  to  Rome  by  the  Appian  way,  I  shall  go  to  Arpinum. 

CICERO  ATTICO. 

1  Omnia  mihi  provisa  sunt  praeter  occultum  et  tutum  iter  ad  5 
mare  superum ;  hoc  enim  mari  uti  non  possumus  hoc  tempore 
anni :  illuc  autem,  quo  spectat  animus  et  quo  res  vocat,  qua 
veniam  ?  cedendum  enim  est  celeriter,  ne  forte  qua  re  impediar 
atque  alliger.  Nee  vero  ille  me  ducit,  qui  videtur,  quem  ego 
hominem  anoXiTiKisiTaTov  omnium  iam  ante  cognoram,  nunc  vero  10 


I 


Quam  ut  .  .  confieret,  'than  that  the 
affair  should  be  settled  without  bloodshed.' 
For  confieret,  cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  7.  58  ; 
Virg.  Aen.  4.  116;  and  Ep.  98,  I,  note. 
On  the  conjunct,  after  '  cadere,'  see  Ep.  33, 
2.    On  the  facts,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  2. 

1.  Balbi  mei  tuique.  The  younger 
Balbus.     Cp.  Ep.  55,  4,  note. 

2.  Quaecumque  tibi  .  .  dixit.  On 
the  indie,  describing  an  idea  which  is  left 
indefinite,  cp.  Madv.  362  a. 

3.  Scio,  re  tibi  probabit  .  .  scrip- 
sisse, 'I  know,  he  will  prove  to  you  by  his 
acts,  be  has  written  most  truly.'   The  words 

*  re  tibi  probabit  *  may  be  explained  either  as 
a  parenthesis,  or  by  the  omission  of  a  copu- 
lative conjunction,  for  which  cp.  Madv.  434. 
It  would  be  more  usual  to  insert  '  se '  before 

*  scripsisse  ; '  but  cp.  De  Nat.  Deor.  1 .  34, 
96  '  docebit  .  .  ut  .  .  vincamur  .  .  sic  animi 
praestantia  vinci ;'  also  Madv.  401.  Cicero 
seems  to  have  been  annoyed  by  the  tone  of 
this  letter,  and  to  have  distrusted  Balbus. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  15,  3  •  Balbi  Cornelii  littera- 
rum  exemplum  .  .  misi  ad  te,  ut  meam  vicem 
doleres,  cum  me  derideri  videres.* 


6.  Superum,  as  often,  the  Adriatic. 
Enim,  '  I  say  the  upper,  for.' 

Hoc  tempore.  The  lower  sea,  appa- 
rently, was  unsafe  in  spring.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
'O'  17»  3  'nunc  quidem  aequinoctium  nos 
moratur.' 

7.  Illuc,  to  Brundisium.     Cp.  §  2. 
Quo   spectat  .  .  vocat,   'whither  my 

feeling  inclines,  and  I  am  invited  by  the  state 
of  the  case.' 

Qua,  '  by  what  route.' 

9.  Alliger,  'be  hampered.'  Cp.  Pro 
Cluent.  55,  151  'populum  Ronianum  .  .  al- 
ligare  novo  quaestionis  genere.' 

Nee  .  .  ducit  .  .  darparrf^iKwraTOV^ 
'  I  am  not,  however,  attracted  by  Pompey, 
whom  I  knew  long  ago  to  be  nothing  of  a 
statesman,  and  now  have  discovered  to  be 
nothing  of  a  general.*  '  Ducere'  is  not  often 
used  in  the  active  in  this  sense.  But  cp. 
Hor.  Sat.  2.  2,  35  '  ducit  te  species.'  The 
two  Greek  superlatives  seem  to  be  found 
only  here.  With  Cicero's  complaints  of 
Pompey's  generalship,  cp.  Epp.  48,  i ;  54,  4; 
55,  3,  notes. 


334 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  III. 


EP.  60.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  6  A. 


335 


etiam  acrrparrjytKaJraroi;.  Non  me  igitur  is  ducit,  sed  sermo 
hominum,  qui  ad  me  a  Philotimo  scribitur ;  is  enim  me  ab  opti- 
matibus  ait  conscindi.  Quibus  optimatibus,  di  boni !  qui  nunc 
quo  modo  occurruntl   quo  modo  autem  se   venditant  Caesari! 

6  Municipia  vero  deum,  nee  simulant,  ut  cum  de  illo  aegroto  vota 
faciebant.     Sed  plane,  quicquid  mali  hie  Pisistratus  non  fecerit,  2 
tam  gratum  est,  quam  si  alium  facere  prohibuerit ;  /mnc  propitium 
sperant,  ilium  iratum  putant.     Quas  fieri   censes   d^iravT^uHs  ex 
oppidis!  quos  honores!  'Metuunt'  inquies.   Credo  sed  mehercule 

10  ilium  magis :  huius  insidiosa  dementia  delectantur,  illius  ira- 
cundiam  formidant.  ludices  de  CCCLX.,  qui  praecipue  Gnaeo 
nostro  delectabantur,  ex  quibus  quotidie  aliquem  video,  nescio 
quas  eius  Lucerias  horrent :  itaque  quaero,  qui  sint  isti  optimates, 
qui  me  exturbent,  cum  ipsi  domi   maneant.     Sed  tamen,  qui- 

15  cumque  sunt,  aibioiMuL  Tpwa?.  Etsi,  qua  spe  proficiscar  video, 
coniungoque  me  cum  homine  magis  ad  vastandam  Italiam  quam 


2.  A  Philotimo.  Philotimus  was  a 
freedman  of  Terentia,  whose  behaviour  in 
some  money  matters  had  displeased  Cicero, 
but  who  was  subsequently  received  back  into 
favour  by  him.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  l8; 
alsoAdAtt.  5.  8,  3;  7.  22,  2;  7-  23.  ^  5  7- 
24.  Cicero  derides  his  over-confidence  in 
the  cause  of  the  optimates.      Ep.  61,  6  ; 

Ad  Att.  10.  9,  I. 

3.  C  o  n  s  c  i  n  d  i ,  sc.  *  conviciis.'  It  is  more 
usual  to  insert  such  an  ablative.  Cp.  Ep.  1 2, 
3,  note. 

Qui  nunc  .  .  Caesari  (quo  modo 
servit  admiration!,  Forcell.),  'how  eagerly  do 
they  hasten  to  meet  and  court  Caesar.' 
On  this  use  of  'qui/  connecting  two  sen- 
tences, cp.  Madv.  448.  On  the  indie.  '  oc- 
currunt,'   cp.   §  3   of  the    previous  letter, 

note. 

5.  Deum,  sc.  '  Caesarem  ducunt.'  Cp. 
Ep.  48,  I,  note,  for  the  double  ace. 

De  illo  aegroto,  *  for  Pompey  when 
sick'  at  Neapolis,  probably  about  January, 
50  B.C.  Cp.  Veil.  2.  48 ;  Cic.  Tusc.  Disp. 
I.  35,  86  ;  luv.  Sat.  10.  283-286 

«Provida  Pompeio   dederat  Campania 
febres 
Optandas,'  foil. 

6.  Hie  Pisistratus,  Caesar.  A  refer- 
ence to  the  mild  government  which  distin- 
guished Pisistratus  from  the  majority  of 
Greek  tyrants.  Cp.  Thucyd.  6. 54  ;  Herod. 
I.  59-63;  Aristot.  Pol.  5.  12.  Cicero  had 
expressed  a  doubt  whether   Caesar   would 


imitate  Phalaris  or  Pisistratus.    Cp.  Ad  Att. 
7.  20,  2. 

Non  fecerit,  'has,  in  their  opinion,  ab- 
stained from  doing.'     Cp.  Ep.  9.  12,  note. 

7.  Prohibuerit,  the  tense  of  this  verb 
follows  gratum  est.  Cp.  Madv.  349. 
•  People  thank  him  as  much  for  abstaining 
from  harm  himself  as  if  he  had  prevented 
another  from  doing  it.' 

Propitium,  sc.  'fore.'  On  the  ellipse, 
cp.  Madv.  479. 

8.  Ilium,  Pompey.  He  would  be  angry 
at  having  been  so  languidly  supported  by 
the  Italians. 

dnavT-fjffiis,  'meetings.'  See  Polyb.  5. 
26  for  the  word.  '  What  throngs  do  you 
suppose  come  to  meet  him.* 

11.  ludices  de  CCCLX.  The  reference 
is  to  judges  enrolled  by  Pompey  in  his 
second  or  third  consulship.  Cp.  Veil.  2.  76, 
I  ;  Plut.  Pomp.  55  ;  Mommsen  4.  2,  324 
and  325  ;  Ep.  34,  5,  note. 

12.  Ntscio  quas  eius  Lucerias,  *  cer- 
tain threats  of  his  from  Luceria.'  Baiter 
suggests,  'Lucerinas  minas.'  On  the  fact, 
see  Ep.  56,  4. 

14.  Qui  me  exturbent  .  .  maneant, 
•  that  they  should  try  to  drive  me  from 
Italy,  though  they  remain  at  home  them- 
selves.' On  the  conj.,  see  Ep.  34,  2,  note; 
also  Ad  Att.  7.  17,  2  'quis  enim  tu  es  qui 
dicas.' 

15.  alSiofiaiTpwas.   Horn. II.  6.^42; 

22.  105. 


■ 


ad  vincendum  parato.  t  domum  quem  exspecto.  Et  quidem 
cum  haec  scribebam,  IIII.  Nonas,  iam  exspectabam  aliquid  a 
Brundisio.  Quid  autem  aliquid  ?  quam  inde  turpiter  fugisset  et 
victor  hie  qua  se  referret  et  quo  ;  quod  ubi  audissem,  si  ille  Appia 
veniret,  ego  Arpinum  cogitabam.  5 

60.     CAESAR  TO  CICERO  (AD  ATT.  IX.  6  A). 
Early  in  March,  49  b.c.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I  was  in  a  great  hurry  when  Furnius  brought  me  your  letter,  but  could  not  deny 
myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  thank  you  for  your  conduct,  and  to  express  a  hope 
that  I  may  find  you  at  Rome  on  my  arrival  there,  and  have  the  benefit  of  your  support 
and  counsel. 

CAESAR  IMP.  S.  D.  CICERONI  IMP. 

Cum  Furnium  nostrum  tantum  vidissem,  neque  loqui  neque 
audire  meo  commodo  potuissem,  properarem  atque  essem  in 
itinere,  praemissis  iam  legionibus,  praeterire  tamen  non  potui, 
quin  et  scriberem  ad  te  et  ilium  mitterem  gratiasque  agerem,  etsi 
hoc  et  feci  saepe  et  saepius  mihi  facturus  videor :  ita  de  me  10 
mereris.  Imprimis  a  te  peto,  quoniam  confido  me  celeriter  ad 
urbem  venturum,  ut  te  ibi  videam,  ut  tuo  consilio,  gratia,  digni- 
tate,  ope  omnium  rerum  uti  possim.  Ad  propositum  revertar  : 
festinationi  meae  brevitatique  litterarum  ignosces;  reliqua  ex 
Furnio  cognosces.  15 


1.  Domum.  Kayser  suggests  '  eo  deni- 
que ;'  Manutius  •  demum.*  Both  would  give 
the  same  meaning ;  '  in  a  word,  such  as  I 
expect  to  find  him,'  i.e.  *  from  whom  I  know 
what  to  expect.'     Cp.  Billerb.,  Wiel. 

2.  Scribebam  and  the  following  tenses 
are  epistolary. 

3.  Quid  autem  aliquid?  On  the  el- 
lipse of  'dicam,'  cp.  Madv.  479  d,  Obs.  I, 
*  but  why  do  I  say  "something  ?"*  *  I  ex- 
pect to  hear  of  his  base  flight,  and  by  what 
route  and  whither  the  victor  is  returning.* 

4.  Appia,  sc.  via. 

5.  Arpinum,  sc.  'ire.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  7. 
4  •  In  Pompeianum  statim  cogito  ;'  also  Epp. 
36,  9  ;  106,  4. 

6.  Furnium.  C.  Furnius  was  tribune  in 
51-50  B.C.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  8.  10,  ■{,  where, 
as  Ad  Att.  5.  18,  3,  he  is  mentioned  as  a 
friend  of  Cicero.  He  served  in  the  army  of 
L.  Plancus  in  43  B.C.,  and  is  often  men- 
tioned in  the  correspondence  of  Plancus  and 
Cicero,  Ad  Fam.  10.  1-24. 

7.  Meo   commodo,  'without  inconve- 


nience to  myself.'    Abl.  modi,  see  Madv.  257. 

Properarem.  On  the  omission  of  a 
conjunction,  cp.  Madv.  434,  and  Obs.  I. 

8.  Praeterire  .  .  quin  et  scriberem, 
foil:  cp.  Madv.  375  c,  Obs.  i. 

10.  Ita  de  me  mereris,  '  for  you  de- 
serve such  a  return  from  me.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
2.  5,  2  •  ne  cum  veneris  non  habeas  iam 
quod  cures  ita  sunt  omnia  debilitata.' 

11.  Qjioniam,  foil.  On  the  order  of 
the  words,  cp.  Madv.  476  a,  and  Obss. ;  and 
on  the  indie,  after  •quoniam,'  lb.  357  a. 

12.  Consilio  . .  omnium  rerum,  'your 
advice,  influence,  and  aid  in  all  my  mea- 
sures.' On  the  gen.  *  rerum,'  cp.  p.  loi, 
1.  8,  note.  Cicero  comments  upon  Caesar's 
language.     See  Epp.  62,  3 ;  64. 

13.  Ad  propositum  revertar,  *!  shall 
return  to  this  subject.*  Boot.  The  words 
*  ad  propositum  *  seem  to  have  a  somewhat 
diflferent  sense  in  Ep.  105,  2  ;  see  note  there. 
The  meaning  *  to  return  to  the  point'  would, 
I  think,  be  more  naturally  expressed  by 
•revertor'  or  'ut  revertar:'  cp.  Ep.  92,  3. 

14.  Ignosces:  cp.  Ep.il,  3,noteonp.  80. 


33<5 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


EP.61.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX,  7. 


337 


61.    To   ATTICUS    (AD   ATT.   IX.    7). 
FoRMiAE,  March  13,  49  B.C.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  was  cheered  to  some  extent  by  your  letter,  but  have  long  ceased  to  hope  for 
a  happy  issue  from  our  troubles.  2.  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  Peducaeus  approves  my 
conduct.  I  will  follow  your  advice  and  stay  at  Formiae  till  Caesar  has  gone  to 
Rome.  3.  I  had  already  asked  Caesar  to  allow  me  to  be  neutral,  as  you  suggest ; 
but  if  he  refuses  my  request,  I  fear  that  Pompey  will  hardly  be  pleased  at  my  pro- 
posing negotiation.  4.  For  he  intends  to  reduce  Italy  to  obedience  by  famine, 
devastation,  and  exactions.  I  fear  Caesar's  adherents  will  imitate  him,  and  my 
obligations  to  Pompey  will  prevent  my  remaining  in  Italy.  5.  I  give  up  my  hopes 
of  a  triumph  quite  willingly,  and  stay  quietly  in  this  neighbourhood  till  I  can  sail  to 
join  Pompey.  I  regard  his  probable  tactics  with  abhorrence,  but  anything  is  better 
than  witnessing  what  Caesar's  friends  will  probably  do  in  Italy.  6.  I  am  glad  that 
good  citizens  approve  my  conduct,  and  will  enquire  about  Lentulus.  7.  Write  what 
you  can,  even  if  you  have  little  to  say. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Scripseram  ad  te  epistolam,  quam  darem  IIII.  Idus  ;  sed  eo  die  i 
is,  cui  dare  volueram,  non  est  profectus.     Venit  autem  eo  ipso 
die  ille  '  celeripes,'  quern  Salvius  dixerat :  attulit  uberrimas  tuas 
litteras,  quae  mihi  quiddam  quasi '  animulae  stillarunt ;'  recreatum 

5  enim  me  non  queo  dicere.  Sed  plane  to  crvvexov  efifecisti ;  ego 
enim  non  iam  id  ago,  mihi  crede,  ut  prosperos  exitus  consequar : 
sic  enim  video,  nee  duobus  his  vivis  nee  hoc  uno  nos  umquam 
rem  publicam  habituros.  Ita  neque  de  otio  nostro  spero  iam  nee 
ullam  acerbitatem  recuso.     Unum  illud  extimescebam,  ne  quid 

10  turpiter  facerem,  vel  dicam,  iam  fecissem.    Sic  ergo  habeto,  salu-  2 


I.  nil,  Idus,  'on  March  12.' 

3.  Celeripes  .  .  dixerat,  'your  swift- 
footed  messenger,  of  whom  Salvius  spoke.* 
The  word  '  celeripes'  appears  not  to  occur 
elsewhere,  and  perhaps  Cicero  quotes  it  from 
Salvius.  The  latter  was  secretary  and  reader 
to  Atticus.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  13.  44,  3;  16. 
2,  6. 

4.  Quae  mihi  .  .  stillarunt,  'which 
gave  me  a  little  life,  drop  by  drop  as  it  were.' 
Apparently  a  quotation  from  a  poet.  Ani- 
mula  recurs  Ep.  98,  4.  Forceli.  says  the 
diminutive  'usurpatur  vel  contemptus  vel 
blanditiae  causa.' 

Recreatum,  'restored  to  health.' 

5.  rb  ffvv^xoyt  'the  next  best  thing.* 
Manut.  Polybius  (2.  12)  says  of  one  of 
the  provisions  of  a  treaty  to  avvexov  t 
H&kiara    vpds   rovs   "EXXtjvas    SUnivev, 


where  the  words  seem  to  mean  *most  im- 
portant.' 

6.  Non  iam  id  ago  .  .  consequar, 
*  I  am  no  longer  seeking  to  secure  a  pros- 
perous result.*  On  *  id  agere,'  cp.  Ep.  44, 
7,  note. 

7.  Duobus  his,  i.e.  Caesar  and  Pompey. 
Hoc  uno,  sc.  'vivo.'    He  refers  probably 

to  Caesar. 

8.  Rem  publicam,  '  a  '  constitutional 
government.' 

Nee  ullam  .  .  recuso,  'nor  do  I  refuse 
to  submit  to  any  cruelty.' 

9.  Extimescebam.  The  imperfect,  I 
think,  descrihes  Cicero's  state  of  mind  before 
he  received  Atticus'  letter. 

10.  Vel  dicam,  '  or,  let  me  speak  out.* 
Metzg. 


<cJ 


i-] 


tares  te  mihi  litteras  misisse,  neque  solum  has  longiores,  quibus 
nihil  potest  esse  explicatius,  nihil  perfectius,  sed  etiam  illas 
breviores,  in  quibus  hoc  mihi  iucundissimum  fuit,  consilium 
factumque  nostrum  a  Sexto  probari,  pergratumque  mihi  tu  fecisti, 
a  quo  diligi  me  et,  quid  rectum  sit,  intellegi  scio.  Longior  vero  5 
tua  epistola  non  me  solum,  sed  meos  omnes  aegritudine  levavit ; 
itaque  utar  tuo  consilio  et  ero  in  Formiano,  ne  aut  ad  urbem 
aTTavrrjats  mea  animadvertatur  aut,  si  nee  hie  nee  illic  eum  videro, 
3  devitatum  se  a  me  putet.  Quod  autem  suades,  ut  ab  eo  petam  ut 
mihi  concedat  ut  idem  tribuam  Pompeio,  quod  ipsi  tribuerim,  id  lo 
me  iam  pridem  agere  intelleges  ex  litteris  Balbi  et  Oppii,  quarum 
exempla  tibi  misi ;  misi  etiam  Caesaris  ad  eos  sana  mente 
scriptas,  quo  modo  in  tanta  insania.  Sin  mihi  Caesar  hoc  non 
concedat,  video  tibi  placere  illud,  me  7roXtret;/xa  de  pace  suscipere, 
in  quo  non  extimesco  periculum :  cum  enim  tot  impend eant,  cur  15 
non  honestissimo  depecisci  velim  ?  Sed  vereor  ne  Pompeio  quid 
oneris  imponam, 


I.  Has  longiores,  the  letter  mentioned 
in  §  I  as  '  uberrimae.' 

a.  Explicatius,  'more  detailed.*  Ci- 
cero seems  to  have  received  two  letters 
from  Atticus  within  a  short  space  of  each 
other. 

4.  A  Sexto,  sc.  Peducaeo  :  see  Epp.  41, 
I ;  48,  3  ;  63,  10. 

5.  A  quo  .  .  scio,  *I  see  your  affection 
for  me  does  not  blind  you  to  what  is  right.' 
That  is,  Atticus'  friendship  was  free  from 
weakness,  and  jealous  of  his  friend's  ho- 
nour. 

7.  Ero,  'shall  remain  till  Caesar's  re- 
turn.* 

Ad  urbem,  *  near  to  Rome.'  Metzg. 
and  Billerb.  both  translate  *  on  his  way  to 
Rome.'  But  Cicero  did  meet  Caesar  on 
his  way  to  Rome,  and  seems  only  to  have 
wished  to  avoid  needless  publicity, 

8.  dTrdvTTjais,  'my  going  to  greet 
Caesar.'  Cp.  Ep.  59,  2  for  the  Greek 
word. 

Hie,  at  Formiae. 

Illic,  at  or  nenr  to  Rome. 

10.  Idem  tribuam..  tribuerim.  'shew 
as  much  regard  for  Pompey  as  I  have  shewn 
for  himself,'  by  abstaining  from  acts  of  hos- 
tility against  either. 

Id  me  .  .  intelleges,  *you  will  see  that 
I  have  long  been  pleading  for  that.' 

II.  Ex  litteris  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  7  A,  i 
*  de  eo  quod  ad  nos  scripsisti  tibi  consilium 


dabimus  .  .  nos  si  id  quod  nostro  iudicio 
Caesarem  facere  oportere  existimamus,  ut 
simul  Romam  venerit  agat  de  reconciliatione 
gratiae  suae  et  Pompeii,  id  eum  facturum  ex 
ipso  cognossemus,  te  hortaremur  ut  velles  iis 
rebus  interesse,  quo  facilius  et  maiore  cum 
dignitate  per  te,  qui  utrique  es  coniuuctus, 
res  tota  confieret.' 

Oppii :  cp.  Ep.  70,  7. 

13.  Quo  modo  in  tanta  insania,  'con- 
sidering how  mad  a  course  he  is  pursuing." 
♦  Quomodo  *  =  *  ut : '  cp.  Ep.  58,  3.  Caesar's 
letter  is  found  Ad  Att.  9.  7  C. 

14.  Illud,  'the  other  course  referred  to 
in  our  correspondence.' 

iroXiTcvfia,  'a  negotiation.*  Cp.  De- 
mosth.  de  Cor.  p.  263  Kano-qOis  ovhiv  Ian 
TTokirevfJia  (fiov,  where  it  means  '  a  political 
measure.* 

15.  In  quo,  '  in  the  discharge  of  which 
duty.' 

Tot,  sc.  •  pericula.* 

16.  Honestissimo  depecisci.  An  el- 
liptical expression  :  '  to  bargain  for  escape 
from  the  other  dangers  which  beset  me  by 
incurring  that  which  is  most  honourable:* 
cp.  Ter.  Phorm.  i.  3,  14  *  iam  depecisci 
morte  cupio.' 

Ne  Pompeio  .  .  imponam,  'lest  I  give 
Pompey  some  trouble.*  I  presume  Cicero 
means  that  Pompey  was  so  committed  to  a 
war  policy  that  any  proffer  of  mediatiott 
would  only  embarrass  him.  ' 


33» 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  hi. 


liT]  fiot  yopyeirjp  K€<})a\rjp  Beiuoio  ireXapov 

intorqueat ;  mirandum  enim  in  modum  Gnaeus  noster  Sullani 
regni  similitudinem  concupivit.  EtSws  aoi  Aeyo).  Nihil  ille  um- 
quam  minus  obscure  tulit.     '  Cum  hoccine  igitur '  inquies  '  esse 

5  vis  ?'     Beneficium  sequor,  mihi  crede,  non  causam  [ut  in  Milone, 
ut  in  .  .  .  sed  /laec  hactenus].     'Causa  igitur  non  bona  est?' 4 
Immo  optima,  sed  agetur,  memento,  foedissime :  primum  consi- 
lium est  sufifocare  urbem  et  Italiam  fame,  deinde  agros  vastare, 
urere^  pecuniis  locupletium  non  abstinere ;  sed  cum  eadem  me- 

lo  tuam  ab  hac  parte,  si  illim  beneficium  non  sit,  rectius  putem 
quidvis  domi  perpeti.     Sed  ita  meruisse  ilium  de  me  puto,  ut 
axapLorias  crimen  subire  non  audeam  :  quamquam  a  te  eius  quoque 
rei  iusta  defensio  est   explicata.     De   triumpho  tibi  adsentior,  6 
quem  quidem  totum  facile  et  libenter  abiecero :  egregie  probo 

15  fore  ut,  dum  vagamur,  6  irXoo^  inpalos  obrepat.  *  Si  modo '  inquis 
*  satis  ille  erit  firmus.'  Est  firmior  etiam  quam  putabamus ;  de 
isto  licet  bene  speres :  promitto  tibi,  si  valebit,  tegulam  ilium  in 


I.  iiij  fxoi  K.T.K.  Odyss.  II.  634.  The 
words  refer  to  Ulysses'  unwillingness  to  stay 
by  the  Ocean  and  talk  with  more  of  the 
shades. 

7.  Intorqueat,  *  should  hurl  in  my  face.* 
Forcell. 

Sullani  regni  similitudinem,  *a  de- 
spotism resembl'ng  Sulla's.' 

3.  Ei56js,  *  from  certain  knowledge.* 
Cicero  had  probably  heard  violent  language 
from  Pompey  at  Teanum,  or  had  had  such 
language  reported  to  him  from  Luceria. 
Cp.  Epp.  59,  2  ;  62,  2 ;  83,  4 ;  Intr.  to  Part 

III,  §  4- 

4.  Tulit  =  *  ostendit,  palam  fecit.'  For- 
cell. Cp.  Pro  Plane.  I4,  34  *  dolorem  hie 
tulit  paulo  apertius.'  It  seems  to  mean 
much  the  same  as  '  prae  se  tulit.' 

5.  Beneficium  .  .  .  non  causam,  'I 
am  influenced  by  the  remembrance  of 
past  services,  not  by  the  goodness  of  his 
cause.'  *  Sequi '  =  '  spectare  in  agendo.' 
Forcell. 

fUt  in  Milone  ..  hactenus].  If  these 
words  are  genuine,  they  imply  that  Cicero 
had  not  renlly  thought  Milo's  behaviour  [in 
killing  Clodius  ?]  laudable. 

6.  Ut  in  .  .  Manutius  suggests  the 
insertion  of  '  Gabinio.'  Cicero  had  been 
induced  to  defend  Gabinius.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  II,  §  10. 

Causa  igitur,  foil.  Atticus  is  supposed 
to  ask. 

8.  Suffocare  .  .  fame,   i.e.   by  inter- 


cepting supplies  from  the  corn  provinces. 
Cp.  Ep.  62,  2.  '  Suffocare'  seems  not  to  be 
used  in  a  metaphorical  sense  elsewhere. 

10.  Ab  hac  parte,  '  from  Caesar's 
friends,'  and  cannot  therefore  join  them. 

Illim,  'on  Pompey 's  side.'  On  the  tense 
of  *  sit,'  cp.  Ep.  5,  3,  note,  p.  36.  Wesenb. 
suggests  '  es«et.' 

11.  Quidvis  domi  perpeti,  '  to  await 
at  home  whatever  may  come.' 

12.  dxapKTTias,  'ingratitude,'  a  class- 
ical word. 

Eius  quoque  rei  .  .  explicata,  *  you 
have  set  forth  an  adequate  defence  even  of 
such  behaviour,*  i.  e.  of  apparent  ingratitude. 
Cp.  De  Orat.  I.  56,  237  '  utriusque  rei  facilis 
est  et  prompta  defensio.* 

13.  De  triumpho.  The  triumph  which 
Cicero  had  desired  for  his  successes  in  Cili- 
cia,  and  which  he  now  intended  either  to 
renounce  or  to  make  a  plea  for  not  entering 
Rome. 

15.  Fore  ut  .  .  obrepat.  On  the  con- 
struction, cp  Madv.  410.  'Your  remark, 
that  while  we  are  moving  from  place  to 
place  the  favourable  time  for  sailing  will 
come.' 

6  ttXoos  wpaios,  lit.  '  it  i^  fair  weather 
for  sailing.'  The  words  are  introduced  ap- 
parently without  regard  to  strict  grammar. 

16.  Est  firmior  .  .  putabamus,  'his 
language  shews  greater  strength  than  we 
expected.' 

De  isto,  'on  thfit  point.'     Boot, 


EP.  61.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  7. 


339 


Italia  nullam  relicturum.  *  Tene  igitur  socio  ?'  Contra  mehercule 
meum  iudicium  et  contra  omnium  antiquorum  auctoritatem,  nee 
tarn  ut  ilia  adiuvem  quam  ut  haec  ne  videam  cupio  discedere ; 

I  noli  enim  putare  tolerabiles  horum  insanias  nee  unius  modi  fore : 

etsi  quid  te  horum  fugit,  legibus,  iudiciis,  senatu  sublato,  libidines,  5 

j  audacias,  sumptus,  egestates  tot  egentissimorum  hominum  nee 

privatas  posse  res  nee  rem  publicam  sustinere  ?     Abeamus  igitur 
inde  qualibet  navigatione,  etsi  id  quidem,  ut  tibi  videbitur,  sed 
certe  abeamus ;  sciemus  enim,  id  quod  exspectas,  quid  Brundisii 
e  actum  sit.     Bonis  viris  quod  ais  probari  quae  adhuc  fecerimus,  10 
scirique  ab  iis  nos  non  profectos,  valde  gaudeo,  si  est  nunc  ullus 
gaudendi  locus.  De  Lentulo  investigabo  diligentius  :  id  mandavi 
7  Philotimo,  homini  forti  ac  nimium  optimati.     Extremum  est,  ut 
tibi  argumentum  ad  scribendum  fortasse  iam  desit — nee  enim  alia 
de  re  nunc  ulla  scribi  potest ;  et  de  hac  quid  iam  amplius  inveniri  15 
potest  ? — sed  quoniam  et  ingenium  suppeditat — dico  mehercule  ut 
sentio — et  amor,  quo  et  meum  ingenium  incitatur,  perge,  ut  facis, 
et  scribe  quantum  potes.    In  Epirum  quod  me  non  invitas,  comi- 
tem   non   molestum,  subirascor,  sed  vale:   nam  ut  tibi  ambu- 


Si  valebit,  *  if  he  prevails.*  Valere  =  pol- 
lere.     ForctU. 

Tegulam  . .  relicturum,  *  he  will  leave 
no  house  still  roofed.' 

1.  'Tene  igitur  socio?'  'with  you  for 
an  ally?'     Atticus  asks. 

Contra  .  .  auctoritatem,  'if  I  accom- 
pany him,  it  will  be  against  my  own  judg- 
ment and  the  example  set  by  all  the  men  of 
old,*  e.g.  Q,  Mucins  Scaevola,  L,  Philippus, 
and  others.     Ep.  54,  6. 

2.  Nee  tam  .  .  ne  videam,  *  and  not 
so  much  to  aid  the  cause  of  Pompey  as 
to  avoid  the  sight  of  Caesar's  friends 
(horum.)' 

6.  Nee  privatas  .  .  sustinere,  'that 
neither  the  resources  of  individuals  nor  of 
the  state  can  satisfy  the  cravings  of  so  many 
needy  men.' 

8.  Qualibet  navigatione.  Billerb. 
explains  '  by  whatever  passage,*  i.  e.  whe- 
ther by  the  upper  or  lower  sea.  See 
Ep.  62,  I. 

Id  quidem  . .  videbitur,  sc.  '  fiet,'  '  you 
shall  decide  on  the  time  and  mode.' 

9.  Sciemus  enim  .  .  actum  sit,  'we 
shall  know  what  has  taken  place  at  Brun- 
disium,'  and  so  shall  have  no  further  reason 
for  delay. 

10.  Bonis  viris,  in  a  political  sense: 
cp.  Ep.  6,  3.     He  may  refer  especially  to 

Z 


Peducaeus  and  Sulpicius. 

12.  De  Lentulo,  '  about  the  inten- 
tions, or  conduct,  of  Lentulus.*     Cp.  Ep. 

64.  3» 

13.  Nimium   optimati,   'ultra  aristo- 
cratic' (ironical),  or  'too  much  of  a  party 
man  to  be  trusted.'     Cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  9,  I 
'  adventus    Philotimi   .   .  quam   saepe   pro 
Pompeio  mentientis.' 

Extremum  est  .  .  quantum  potes, 
'lastly,  if  topics  for  writing  fail  you,  as  I 
can  well  suppose,  yet,  as  you  lack  neither 
ability  nor  interest  in  me,  write  as  often  as 
you  can.* 

Ut  . .  desit.  'Ut'  = 'although:'  cp.  Ep. 
10,  1,  note,  p.  73. 

14.  Nee  enim  .  .  et.  For  this  combi- 
nation of  negative  and  affirmativejparticles, 
cp.  p.  45,  note  on  1.  6. 

16.  Suppeditat  =  ' abundat.'  Forcell.  sc. 
*  tibi '  Manut. 

17.  Quo  et  .  .  incitatur,  'by  which 
even  my  invention  is  quickened.* 

18.  In  Epirum.  Atticus  was  apparently 
about  to  visit  his  property  in  Epirus,  as  to 
which,  cp.  Ep.  16,  I,  notes,  App.  3,  6, 
alib.  He  can  hardly  have  expected  that 
that  country  would  so  soon  be  the  seat  of 
war. 

19.  Subirascor,  cp.  Ep.  127,  I. 

Nam  ut  tibi,  foil.     Atticus  may  have 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  III. 


340 

landum,  ungendum,  sic  mihi  dormiendum ;  etenim  litterae  tuae 

mihi  somnum  attulerunt. 

62.    TO   ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.   IX.   9) 
FoRMiAE,  March  17  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  received  three  letters  from  you.  and  will  answer  them  according  to  their 
dates.  I  agree  with  your  suggestions  about  my  movements.  There  is  nothing  I  like 
so  much  as  your  letters  of  advice.  2.  I  come  now  to  your  second  letter.  Our  reports 
from  Brundisium  were  false  in  two  points.  I  am  sorry  the  consuls  have  left  Italy ; 
their  departure  makes  war  inevitable,  and  its  beginning  will  be  attended  by  famme ; 
Pompey's  friends  intend  to  blockade  Italy.  I  should  certainly  not  jom  such  a  party 
but  for  my  personal  obligations  to  its  leader.  You  rightly  warn  me  to  shew  a  be- 
coming independence  when  I  meet  Caesar.  I  shall  not  go  to  Arpinum  till  Caesar 
has  passed  by  this  place.  3.  Philotimus  has  been  slow  in  returning  to  you,  Domitius, 
I  think,  is  near  Cosa  as  you  say ;  no  one  seems  to  know  his  plans.  What  a  worthless 
man  is  he  who  says  that  a  praetor  can  preside  at  the  election  of  consuls !  but  he  acts 
in  character.  Perhaps  Caesar  is  anxious  for  my  presence  in  the  senate  as  a  sanction 
to  such  a  step.  May  I  die  first !  4.  You  are  quite  right  in  your  gloomy  anticipations 
about  the  war.  Tell  Trebatius  that  I  shall  be  very  glad  if  he  will  visit  me  before 
Caesar  comes  to  this  neighbourhood.  I  am  glad  that  you  think  of  buying  Phamea  s 
estate  at  Lanuvium  ;  but  fear  that  landed  property  is  very  insecure  just  now. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Tres  epistolas  tuas  accepi  postridie  Idus  ;  erant  autem  IIII.,  III.,  1 
pridie  Idus  datae  :  igitur  antiquissimae  cuique  primum  respondebo. 
5  Adsentior  tibi,  ut  in  Formiano  potissimum  commorer,  etiam  de 
supero  mari,  /^//^ptaboque,  ut  antea  ad  te  scripsi,  ecquonam  modo 
possim  voluntate  eius  nullam  rei  publicae  partem  attingere.  Quod 
laudas,  quia  oblivisci  me  scripsi  ante  facta  et  delicta  nostri  amici, 


been  under  medical  treatment,  and  may 
have  made  obedience  to  his  doctor*s  advice 
an  excuse  for  brevity. 

2.  Somnum  attulerunt,  «have brought 

me  sleep'  by  mitigating  my  anxiety.  Cp. 
§  I  ;  Ad  Att.  8.  I,  4  *  ego  si  somnum  ca- 
pere  possem  tarn  longis  te  epistolis  non  ob- 
tunderem;'  also  8.  14,  i ;  9.  9,  4- 

3.  Postridie  Idus,  March  16. 

4.  Antiquissimae     cuique,    'to   each 
according  to  priority  of  date.'     Cp.  Madv. 

495- 

5.  Adsentior  tibi  ut  .  .  commorer, 

*  I  approve  your  suggestion  that  I  should 
remain  here.'  On  the  construction,  cp. 
Madv.  372  a  and  374. 

Etiam  de  supero  mari,  'also  that  I 


should  choose  the  Adriatic  for  embarkation.' 
This  may  perhaps  determine  the  meaning  of 
'  qualibet  navigatione  *  Ep.  6 1 ,  5  as  = '  by  any 

route.' 

6.  Ut  antea  ad  te  scripsi,  Ep.  01,  3; 
or  perhaps  Ad  Att.  9.  6,  6. 

7.  Voluntate  eius.  *  without  displeas- 
ing Caesar.'     On  the  abl.  cp.  Madv,  257. 

Nullam  rei  publicae  . .  attingere,  *to 
take  no  part  in  public  affairs.' 

8.  Quia  ..  me  scripsi:  cp.  Madv.  357. 
Cicero  might  have  expressed  this,  of  course, 
in  the  oratio  obliqua. 

Ante  facta  .  .  amici,  *the  old  acts  and 
offences  of  our  friend'  (PompeyV  On  the 
use  of  adverbs  with  neut.  participles,  cp. 
Madv.  425,  c  ;  and  on  the  facts  referred  to 
here,  see  Ep.  54,  3. 


<  I  \-j 

111 


EP.5^]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  9.  341 

ego  vero  ita  facio :  quin  ea  ipsa  quae  a  te  commemorantur  secus 
ab  eo  in  me  ipsum  facta  esse  non  memini ;  tanio  plus  apud  me 
valere  beneficii  gratiam  quam  iniuriae  dolorem  volo.     Faciamus 
igitur,  ut  censes,  colligamusque  nos  :  o-o^tarevo)  enim,  simul  ut  rus 
decurro,  atque  in  decursu  ^eVet?  meas  commentari  non  desino  ;  5 
sed  sunt  quaedam  earum  perdifficiles  ad  iudicandum.     De  opti- 
matibus  sit  sane  ita,  ut  vis,  sed  nosti  illud  Atorvo-tos  Iv  KopLvO<a, 
Titinii  filius  apud  Caesarem  est.  Quod  autem  quasi  vereri  videris 
ne  mihi  tua  consilia  displiceant,  me  vero  nihil  delectat  aliud  nisi 
consilium  et  litterae  tuae ;  qua  re  fac,  ut  ostendis :  ne  destiteris  10 
ad  me  quicquid  tibi  in  mentem  venerit  scribere  :  mihi  nihil  potest 
2  esse  gratius.  Venio  ad  alteram  nunc  epistolam.  Recte  non  credis 
de  numero  militum :  ipso  dimidio  plus  scripsit  Clodia.     Falsum    . 
etiam  de  corruptis  navibus.     Quod  consules  laudas,  ego  quoque 
animum  laudo,  sed  consilium  reprehendo ;  discessu  enim  illorum  15 


I.  Ego  vero:  cp.  Ep.  40,  i,  note. 

Ea  ipsa.  The  old  personal  injuries  which 
Cicero  had  suffered  from  Pompey.  The 
previous  clause  perhaps  refers  also  to  Pom- 
pey's political  blunders. 

4.  Colligamusque  nos,  *  and  collect 
myself,'  *  hold  myself  ready  to  carry  out  any 
decision.' 

ao<pi(TT€vct},  'discuss  philosophical  or 
political  controverted  questions.*  The  word 
is  quoted  from  Plutarch  by  Liddell  and 
Scott  in  the  sense  '  to  give  lectures.' 

Ut  rus  decurro,  '  in  walking  about  my 
estate.'     Metzg. 

5.  6i(T€is,  'theses,'  'subjects  for  discus- 
sion.' such  as  are  found  Ad  Att.  9,  4.  Cp. 
Orat.  14,  46. 

Commentari,  *  to  think  over.' 

6.  De  optimatibus  .  .  vis,  'as  to  the 
approval  of  my  neutrality  by  the  optimates 
I    am   willing   to   believe    you.'     Cp.    Ep. 

61.  6. 

7.  Atovvaios  hv  KopivOqt.  A  pro- 
verbial saying,  by  which  the  Lacedaemonians 
are  said  to  have  reminded  Philip  of  Macedon 
of  the  inconstancy  of  fortune.  Cp.  Plut. 
iT€pi  dSoXeax'MS,  p.  511.  Dionysius  II  re- 
tired to  Corinth  after  his  expulsion  from 
Syracuse  by  Timoleon.  Cp.  Ep.  87,  i  ; 
Tusc.  Disp.  3.  12,  27;  Plut.  Timol.  13-15. 
Here  perhaps  the  saying  means,  '  But  if 
Caesar  were  to  fail,  what  would  the  opti- 
mates say  ?'  Mr.  Jeans  thinks  that  one  of 
the  passages  referred  to  above,  Tusc.  Disp. 
3.  12,  27  shews  that  the  saying  illustrates 
Dionysius'  clinging  to  power,  and  hence 
that  the  meaning  here  is  'you  know  that 


they  will  always  care  most  for  their  own 
power.*    This  seems  to  me  far  fetched. 

8.  Titinii.  Q^Titinius  was  half  brother 
of  C.  Fannius,  one  of  the  judges  of  Verres  (cp. 
In  Verr.  2  Act.  1.  49, 128),  and  is  mentioned 
by  Cicero  as  a  friend  (Ep.  36,  5).  The  son  is 
called  Pontius  Titinianus  (Ad  Att.  9.  19,  2). 

9.  Me  vero,  foil.,  *  on  the  contrary,  no- 
thing pleases  me.'  Cp.  'ego  vero'  above, 
and  Madv.  437  d. 

10.  Fac  .  .  ne  destiteris  :  cp.  Ep.  31, 
7,  note.  Madvig  (Opusc.  Acad.  11.  104) 
remarks  *  aut  scribendum  videtur  neve  des- 
titeris aut  sic  interpungendum  post  ostendit, 
ut  per  se  addatur  ne  destiteris* 

12.  Alteram,  that  written  on  the  13th. 
Cp.  §  I. 

13.  De  numero  militum,  'about  the 
number  of  soldiers '  said  to  have  embarked 
with  Pompey.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  6,  3. 

Ipso  dimidio  plus,  *  too  much  by  just 
one  half,'  i.e.  as  3  to  2.  Clodia  had  men- 
tioned 30,000,  and  Caesar,  Bell.  Civ.  3.  4, 
says  that  Pompey  had  taken  five  legions 
with  him  from  Italy,  which  would  number 
25,000  or  30,000  men  probably.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  III,  §  2,  note.  Clodia  was  mother- 
in-law  to  L.  Metellus,  one  of  the  tribunes 
for  50-49  B.C.,  and  seems  to  be  only  men- 
tioned by  Cicero  here  and  Ad  Att.  9.  6,  3. 

14.  De  corruptis  navibus,  'about  the 
ships  having  been  disabled'  by  Pompey.  Ad 
Att.  1.  c. 

15.  Discessu.  On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Madv. 
255.  Atticus  seems  to  have  praised  the 
consuls  for  their  decision  to  leave  Italy  with 
Pompey.     Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  25. 


ii 


) 


342 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


EP.52.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  9. 


343 


actio  de  pace  sublata  est,  quam  quidem  ego  meditabar.  Itaque 
postea  Demetrii  librum  de  concordia  tibi  remisi  et  Philotimo 
dedi ;  nee  vero  dubito  quin  exitiosum  bellum  impendeat,  cuius 
initium  ducetur  a  fame.  Et  me  tamen  doleo  non  interesse  huic 
5  bello !  in  quo  tanta  vis  sceleris  futura  est,  ut,  cum  parentes  non 
alere  nefarium  sit,  nostri  principes  antiquissimam  et  sanctissimam 
parentem^  patriam,  fame  necandam  putent.  Atque  hoc  non 
opinione  timeo,  sed  interfui  sermonibus :  omnis  haec  classis 
Alexandria,  Colchis,  Tyro,  Sidone,  Arado,  Cypro,  Pamphylia, 

10  Lycia,  Rhodo,  Chio,  Byzantio,  Lesbo,  Smyrna,  Mileto,  Coo  ad 
intercludendos  commeatus  Italiae  et  ad  occupandas  frumentarias 
provincias  comparatur.  At  quam  veniet  iratus!  et  iis  quidem 
maxime,  qui  eum  maxime  salvum  volebant,  quasi  relictus  ab  iis, 
quos  reliquit.     Itaque  mihi  dubitanti,  quid  me  facere  par  sit,  per- 

15  magnum  pondus  adfert  benevolentia  erga  illum^  qua  dempta  perire 
melius  esset  in  patria  quam  patriam  servando  evertere.  De  sep- 
temtrione  plane  ita  est ;  metuo  ne  vexetur  Epirus.  Sed  quem  tu 
locum  Graeciae  non  direptum  iri  putas  ?  Praedicat  enim  palam 
et  militibus  ostendit  se  largitione  ipsa  superiorem  quam  hunc  fore. 

20  Illud  me  praeclare  admones,  cum  ilium  videro,  ne  nimis  indul- 


1.  Actio  de  pace,  *the  chance  of  any 
negotiation  for  peace.*  For  Pompey  said 
that  he  could  not  entertain  any  proposals 
while  the  consuls  were  absent.  Caes.  Bell. 
Civ.  I.  26. 

2.  Demetrii  librum  .  .  dedi,  'I  sent 
back  the  work  of  Demetrius  to  you  by  the 
hands  of  Philotimus/  The  book  has  been 
mentioned  already  Ep.  56,  7.  Cicero  prob- 
ably wanted  it  as  a  source  of  common  places 
on  the  blessings  of  peace. 

3.  Cuius  initium,  foil.,  'which  will  be- 
gin with  a  famine.* 

5.  Cum,  'although.* 

8.  Opinione.  Ablat.  causae,  *  from  con- 
jecture.' 

Interfui  sermonibus  :  cp.  Ep.  61,  3. 
Omnis  haec  classis,  *  all  our  fleet.' 

9.  Alexandria.  On  this  and  the  fol- 
lowing local  descriptive  ablatives,  cp.  Ep,  23, 
5,  note. 

Colchis.  The  name  of  the  people  is  put 
for  that  of  the  country. 

Arado.  Aradus  was  in  Northern  Phoe- 
nicia, between  Tripolis  and  Marathus. 

10.  Coo,  ablat.  of  Cos. 

11.  Frumentarias  provincias.  Africa, 
Sicily,  and  Sardinia,  were  the  provinces  from 
which  the   largest   supplies   of  corn  came. 


Egypt  was  still  nominally  independent. 

12.  Qiiam  veniet  iratus  I  sc.Pompeius. 

13.  Qui  eum  .  .  volebant,  'who  were 
most  anxious  for  his  safety,'  i.e.  either  for 
peace,  or  for  resistance  to  be  made  in  Italy. 

14.  Qiios  reliquit,  'whom  he  aban- 
doned '  by  his  flight. 

15.  Qua  dempta, 'for  were  this  removed.* 

16.  Servando, 'by  attempts  to  preserve  it.* 
De  septemtrione.     Boot  supposes  this 

word  to  mean  '  Macedon  and  Epirus,*  which 
might  suffer  from  the  presence  of  Pompey's 
army,  and  where  Atticus  had  land.  Cp.  Epp. 
6,  I ;  8,  15.  Others  suppose  it  to  mean 
•the  north  wind.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  6,  3 
[Pompeius]  '  conscendisse  dicitur  a.  d.  iv. 
Non.  Mart.  Ex  ea  die  fuere  septemtriones 
venti.'  Cp.  for  this  sense  of  the  word,  Livy 
26,  45  '  acer  .  .  Septenitrio  ortus.*  The  pas- 
sage would  then  mean  *you  are  right  in 
supposing  that  this  north  wind  will  blow 
little  good  to  Epirus.* 

17.  Ita  est.  On  the  adverb  as  predic, 
cp.  Ep.  4,  I,  note. 

19.  Quam  hunc,  *than  Caesar,  who  is 
called  *  hie '  as  locally  nearer  to  the  writer 
than  his  enemy  was. 

20.  Illud  refers  to  what  follows :  cp.  Ep. 
5,  9,  note. 


genter  et  ut  cum  gravitate  potius  loquar :  plane  sic  faciendum. 
Arpinum,  cum  eum  convenero,  cogito,  ne  forte  aut  absim,  cum 
veniet,  aut  cursem  hue  illuc  via  deterrima.  Bibulum,  ut  scribis, 
3  audio  venisse  et  redisse  pridie  Idus.  Philotimum,  ut  ais  epistola 
tertia,  exspectabas  ;  at  ille  Idibus  a  me  profectus  est :  eo  serius  ad  5 
tuam  illam  epistolam,  cui  ego  statim  rescripseram,  redditae  sunt 
meae  litterae.  De  Domitio,  ut  scribis,  ita  opinor  esse,  ut  et  in 
Cosano  sit  et  consilium  eius  ignoretur.  Iste  omnium  turpissimus 
et  sordidissimus,  qui  consularia  comitia  a  praetore  ait  haberi 
posse,  est  idem,  qui  semper  in  re  publica  fuit.  Itaque  nimirum  lo 
hoc  illud  est,  quod  Caesar  scribit  in  ea  epistola,  cuius  exemplum 
ad  te  misi,  se  velle  uti  *  consilio '  meo  ;  age,  esto  :  hoc  commune 
est ;  '  gratia ; '  ineptum  id  quidem,  sed,  puto,  hoc  simulat  ad 
quasdam  senatorum  sententias  ;  '  dignitate  ; '  fortasse  sententia 
consulari.  Illud  extremum  est,  'ope  omnium  rerum ;'  id  ego  sus-  15 
picari  coepi  tum  ex  tuis  litteris  aut  hoc  ipsum  esse  aut  non  multo 
secus :    nam  permagni   eius   interest   rem   ad  interregnum   non 


Ilium,  Caesar,  as  more  remote  in  idea 
and  belonging  to  the  other  party.  Cp. '  haec 
classis'  above,  and  Mad  v.  485  a,  Obs. 

Ne  nimis  indulgenter,  sc.  Moquar.' 

2.  Arpinum  .  .  cogito,  sc.  '  ire  ;*  cp. 
Ep.  36,  9,  note. 

Cum  eum  convenero,  *  after  I  have 
met  Caesar,'  whom  Cicero  wished  to  see  at 
Formiae. 

Cum  veniet,  'when  he  arrives*  at  For- 
miae on  his  way  from  Brundisium. 

3.  Aut  cursem  .  .  deterrima,  'or  be 
hurrying  from  place  to  place  while  the  road 
is  very  bad.' 

4.  Venisse  et  redisse,  '  has  arrived  (? 
at  Rome)  from  Syria  and  set  off  again,' 
probably  to  take  command  of  the  fleet,  or 
to  join  Pompey,  as  Boot. 

Epistola  tertia,  written  on  March  14. 

Cp.  §  I. 

5.  Ad  tuam  .  .  rescripseram,  'in  an- 
swer to  that  letter  of  yours  to  which  I  had 
written  a  reply  at  once.'  Cicero  perhaps 
refers  to  Ep.  61. 

7.  De  Domitio.  Cicero  refers  to  L. 
Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  the  defender  of  Cor- 
finium.  On  whom,  cp.  Ep.  l.  3  and  4,  note 
on  p.  29. 

Esse  ut  sit :  cp.  Ep.  33,  2,  note. 

In  Cosano,  •  on  his  estate  near  Cosa'  in 

Etruria. 

8.  Iste.  Perhaps  M.  Lepidus,  one  of  the 
praetors   for  this  year,   and   afterwards   a 


member  of  the  second  triumvirate.     For  aa 
account  of  him,  cp.  Ep.  IC5,  i,  note. 

11.  Hoc  illud  est,  'this  explains  that 
passage  in  Caesar's  letter,'  '  this  is  the  aflfair 
about  which  Caesar  wrote.'     Cp.  Ep.  60. 

12.  Age,  esto,  foil.,  'well,  let  that  pass 
— it  is  a  general  compliment.' 

13.  Hoc  simulat  ..  sententias,  *he 
makes  this  pretence  with  a  view  to  the 
votes  of  certain  senators  *  who  had  pre- 
viously looked  to  Cicero  as  their  leader. 
Boot.  For  this  sense  of  '  ad,'  cp.  Ep.  48, 
3,  note. 

14.  Dignitate,  'position,'  'distinction,* 
Fortasse  sententia  consulari,  'per- 
haps that  which  the  expression  of  a  con- 
sular's  opinion  would  lend  to  his  cause.* 
Klotz  ap.  Baiter  suggests  '  sententiae  con- 
sularis ;'  the  best  MS.  is  reported  to  have 
'sententia  consularis.' 

15.  Illud  extremum  est, 'the last  pas- 
sage is,'  'illud'  referring  to  something  coming 
after  it,  as  often. 

16.  Aut  hoc  ipsum  esse,  'either  refers 
to  this  very  question,'  the  holding  of  the 
consular  comitia  by  a  praetor. 

Aut  non  multo  secus,  'or  to  .«ome- 
thing  not  very  diflferent.'  Cp.  Pro  MiJon. 
10,  29  '  hora  fere  undecima  aut  non  multo 
secus.' 

17.  Nam  permagni  .  .  .venire.  This 
would  be  of  importance  to  Caesar  on  two 
grounds ;  first,  because  an  interregnum  could 


I 


344 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  hi. 


venire ;  id  adsequitur,  si  per  praetorem  consules  creantur.  Nos 
autem  in  libris  habemus  non  modo  consules  a  praetore,  sed  ne 
praetores  quidem  creari  ius  esse,  idque  factum  esse  numquam ; 
consules  eo  non  e  se  ius,  quod  maius  imperium  a  minore  rogari 
5  non  sit  ius,  praetores  autem,  cum  ita  rogentur,  ut  collegae  con- 
sulibus  sint,  quorum  est  maius  imperium.  Aberit  non  longe 
quin  hoc  a  me  decerni  velit  neque  sit  contentus  Galba,  Scaevola, 
Cassio,  Antonio : 

r6T€  /ioi  ^avoi  evpeia  \6aiv  ! 

10  sed  quanta  tempestas  impendeat,  vides.     Qui  transierint  sena-  4 
tores,  scribam  ad  te,  cum  certum  habebo.     De  re  frumentaria 
recte  intellegis,  quae  nuUo  modo  administrari  sine  vectigalibus 


only  begin  when  the  actual  consuls  went  out 
of  office;  secondly,  because  the  interrex 
might  be  hostile  and  influence  the  election 
against  him. 

2.  In  libris,  sc.  'auguralibus  :'  books 
containing  an  account  of  the  rules  of  the 
^ugural  system.     Cp.  De  Dom.  15,  39. 

A  praetore  ..  creari, 'should  be  elected 
under  the  presidency  of  a  praetor.'  The 
isame  thing  is  afterwards  expressed  by  '  ro- 
gari.' 

4.  Eo  non  esse  ius,  sc.  *  a  praetore 
creari.* 

Eo  =•  ideo.'     Cp.  Madv.  256,  Obs.  3. 

5.  Non  sit  ius.  The  conjunctive  is  used 
because  the  passage  is  a  quotation.  Cp. 
Macv.  368  ;  369. 

Ita  rogentur  .  .  sint,  '  are  elected  to  be 
colleagues  of  the  consuls.'  This  perhaps 
was  derived  from  the  original  institution  of 
the  praetorship,  when  the  praetor  may  have 
held  a  position  of  greater  equality  with  the 
consuls  than  he  afterwards  enjoyed.  Cp. 
-Livy  6.  42  ;  7.  i.  According  to  Mommsen 
(Staatsrecht  2.  71,  ep.  176)  the  consuls 
were  called  *  praetores  maiores,'  or  even  less 
correctly  '  praetores  maximi '  after  the  in- 
stitution of  the  praetorship.  The  term 
•  praetor  maximus '  applied  more  correctly  to 
the  dictator.     Cp.  Livy  7,  13. 

7.  Hoc,  'that  a  praetor  may  preside  at 
consular  elections,'  referring  to  the  beginning 
of  this  section  '  qui  consularia  comitia  a 
praetore  ait  haberi  posse.'  On  the  point  at 
issue,  cp.  A.  Gcll.  N.  A.  13.  15,  a  quotation 
from  Messalla. 

A  me  decerni.  Caesar  seems  to  have 
desired  the  sanction  of  Cicero's  judgment  as 
augur. 

Galba.  Orell.  (Onom.  sub  nom.)  thinks 
that  P.  Sulpicius  Galba  is  meant,  and  that  he 
was  now  augur.    He  was  one  of  the  judges  of 


Verres.  Cp.  Ep.  1,1,  note.  Or  the  refer- 
ence may  be  to  Ser.  Sulpicius  Galba,  one  of 
Caesar's  officers  in  Gaul,  but  afterwards  one 
of  his  assassins.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  50  ; 
Ep.  135. 

Scaevola,  Q.  Mucins  Scaevola,  son  of 
the  augur  under  whom  Cicero  had  studied 
law  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  i),  and  second 
cousin  of  the  pontifex  maximus  murdered 
by  order  of  the  younger  Marius.  He  was 
tribune  in  55-54  B.C.  (cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  7), 
and  now  augur.  He  had  been  one  of  Q, 
Cicero's  'cohors*  in  Asia,  and  afterwards 
apparently  legate  of  Ap.  Claudius  in  Cilicia. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  3.  5,  5. 

8.  Cassio.  Qi  Cassius  Longinus,  now 
tribune  (cp.  Appendix  6,  §  5),  and  appa- 
rently augur.  He  was  brother  to  the  more 
celebrated  C.  Cassius  who  conspired  against 
Caesar,  and  whom  Orell.  supposes  to  be 
meant  here  as  having  been  augur  at  the 
time  referred  to.  But  C.  Cassius  was  with 
Pompey  probably.     Cp.  Ep.  83,  4,  note. 

Antonio.  M.  Antonius,  afterwards  tri- 
umvir. 

9.  TOT€  /xoi  x'^*'0'  ^vpua  x^cOi'  1  Hom. 
II.  4.  182. 

10.  Quanta  tempestas  impendeat, 
*what  a  storm  of  danger  threatens  us  I* 

Transierint,  'have  crossed  the  sea  with 
Pompey.' 

11.  Certum  habebo,  'shall  have  sure 
intelligence  on  the  point.'  Cp.  Ep.  128,  l 
•  hiemem  credo  adhuc  prohibuisse  quo  minus 
de  te  certum  haberemus.* 

De  re  frumentaria,  'about  the  com- 
missariat of  Fonipey's  army.'  Billerb. 
Metzg. 

12.  Sine  vectigalibus,  •  without  regu- 
lar revenues.'  Metzg.  has  '  ohne  besondcre 
Auflagen,'  ♦  without  special  imposts/ 


J   • 


I 


EP.  62.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  9.  345 

potest,  nee  sine  causa  et  eos,  qui  circum  ilium  sunt,  omnia  postu- 
lantes  et  bellum  nefarium  times.     Trebatium  nostrum,  etsi,  ut 
scribis,  nihil  bene  sperat,  tamen  videre   sane  velim ;    quem  fac 
horteris  ut   properet ;    opportune  enim   ad  me  ante  adventum 
Caesaris  venerit.    De  Lanuvino  statim,  ut  audivi  Phameam  mor-  5 
tuum,  optavi,  si  modo  esset  futura    res   publica,  ut   id   aliquis 
meorum,  neque  tamen  de  te,  qui  maxime  meus  es,  cogitavi ; 
sciebam  enim  te  quoto  anno  et  quantum  in  solo  solere  quaerere, 
neque  solum  Romae,  sed  etiam  Deli  tuum  digamma  videram  : 
verum  tamen  ego  illud,  quamquam  est  bellum,  minoris  aestimo,  10 
quam  aestimabatur  Marcellino  consule,  cum  ego  istos  hortulos 
propter  domum  Antii  quam  tum  habebam,  iucundiores  mihi  fore 
putabam  et  minore  impensa,  quam   si  Tusculanum  refecissem. 
Volui  t  .NSQ.    Egi  per  praedem,  ille  daret,  Antii  cum  haberet 
venale :  noluit.     Sed  nunc  omnia  ista  iacere  puto  propter  num-  15 
morum  caritatem.  Mihi  quidem  erit  aptissimum  vel  nobis  potius, 


1.  Eos  qui  circum  .  .  .  postulantes, 
•  the  friends  of  Pompey  and  their  immoderate 
demands '  for  taxation,  forced  loans,  etc. 

2.  Trebatium  :  cp.  Ep.  27. 

4.  Opportune  .  .  venerit,  'it  will  be 
convenient  if  he  visits  me  before  Caesar's 
arrival '  at  Formiae.  Cicero  would  be  glad 
to  have  Trebatius'  advice.     Manut. 

5.  De  Lanuvino,  'about  the  estate  of 
Phamea  near  Lanuvium.'  This  Phamea 
was  a  freedman,  and  grandfather,  appa- 
rently, of  the  famous  singer,  M.  Tigellius. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  13.  49,  i;  Ad  Fam.  7.  24; 
Hor.  Satt.  i.  2,  3;  i.  3,  4.  Orell.  Onom. 
sub  nom.  Tigellius. 

6.  Si  modo  .  .  res  publica,  '  if  only 
constitutional  government  were  likely  to 
continue.' 

Ut  id  aliquis  meorum,  sc.  •  emeret,* 
which  Wesenb.  inserts. 

8.  Quoto  anno,  'in  how  many  years 
you  would  be  repaid.' 

C^uantum  in  solo,  'how  much  the  pro- 
duce of  the  soil  is.'  Metzg.  'Res  soli '  = 
♦  quae  terra  nituntur  ut  aedes,  agri,  plantae 
et  ceterae  res  immobiles  quae  solo  coniun- 
guntur.'  Forcell.  Mr.  Jeans  renders  'the 
whole  stock.'  Boot,  following  Manutius, 
thinks  the  words  mean  '  how  soon  it  would 
repay  you  the  money  you  had  spent  on  it,' 
supplying  'posuisses.'  But  the  ellipse  would 
be  harsh  and  the  '  et '  superfluous. 

9.  Deli.  Cicero  visited  Delos  on  his 
voyage  to  Cilicia  in  51  B.C.     Cp.  Ad  Att. 

5.  13,  I. 


Digamma,  perhaps  =  F.  for  *  fen  us,' 
which  may  have  been  written  on  the  ac- 
count-books of  Atticus.  Boot,  however, 
doubts  if  Atticus  would  have  any  account- 
books  at  Delos,  and  offers  no  explanation  of 
the  passage. 

10.  Illud,  sc.  'praedium.* 

Minoris  aestimo,  •  set  a  smaller  value 
on,'  probably  on  account  of  the  troubled 
state  of  public  affairs. 

11.  Marcellino  consule,  i.e.  in  56  B.C. 
Istos,  'those  gardens.'    Cicero's  memory 

seems  to  have  failed  him  here.  For  he  had 
meant  to  buy,  not  the  estate  here  men- 
tioned, but  one  called  Troianum.     Cp.  Ad 

Att.  9.  13,  6. 

13.  Minore  impensa,  sc. 'fore,' 'would 
cost  less.'     Cp.  Ep.  6,  2,  on  the  ablat. 

Refecissem,  'had  restored*  after  it$ 
devastation  by  Clodius.  On  which,  cp, 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  20. 

14.  Volui,  sc. 'emere.* 

.NSQ..  So  the  best  MS.,  Wesenb.,  Boot, 
and  Orel!.,  read  H.S.Q.,  which  Boot  explains 
as  = '  quingentis  sestertiis '  =  about  £ 4500. 
Klotz.  reads  H.S.D.,  which  would  give  the 
same  amount. 

Egi  per  praedem,  foil.,  'I  applied  to  a 
surety  to  pay  the  money,  as  the  proprietor 
oftered  the  estate  for  sale  at  Antium.'  Boot 
thinks  the  passage  inexplxable,  but  suggests 
no  emendation.  Wesenb.  suggests  '  egi  per  * 
praedium  ut  ille  venderet : '  *  representing  a 
name  which  has  dropped  out. 

15.  Omnia  ista  . .  caritatem,  'that  all 


346  M.  TULLII   CICERONIS  [part  in. 

si  tu  emeris.  Sed  eius  dementias  cave  contemnas :  valde  est 
venustum.  Quamquam  mihi  ista  omnia  iam  addicta  vastitati 
videntur.  Respondi  epistolis  tribus,  sed  exspecto  alias  ;  nam  me 
adhuc  tuae  litterae  sustentarunt.    D.  Liberalibus. 


63.    TO   ATTICUS    (AD   ATT.   IX. 

FoRMiAE,  March  i8,  (705  a.u.c.) 


10). 


,.  I  have  nothing  really  to  say,  but  to  converse  with  you  by  letter  is  my  only  .«l.ef. 
,    I  regret  that  I  did  not  follow  Pompey  as  a  soldier  follows  his  general.    I  saw  h.m 
full  of  alarm  just  after  the  middle  of  January,  and  his  subsequent  errors  have  estranged 
me  from  him.    Now  my  old  affection  revives,  and  I  am  eager  to  fly  to  h>n^    Vet 
what  cn>el  threats  he  used!  how  he  appealed  to  the  example  of  Sulla!    3-  H  story 
has  branded  men  who  have  sought  restoration  to  their  country  by  foreign  ad  ,  and 
even  Marius,  Sulla,  and  Cinna,  who  appealed  to  their  own  coun  rymen,  did  much 
harm  after  their  triumph.     But  now  that  Pompey  has  left  Italy  al    seems  changed 
and  I  am  only  anxious  to  hasten  to  his  side.    You  approve  of  my  delay ;  4-6-  I  have 
just  turned  over  a  roU  of  your  letters,  which  I  preserve  carefully.     Your  constant 
idvice  was,  < If  Pompey  leaves  Italy  do  not  follow  him;'   and,  when  I  though    you 
hinted  that  I  had  better  depart,  you  wrote  to  deprecate  such  a  cou^e     7-  Then  you 
suggested  that  I  should  remain  if  M'.  Lepidus  and  L.  Volcatms  d.d  so;  and  they 
hav!  remained.    In  your  other  letters    8,  9.  you  gave  no  hint  that  my  conduct  had 
been  at  all  discreditable.     10.  You  told  me  that  Peducaeus  approved  my  plans_     I 
hope  you  will  defend  my  conduct  before  others,  as  you  approved  ,t  yourself.    We  hear 
nothing  of  Caesar's  return.    Reading  over  your  letters  has  calmed  me  a  good  deal. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

S      Nihil  habebam,  quod  scriberem ;  neque  enim  novi  quicquam  1 
audieram  et  ad  tuas  omnes  rescripseram  pridie ;   sed,  cum  me 
aegritudo  non  solum  somno  privaret,  verum  ne  vigilare  quidem 
sine  summo  dolore  pateretur,  tecum  ut  quasi  loquerer,  m  quo 
uno  acquiesce,  hoc  nescio  quid  nullo  argumento  proposito  scn- 

10  bere  institui.    Amens  mihi  fuisse  videor  a  principio  et  me  una  2 
haec  res  torquet,  quod  non  omnibus  in  rebus  labentem  vel  potius 


landed  property  is  depreciated  on  account  of 
the  scarcity  of  money.' 

1.  Sed  eius  dementias,  foil.,  *  but  do 
not  disregard  his  foolish  extravagance,'  '  do 
not  take  his  so-called  improvements  at  his 
own  valuation.'     In  substance,  Metzg. 

Eius,  sc.  Phameae. 

2.  Addicta  vastitati,  'sentenced  to 
devastation'    in   the   impending   civil   war. 

Cp.  Ep.  56,  4.  , ,  f 

4.  Litterae  seems  to  be  used  here  of  more 

than  one  letter.     Cp.  Ep.  79,  3.  "ote. 
Sustentarunt,  'have  been  my  support. 


D.  =  dedi. 

Liberalibus,    'the    festival    of  Liber, 
March  17.     Cp.  Ovid,  Fasti  3.  7i3- 

5.  Habebam,  epistolary  tense.    Cp.  Ep. 

I,  I,  note. 

9.  Nullo  argumento  proposito, 
*  without  setting  before  myself  any  special 

subject.* 

II.  Omnibus  .  .  ruentem,  'though  all 
his  measures  shewed  a  want  of  firmness,  or 
rather  a  hasty  despair.' 


J 


EP. 63.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX,  lo.  347 

ruentem  Pompeium  tamquam  unus  manipularis  secutus  sim.  Vidi 
hominem  xilll.  Kal.  Febr.  plenum  formidinis  :  illo  ipso  die  sensi, 
quid  ageret ;  numquam  mihi  postea  placuit,  nee  umquam  aliud 
ex  alio  peccare  destitit.  Nihil  interim  ad  me  scribere,  nihil 
nisi  fugam  cogitare.  Quid  quaeris  ?  sicut  h  rots  kpu)TiKols  alie-  5 
nant  immundae,  insulsae,  indecorae,  sic  me  illius  fugae  negle- 
gentiaeque  deformitas  avertit  ab  amore ;  nihil  enim  dignum 
faciebat,  qua  re  eius  fugae  comitem  me  adiungerem.  Nunc 
emergit  amor,  nunc  desiderium  ferre  non  possum,  nunc  mihi 
nihil  libri,  nihil  litterae,  nihil  doctrina  prodest :  ita  dies  et  10 
noctes  tamquam  avis  ilia,  mare  prospecto,  evolare  cupio ;  do, 
do  poenas  temeritatis  meae.  Etsi  quae  fuit  ilia  temeritas  }  quid 
feci  non  consideratissime  ?  Si  enim  nihil  praeter  fugam  quaere- 
retur,  fugissem  libentissime,  sed  genus  belli  crudelissimi  et 
maximi,  quod  nondum  vident  homines  quale  futurum  sit,  per-  15 
horrui.  Quae  minae  municipiis!  quae  nominatim  viris  bonis! 
quae  denique  omnibus,  qui  remansissent !  quam  crebro  illud 
3*  Sulla  potuit,  ego  non  potero?'  Mihi  autem  haeserunt  ilia: 
male  Tarquinius,  qui  Porsenam,  qui  Octavium  Mamilium  contra 


1.  Unus  manipularis,  Mike  one  of 
his  private  soldiers,'  i.e.  without  criti- 
cising his  measures.  This  use  of  '  unus  * 
illustrates  the  derivation  of  an  indefinite 
article  from  it  in  modern  languages.  Cp.  De 
Orat.  I.  29,  132  •  sicut  unus  paterfamilias.' 

2.  xiiii.  Kal.  Febr.,  'on  Jan.  17.* 
This  meeting  probably  took  place  some- 
where between  Rome  and  Formiae ;  Cicero 
was  at  Formiae  on  the  2 1st.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
7.  12,  2. 

3.  Quid  ageret,  *  his  intention'  of  leav- 
ing Italy  to  return  with  a  foreign  army. 

4.  Scribere  .  .  cogitare,  infin.  hist. 
Cp.  Madv.  392. 

5.  Quid  quaeris?  *in  a  word.'  Cp. 
Ep.  7,  6. 

6.  Insulsae.  Insulsus  translate  ' est  in- 
eptus,  insuavis.'     Forcell. 

Illius,  Pompeii. 

7.  Deformitas, 'unseemliness.* 
Nihil  ..   dignum   faciebat,  foil.,  'his 

conduct  gave  me  no  sufficient  reason  for 
joining  him  in  flight.*  On  the  mood  of 
•  adiungerem,'  cp.  Madv.  363  ;  and  for  this 
use  of  qua  re,  lb.  440  b,  Obs.  i,  and  372 
b,  Obs.  6. 

10.  Doctrina,  'philosophy.'  On  the 
sing,  prodest,  cp.  Ep.  34,  6,  note,  p.  238. 

11.  Tamquam  avis  ilia,  'like  the  bird 
in  Plato.*     Cp.  Plat.  Ep.  7.  348  A,  where 


the  philosopher  wishes  that  he  could  fly 
away  like  a  bird  from  the  gardens  in  which 
he  was  detained  by  Dionysius. 

12.  Temeritatis,  'of  my  rash  confi- 
dence *  in  the  possibility  of  peace. 

Etsi,  'and  yet.' 

13.  Quaereretur,  sc. 'a  Pompeio.'  On 
the  tense,  cp.  Madv.  347  b,  Obs.  2. 

14.  Genus  belli,  foil.,  'the  nature  of  a 
war  which  must  be  most  cruel  and  exten- 
sive.'    Cp.  §  3. 

16.  Quae  minae  .  .  remansissent  I 
*  what  threats  were  uttered  against  the 
country  towns  I  against  good  patriots  indi- 
vidually !  in  a  word,  against  all  who  should 
remain  ! '  On  the  plup.  '  remansissent/  cp. 
Ep.  56,  5.  note. 

Nominatim:  cp.  Ad  Att.  II.  7»  3  *ut 
me  exciperet  et  Laelium  nominatim.'  With 
the  general  sense  of  the  passage,  cp.  Epp. 
56,  2;  62,  2. 

18.  Sulla  potuit,  sc.  'armis  recuperare 
rem  publicam.'  Matth.  Pompey  probably 
hoped  to  imitate  Sulla's  victorious  return 
from  the  East. 

Mihi  .  .  haeserunt  ilia,  'I  could  not 
get  rid  of  the  following  thoughts.'  *  Haerere ' 
=  *insidere,'  'infixum  esse.'  Forcell.  Oa 
the  dat.,  cp.  Madv.  241,  and  §  4  below. 
'  In  mente '  is  often  added  to  the  dative. 

19.  Male,  sc' fecit.'  Cp.  p.  70,  note  on  1. 7. 


348 


M,  TULLII  CICERO NIS 


[part  in. 


patriam,  impie  Coriolanus,  qui  auxilium  petilt  a  Volscis,  recte 
Themistocles,  qui  mori  maluit,  nefarius  Hippias,  Pisistrati  filius, 
qui  in  Marathonia  pugna  cecidit  arma  contra  patriam  ferens. 
At  Sulla,  at  Marius,  at  Cinna  recte.     Immo  iure  fortasse ;  sed 

5  quid  eorum  victoria  crudelius  ?  quid  funestius  ?  Huius  belli  genus 
fugi,  et  eo  magis,  quod  crudeliora  etiam  cogitari  et  parari  vide- 
bam.  Me,  quern  non  nulli  conservatorem  istius  urbis,  quern 
parentem  esse  dixerunt,  Getarum  et  Armeniorum  et  Colchorum 
copias  ad  earn  adducere?   me  meis  civibus  famem,  vastitatem 

10  inferre  Italiae?  Hunc  primum  mortalem  esse,  deinde  etiam  multis 
modis  posse  exstingui  cogitabam,  urbem  autem  et  populum  nos- 
trum servandum  ad  immortalitatem,  quantum  in  nobis  esset, 
putabam,  et  tamen  spes  quaedam  me  oblectabat  fore,  ut  aliquid 
conveniret  potius,  quam  aut  hie  tantum  sceleris  aut  ille  tantum 

15  flagitii  admitteret.  Alia  res  nunc  tota  est,  alia  mens  mea  :  sol, 
ut  est  in  tua  quadam  epistola,  excidisse  mihi  e  mundo  videtur. 
Ut  aegroto,  dum  anima  est,  spes  esse  dicitur,  sic  ego,  quoad 
Pompeius  in  Italia  fuit,  sperare  non  destiti :  haec  me  fefellerunt, 


\ 


Mamilium  contra  patriam,  sc.  *  con- 
citavit.'  Wesenb.  puts  *  after  •patriam/ 
and  thinks  that  •  arcessivit,'  or  some  similar 
verb,  has  dropped  out. 

3.  Cecidit.  Justin.  (2.  9)  says  that 
Hippias  fell  at  Marathon;  Herodotus  and 
Thucydides  say  nothing  on  the  subject. 

4.  At  Sulla,  'yes,  but  Sulla.'  Cp.  Madv. 
437  c.    I  have  adopted  Boot's  punctuation. 

Cinna.  L.  Cornelius  Cinna.  consul  87- 
84  B  c.  For  his  history,  cp.  Livy,  Epitt. 
79-83;  Veil.  2.  20-24;  and  for  that  of 
Sulla,  Livy,  Epitt.  77-90.  and  Plutarch's  life. 

Recte,  sc.  'arma  contra  patriam  tulit/ 
*  Recte,'  sometimes  =  *utiliter,'  *  as  their 
interests  demanded.'     Forcell. 

Immo  iure  fortasse,  *  nay,  perhaps 
they  had  right  on  their  side.'  Cp.  Madv. 
454.  Boot,  however,  following  Manutius, 
thinks  that  '  recte '  conveys  more  approba- 
tion than  *  iure,'  and  that  Cicero  means, 
*they  did  not  do  rightly,  though  perhaps 
there  was  some  justification  for  them.'  On 
the  meaning  of  '  patria,'  cp.  Ep.  7,  3,  note. 
Mr.  Jeans  renders  '  iure  *  *  right  in  principle,' 
i.e.  in  not  appealing  to  foreign  invaders. 
He  thinks  that  'recte'  conveys  stronger 
approbation  than  *  iure.' 

5.  Huius  belli  genus,  *a  war  of  this 
kind.'     Cp.  §  2. 

6    Crudeliora,  'worse  atrocities  '  than 
had  marked  earher  struggles. 


7.  Me  .  .  adducere?   'was  I  to  lead? 
Cp.  Ep.  12,  I,  note,  on  the  construction. 

Non  nulli:  Cato,  Plut.  Cic.  23 ;  Pom- 
pey,  Cic.  Philipp.  2.  5,  12;  Catulus,  Pro 
Sest.  57,  121. 

8.  Getarum,  foil.  The  rudest  tribes  of 
the  East  are  mentioned  on  purpose,  and  the 
campaigns  of  Ponipey  in  the  East  may  have 
given  him  great  influence  with  them. 

10.  Hunc,  i.e.  Pompey.  Matth.,  who 
thinks  Cicero  is  excusing  himself  for  prefer- 
ring his  country  to  a  friend.  Manutius, 
in  one  note  seems  to  think  that  Pompey, 
in  another  that  Caesar  is  referred  to. 

12.  Quantum  in  nobis  esset, 'so  far 
as  in  me  lay.'  Cp.  Madv.  364,  Obs.  2,  on 
the  mood. 

13.  Et  tamen,  'moreover.'     Metzg. 

14.  Hie,  sc.  Caesar. 

Tantum  sceleris,  'so  great  a  crime*  as 
attempting  to  usurp  sovereignty. 

Ille,  Pompey. 

Tantum  .  .  flagitii,  'such  a  scandalous 
enormity '  as  employing  barbarians  to  rav- 
age Italy.  Forcell.  defines  '  flagitium  '  as 
*  quodvis  facinus  cum  dedecore  infamiaque 
coniunctum.*  Boot  and  Matthiae  give  the 
sense  of  the  passage  as  I  have  given  it, 

15.  Alia  :  cp.  Ep.  47,  4. 

16.  Ut  est :  cp.  Ep.  55,  i,  note. 

18.  Haec  me  fefellerunt,  'these  anti- 
cipations deceived  me.' 


';>' 


EP.63.J      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  lo.  349 

et,  ut  verum  loquar,  aetas  iam  a  diuturnis  laboribus  devexa  ad 
otium  domesticarum  me  rerum  delectatione  mollivit.  Nunc,  si 
vel  periculose  experiundum  erit,  experiar  certe,  ut  hinc  avolem. 
Ante  oportuit  fortasse;  sed  ea,  quae  scripsi,  me  tardarunt  et 

4  auctoritas   maxime   tua.     Nam  cum   ad  hunc  locum  venissem,  5 
evolvi  volumen  epistolarum  tuarum,  quod  ego  sub  signo  habeo 
servoque  diligentissime.     Erat  igitur  in  ea,  quam  x.  K.  Febr. 
dederas,  hoc  modo :  *sed  videamus,  et   Gnaeus  quid   agat   et 
illius  rationes   quorsum  fluant :   quod  si  iste  Italiam  relinquet, 
faciet   omnino  male   et,  ut   ego  existimo,  aKoyiarm  :    sed   tum  10 
demum  consilia  nostra  commutanda  erunt.'     Hoc   scribis  post 
diem    quartum,  quam   ab   urbe   discessimus.     Deinde  VIII.  K. 
Febr. :    '  tantum   modo   Gnaeus  noster  ne,  ut  urbem  dAoytWcos 
reliq.  ^t,  sic  Italiam  relinquat.'     Eodem  die  das  alteras  litteras, 
quibus  mihi  consulenti  planissime  respondes ;  est  enim.  sic  :  '  sed  15 
venio  ad  consultationem  tuam.    Si  Gnaeus  Italia  cedit,  in  urbem 
redeundum  puto  ;   quae  enim  finis  peregrinationis  ?'    Hoc  mihi 
plane  haesit,  et  nunc  ita  video,  infinitum  bellum  iunctum  miser- 

5  rima  fuga,  quam  tu  peregrinationem  vTioKopiCy.    Sequitur  XP^^I^^^ 


1.  Devexa  ad  otium,  'declining  to- 
wards a  peaceful  evening.'  There  is  a  com- 
bination of  two  thoughts— •  declining  to  its 
evening,'  and  '  disposed  for  rest ' — which 
makes  the  passage  difficult. 

2.  Domesticarum  .  .  delectatione, 
*  the  pleasure  arising  from  my  domestic  life.' 
On  the  gen.,  cp.  Ep.  4,  2,  note. 

3.  Experiar    ut    avolem:    cp.  Madv. 

372  a. 

4.  Oportuit :  cp.  Ep.4,  l,  note,  on  the 

mood. 

Ea,  quae  scripsi,  '  the  reasons  I  have 
written.' 

5.  Cum  .  .  venissem,  'when  1  had 
written  thus  far.'     Metzg. 

6.  Volumen,  'the  roll,'  'collection' of 
your  letters  =  *  quia  unum  quasi  corpus  con- 
ficiunt.'     Forcell. 

7.  Erat :  cp.  '  ut  est,'  above. 
x.K  Febr., 'Jan.  21.' 

9.  Illius  .  .  fluant,  '  at  what  Caesar's 
plans  aim.'     '  Fluere '  =• '  spectare.'    Forcell. 

I  ste,  Pompeius. 

10.  dKoyiaTOJSf  'unreasonably.*  The 
adverb  seems  rare. 

Tum  demum  .  .  erunt,  'it  will  be 
only  then  that  we  shall  have  to  change  our 
plans.' 

11.  Post  diem  quartum.  Ciceroseems, 


then,    to  have   left   the  neighbourhood   of 
Rome  on  Jan.  1 7. 

13.  Tantum  modo  .  .  relinquat,  'pro- 
vided only  that  Pompey  do  not  leave  Italy 
as  he  has  left  Rome.*  '  'Tantum  niodo  '« 
♦  dum  modo.'     Forcell. 

15.  Est  enim  sic  (cp.  §  i),  'it  runs  as 

follows.' 

16.  Consultationem  tuam,  '  the  point 
on  which  you  consult  me.'  Metzg.  *  Con- 
sult atio'=' actus  petendi  consilii.*  Forcell. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  12,  4,  for  Cicero's  question. 

Italia.  On  this  ablat.  cp.  Madv.  262  ; 
Zumpt,  468. 

17.  Quae  enim,  sc.  'esset  si  eum  seque- 

remur.' 

18.  Haesit,  'made  a  deep  impression  on 

me.*     Cp.  §  3. 

Ita  video,  sc.  'fore,'  'I  foresee  the  fol- 
lowing result.' 

Infinitum  bellum,  sc.  'fore,*  For  a 
similar  ellipse  cp.Epp. 1 5,10,  note;  59,  2, note. 

Iunctum  miserrima  fuga:  cp.  De 
Orat.  2.  58,  237  'insignis  injprobitas  et 
scekre  iuncta,' 

19.  Peregrinationem,  'as  a  tour,*  're- 
sidence abroad.* 

vvoKopiCv^  'call  euphemistically,*  'gloss 
over.'     Liddell  and  Scott. 

X/)i?o'/*os>  'prophecy.* 


348 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  ill. 


patriam,  impie  Coriolanus,  qui  auxilium  petiit  a  Volscis,  recte 
Themistocles,  qui  mori  maluit,  nefarius  Hippias,  Pisistrati  filius, 
qui  in  Marathonia  pugna  cecidit  arma  contra  patriam  ferens. 
At  Sulla,  at  Marius,  at  Cinna  recte.     Immo  iure  fortasse ;  sed 

5  quid  eorum  victoria  crudelius  ?  quid  funestius  ?  Huius  belli  genus 
fugi,  et  eo  magis,  quod  crudeliora  etiam  cogitari  et  parari  vide- 
bam.  Me,  quern  non  nulli  conservatorem  istius  urbis,  quern 
parentem  esse  dixerunt,  Getarum  et  Armeniorum  et  Colchorum 
copias  ad  earn  adducere?   me  meis  civibus  famem,  vastitatem 

lo  inferre  Italiae  ?  Hunc  primum  mortalem  esse,  deinde  etiam  multis 
modis  posse  exstingui  cogitabam,  urbem  autem  et  populum  nos- 
trum servandum  ad  immortalitatem,  quantum  in  nobis  esset, 
putabam,  et  tamen  spes  quaedam  me  oblectabat  fore,  ut  aliquid 
conveniret  potius,  quam  aut  hie  tantum  sceleris  aut  ille  tantum 

15  flagitii  admitteret.  Alia  res  nunc  tota  est,  alia  mens  mea :  sol, 
ut  est  in  tua  quadam  epistola,  excidisse  mihi  e  mundo  videtur. 
Ut  aegroto,  dum  anima  est,  spes  esse  dicitur,  sic  ego,  quoad 
Pompeius  in  Italia  fuit,  sperare  non  destiti :  haec  me  fefellerunt, 


Mamilium  contra  patriam,  sc.  *con- 
citavit.'  Wesenb.  puts  *  after  'patriam/ 
and  thinks  that  '  arcessivit,'  or  some  similar 
verb,  has  dropped  out. 

3.  Cecidit.  Justin.  (2.  9)  says  that 
Hippias  fell  at  Marathon;  Herodotus  and 
Thucydides  say  nothing  on  the  subject. 

4.  At  Sulla,  'yes,  but  Sulla.'  Cp.  Madv. 
437  c.    I  have  adopted  Boot's  punctuation. 

Cinna.  L.  Cornelius  Cinna,  consul  87- 
84  BC.  For  his  history,  cp.  Livy,  Epitt. 
79-83;  Veil.  2.  20-24;  and  for  that  of 
Sulla,'  Liry,  Epitt.  77-90.  and  Plutarch's  life. 

Recte,  sc.  'arma  contra  patriam  tulit.' 
*  Recte,'  sometimes  =  *utiliter,'  *  as  their 
interests  demanded.'     Forcell. 

Immo  iure  fortasse,  'nay,  perhaps 
they  had  right  on  their  side.'  Cp.  Madv. 
454.  Boot,  however,  following  Manutius, 
thinks  that  '  recte '  conveys  more  approba- 
tion than  •  iure,'  and  that  Cicero  means, 
*they  did  not  do  rightly,  though  perhaps 
there  was  some  justification  for  them.'  On 
the  meaning  of  '  patria,'  cp.  Ep.  7,  3,  note. 
Mr.  Jeans  renders  '  iure '  *  right  in  principle,* 
i.e.  in  not  appealing  to  foreign  invaders. 
He  thinks  that  'recte'  conveys  stronger 
approbation  than  '  iure.* 

5.  Huius  belli  genus,  'a  war  of  this 
kind.'     Cp.  §  2. 

6    Crudeliora,  *  worse  atrocities  '  than 
had  marked  earlier  struggles. 


7.  Me  .  .  adducere?   'was  I  to  lead? 
Cp.  Ep.  12,  I,  note,  on  the  construction. 

Non  nulli:  Cato,  Plut.  Cic.  23;  Pom- 
pey,  Cic.  Philipp.  2.  5,  12;  Catulus,  Pro 
Best.  57,  121. 

8.  Getarum,  foil.  The  rudest  tribes  of 
the  East  are  mentioned  on  purpose,  and  the 
campaigns  of  Pompey  in  the  East  may  have 
given  him  great  influence  with  them. 

10.  Hunc,  i.e.  Pompey.  Matth.,  who 
thinks  Cicero  is  excusing  himself  for  prefer- 
ring his  country  to  a  friend.  Manutius, 
in  one  note  seems  to  think  that  Pompey, 
in  another  that  Caesar  is  referred  to. 

12.  Quantum  in  nobis  esset, 'so  far 
as  in  me  lay.'  Cp.  Madv.  364,  Obs.  2,  on 
the  mood. 

13.  Et  tamen,  'moreover.'     Metzg. 

14.  Hie,  sc.  Caesar. 

Tantum  sceleris,  *  so  great  a  crime*  as 
attempting  to  usurp  sovereignty. 

Ille,  Pompey. 

Tantum  .  .  flagitii,  'such  a  scandalous 
enormity '  as  employing  barbarians  to  rav- 
age Italy.  Forcell.  defines  '  flagitium  '  as 
*  quodvis  faciitus  cum  dedecore  infamiaque 
coniunctum.'  Boot  and  Matthiae  give  the 
sense  of  the  passage  as  I  have  given  it. 

15.  Alia  :  cp.  Ep.  47,  4. 

16.  Ut  est :  cp.  Ep.  55,  i,  note. 

18.  Haec  me  fefellerunt,  'these  anti- 
cipations deceived  me.' 


VI 


H 

«M 


EP.53.J      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX,  lo.  349 

et,  ut  verum  loquar,  aetas  lam  a  diuturnis  laboribus  devexa  ad 
otium  domesticarum  me  rerum  delectatione  mollivit.  Nunc,  si 
vel  periculose  experiundum  erit,  experiar  certe,  ut  hinc  avolem. 
Ante  oportuit  fortasse;  sed  ea,  quae  scripsi,  me  tardarunt  et 

4  auctoritas   maxime   tua.     Nam  cum   ad  hunc  locum  venissem,  5 
evolvi  volumen  epistolarum  tuarum,  quod  ego  sub  signo  habeo 
servoque  diligentissime.     Erat  igitur  in  ea,  quam  X.  K.  Febr. 
dederas,  hoc  modo:  'sed  videamus,  et   Gnaeus  quid   agat   et 
illius  rationes   quorsum  fluant :   quod  si  iste  Italiam  relinquet, 
faciet   omnino  male   et,  ut   ego  existimo,  ^oyiar^s  :    sed   tum  10 
demum  consilia  nostra  commutanda  erunt/     Hoc   scribis  post 
diem    quartum,  quam   ab   urbe   discessimus.     Deinde  VIIL  K. 
Febr. :    '  tantum   modo   Gnaeus  noster  ne,  ut  urbem  dAoyiWcos 
reliquit,  sic  Italiam  relinquat.'     Eodem  die  das  alteras  litteras, 
quibus  mihi  consulenti  planissime  respondes  ;  est  enim.  sic  :  *  sed  15 
venio  ad  consultationem  tuam.    Si  Gnaeus  Italia  cedit,  in  urbem 
redeundum  puto  ;   quae  enim  finis  peregrinationis  ?'    Hoc  mihi 
plane  haesit,  et  nunc  ita  video,  infinitum  bellum  iunctum  miser- 

5  rima  fuga,  quam  tu  peregrinationem  vr.oKopiCri.    Sequitur  xpr](T\ios 


1.  Devexa  ad  otium,  'declining  to- 
wards a  peaceful  evening.'  There  is  a  com- 
bination of  two  thoughts— •  declining  to  its 
evening,'  and  '  disposed  for  rest ' — which 
makes  the  passage  difficult. 

2.  Domesticarum  .  .  delectatione, 
*  the  pleasure  arising  from  my  domestic  life.* 
On  the  gen.,  cp.  Ep.  4,  2,  note. 

3.  Experiar    ut    avolem:    cp.  Madv. 

372  a. 

4.  Oportuit :  cp.  Ep.  4,  i,  note,  on  the 

mood. 

Ea,  quae   scripsi,  'the  reasons  I  have 

written.' 

5.  Cum  .  .  venissem,  'when  1  had 
written  thus  far.'     Metzg. 

6.  Volumen,  *  the  roll,*  '  collection  *  of 
your  letters  = '  quia  unum  quasi  corpus  con- 
ficiunt.'     Forcell. 

7.  Erat :  cp.  '  ut  est,'  above. 
X.  K  Febr.,  'Jan.  21.' 

9.  Illius  .  .  fluant,  '  at  what  Caesar's 
plans  aim.'     '  Fluere '  =- '  spectare.'    Forcell. 

I  ste,  Pompeius. 

10.  dXo7t(rTcus,  'unreasonably.*  The 
adverb  seems  rare. 

Tum  demum  .  .  erunt,  *it  will  be 
only  then  that  we  shall  have  to  change  our 
plans.* 

11.  Post  diem  quartum.  Cicero  seems, 


then,  to  have  left  the  neighbourhood  of 
Rome  on  Jan.  17. 

13.  Tantum  modo  .  .  relinquat,  'pro- 
vided only  that  Pompey  do  not  leave  Italy 
as  he  has  left  Rome.'  *  Tantum  modo  '  = 
'  dum  modo.*     Forcell. 

15.  Est  enim  sic  (cp.  §  i),  *it  runs  as 

follows.' 

16.  Consultationem  tuam, 'the  point 

on  which  you  consult  me.*  Metzg.  *Con- 
sultatio'  =  ' actus  petendi  consilii.'  Forcell. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  7. 12,  4,  for  Cicero's  question. 

Italia.     On  this  ablat.  cp.  Madv.  262  ; 
Zumpt,  468. 

17.  Quae  enim,  sc.  'esset  si  eum  seque- 

remur.' 

18.  Haesit,  'made  a  deep  impression  on 

me.*     Cp.  §  3. 

Ita  video,  sc.  'fore,'  'I  foresee  the  fol- 
lowing result.* 

Infinitum  bellum,  sc.  'fore,*  For  a 
similar  ellipse  cp.Epp.15,10,  note;  59,  2, note. 

Iunctum  miserrima  fuga:  cp.  De 
Orat.  2.  58,  237  'insignis  improbitas  et 
sceltre  iuncta.' 

19.  Peregrinationem,  'as  a  tour,'  're- 
sidence abroad.' 

virofcopiCv^  «call  euphemistically,*  «gloss 
over.'     Liddell  and  Scott. 

Xpi^^'ftoy,  'prophecy.* 


•      • 


350 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  hi. 


VI.  K.  Februarias :  *  ego,  si  Pompeius  manet  in  Italia  nee  res 
ad  pactionem  venit,  longius  bellum  puto  fore  ;  sin  Italiam  relin- 
quit,  ad  posterum  bellum  00-770^601;  strui  existimo/  Huius  igitur 
belli  ego   particeps   et   socius   et   adiutor   esse  cogor,  quod  et 

5  hcT-novhov  est  et  cum  civibus.  Deinde  VII.  Idus  Febr.,  cum  iam 
plura  audires  de  Pompeii  consilio,  concludis  epistolam  quandam 
hoc  modo  :  '  ego  quidem  tibi  non  sim  auctor,  si  Pompeius  Italiam 
relinquit,  te  quoque  profugere  ;  summo  enim  periculo  facies  nee 
rei  publicae  proderis,  cui  quidem  posterius  poteris  prodesse,  si 

10  manseris.'     Quem  <\)ik6'naTpiv  ac  ttoKltlkov  hominis  prudentis  et 
amici  tali  admonitu  non  moveret  auctoritas  ?    Deinceps  ill.  Idus  e 
Febr.  iterum  mihi  respondes  consulenti  sic  :  '  quod  quaeris  a  me 
fugamne  t  fidam  an  moram  desidem  utiliorem  putem,  ego  vero 
in  praesentia  subitum  discessum   et  praecipitem   profectionem 

15  cum  tibi,  tUm  ipsi  Gnaeo  inutilem  et  periculosam  puto,  et  satius 
esse  existimo  vos  dispertitos  et  in  speculis  esse  ;  sed  medius 
fidius  turpe  nobis  puto  esse  de  fuga  cogitare.'  Hoc  turpe  Gnaeus 
noster  biennio  ante  cogitavit ;  ita  sullaturit  animus  eius  et  pro- 
scripturit  iam  diu.     Inde,  ut  opinor,  cum  tu   ad  me   quaedam 

20  y€viK(I^T€f>ov  scripsisses  et  ego  mihi  a  te  [quaedam]  significari 
putassem,  ut  Italia  cederem,  detestaris  hoc  diligenter  XI.  K.  Mart. : 
'  ego  vero  nulla  epistola  significavi,  si  Gnaeus  Italia  cederet,  ut 
tu  una  cederes,  aut,  si  significavi,  non  dico  fui  inconstans,  sed 


I.  Nee  res  .  .  venit  =  'et  res  non  venit.* 
Cp.  Ep.  9,  4,  note. 

3.  Longius  .  .  fore,  *I  think  the  war 
will  be  prolonged '  in  Italy. 

3.  Ad  posterum  .  .  existimo,  *I 
think  the  materials  for  a  desperate  war  at  a 
later  time  are  being  collected.' 

aairovbov,  quite  classical. 

5.  vii.  I  dus  Febr.,  *  Feb.  7.' 

7.  Non  sim  auctor,  •!  should  not  ad- 
vise you.'    Cp.,  on  the  tense,  Ep.  5,  3,  note. 

8.  Te  .  .  profugere.  On  the  mood, 
cp.  Madv.  396.  The  conjunctive  would  be 
more  common,     lb.  372  a. 

Summo  .  .  periculo,  sc.  'tuo,*  '  at  the 
greatest  risk  to  yourself.' 

10.  (pikoiraTpiv,  'patriot.'   Polyb.I.14. 

voktriKov,  'statesman.* 

13.  Fugamne +  fidam, 'a  flight,  which 
would  shew  vour  loyally  to  Pompey.' 

Desidem'  is  Kayser's  suggestion  for  the 
MS.  '  defendam.'     He  also  suggests  '  citam 
for  '  fidam,'  but  the  latter  is  apparently  the 


MS.  reading,  and  gives  a  tolerable  sense. 

16.  Vos,  'you  and  Pompey.* 

Dispertitos,  foil.,  'in  different  places, 
and  on  the  watch.' 

18.  Biennio  ante.  Pompey  can  hardly 
have  foreseen  the  exact  course  things  would 
take,  but  he  may  have  spoken  of  a  war  be- 
tween East  and  West  as  possible. 

Sullaturit . .  et  proscripturit,  Ms  eager 
to  imitate  Sulla,  and  to  repeat  his  pro- 
scriptions.* 

19.  Inde,  'for  this  reason,'  because  of 
the  intentions  of  Pompey. 

20.  y€viKUTfpov,  *in  more  general 
terms.'     Orell.     See  Ep.  7,  2,  note  on  p.  48 , 

1.  I. 

A  te  .  .  significari,  '  that  you  indicated 
tome.'     Forcell.     Cp.  Epi9,  i. 

21.  Detestaris  . .  diligenter,  'you are 
careful  to  protest  against  this.' 

23.  Non  dico  = 'non  modo.'  Cp.Zumpt, 
L.  G.  724. 

Inconstans,  'inconsistent.* 


{ 


EP.  63.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX,  lo.  351 

demens.'     In  eadem  epistola  alio  loco:  'nihil  relinquitur   nisi 
fuga,  cui  te  socium  neutiquam  puto  esse  oportere  nee  umquam 

7  putavi/  Totam  autem  banc  deliberationem  evolvis  accuratius 
in  litteris  Vlll.  Kal.  Mart,  datis:  *si  M'.  Lepidus  et  L.  Volca- 
tius  remanent,  manendum  puto,  ita  ut,  si  salvus  sit  Pompeius  5 
et  constiterit  alicubi,  banc  v^Kviav  relinquas  et  te  in  certamine 
vinci  cum  illo  facilius  patiaris  quam  cum  hoc  in  ea,  quae  per- 
spicitur  futura,  colluvie  regnare/  Multa  disputas  huic  sententiae 
convenientia ;  inde  ad  extremum  'quid  si'  inquis  'Lepidus  et 
Volcatius  discedunt?  plane  ctTropw.  Quod  evenerit  igitur  et  quod  10 
egeris,  id  (rrepKriov  putabo.'     Si  tum  dubitaras,  nunc  certe  non 

8  dubitas,  istis  manentibus.  Deinde  in  ipsa  fuga  v.  Kal.  Martias  : 
*  interea  non  dubito  quin  in  Formiano  mansurus  sis ;  commo- 
dissime  enim  to  ixikkov  ibi  KapaboKriaH^'  Ad  K.  Martias,  cum 
ille  quintum  iam  diem  Brundisii  esset :  '  tum  poterimus  delibe-  15 
rare,  non  scilicet  integra  re,  sed  certe  minus  infracta,  quam  si 
una   proieceris   te.'     Deinde  Ilil.  Non.  Martias   v-nb  rriv  kfjypLv 


I.  Alio  loco,  sc.  'scribis.'  Cp.,  on  the 
ellipse,  Ep.  15,  10,  note. 

Nihil  relinquitur,  sc.  Pompeio. 

3.  Totam  .  .  evolvis,  'you  enter  on, 
or  enlarge  on,  this  whole  discussion  more 
carefully.'  Nagelsbach  (105,  291)  gives  'in- 
stituere*  as  an  equivalent  for  'evolvere;* 
Forcell.  gives  *  explicare,  narrare.' 

4.  VIII.  Kal.  Mart.,  '  on  Feb.  22.' 

M'.  Lepidus  and  L.  Volcatius  had  been 
consuls  together  in  66  B.C.  The  first  is 
mentioned  Ad  Att.  7.  23,  i  ;  and  both,  lb. 

8.  15,  2. 

5.  Ita  ut,  foil ,  *  with  the  proviso,  that 
if  Pompey  escapes  Caesar's  pursuit  and 
makes  a  stand  anywhere.'  On  this  force 
of 'ita  ut,'  cp.  Ep.  I,  1,  note;  Zumpt, 
L.  G.  726. 

6.  Hanc  vcKviav,  *  this  troop  of 
shadows.'  Caesar's  followers  were  repre- 
sented as  ruined  men,  whom  hopes  of  plunder 
attracted  just  as  the  blood  poured  out  by 
Ulysses  drew  together  the  ghosts  =  v(kvqjv 
dfxtvTjva  Kaprjva — in  Odyss.  II.  23-50.  The 
word  vfKvia  properly  means  a  necromantic 
rite  (Liddell  and  Scott),  and  was  given  as  a 
name  to  the  book  of  the  Odyssty  in  which 
such  a  rite  is  described. 

7.  Cum  illo,  sc.  Pompeio. 

In  ea  .  .  regnare,  'to  reign  amid  all 
the  mass  of  wickedness  which  we  see  will 
come  together.' 

9.  Ad   extremum,  'at  the  end  of  the 


letter.* 

10.  Plane  diropS/,  'I  am  quite  at  a  loss' 
what  advice  to  give. 

Quod  evenerit  .  .  putabo,  *I  shall 
think  it  right  to  be  satisfied  with  whatever 
happens  and  whatever  you  do.' 

11.  anpKTkov  is  quoted  by  Liddell  and 
Scott  from  Dinarchus,  but  seems  rare. 

12.  In  ipsa  fuga,  'when  Pompey  was 
actually  flying.' 

14.  T^  fiiWov  .  .  KapaZoKTjmi^, 
'  watch  there  eagerly  to  see  how  things  go.' 
The  word   is  quite  classical.     Liddell   and 

Scott. 

Ad  K.  Martias,  *  on  the  first  of  March.* 
Cp.  Ep.  86,  I  'mihi  vero  ad  Nonas  bene 
maturum  videtur  fore.*  Wesenb.,  however, 
says  that  '  ad '  cannot  be  used  in  this  sense 
of  the  past,  and  suggests  '  atque  K.'     Mart. 

15.  I  He,  Pompeius. 

16.  Non  scilicet  integra  .  .  proie- 
ceris te,  'not  without  committing  yourself 
to  some  extent  to  be  sure,  but  with  less 
embarrassment  than  if  you  hurry  oft'  with 
Pompey.'  Even  a  short  delay  would  offend 
Pompey.  *  Scilicet  habet  vim  adfirraandi.* 
Forcell. 

Infracta  keeps  up  the  metaphor  of 'In- 
tegra.' 

17.  1111.  Non.  Martias,  'March  4.' 
virb  r^v  X'q\piv^  'just  before  your  attack 

of  fever.'     Cp.  Ep.  44.  3.     v-ab  = '  about  the 
time  of.'     Liddell  and  Scott. 


^ 


I 


35^ 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


cum  breviter  scriberes,  tamen  ponis  hoc :  *  eras  scribam  plura  et 
ad  omnia ;  hoc  tamen  dicam,  non  paenitere  me  consilii  de  tua 
mansione,  et,  quamquam  magna  sollicitudine,  tamen,  quia  minus 
mali  puto  esse  quam  in  ilia  profectione,  maneo  in  sententia  et 
Sgaudeo   te  mansisse.'     Cum   vero  iam  angerer  et   timerem,  ne  9 
quid  a  me  dedecoris  esset  admissum,  III.  Nonas  Mart. :  '  tamen 
te  non  esse  una  cum  Pompeio  non  fero  moleste ;  postea  si  opus 
fuerit,  non  erit  difficile,  et  illi,  quoquo  tempore  fiet,  erit  (x(j\x.i' 
vidTov.    Sed  hoc  ita  dico,  si  hie,  qua  ratione  initium  fecit,  eadem 
lo  cetera  aget,  sincere,  temperate,  prudenter,  valde  videro  et  con- 
sideratius  utilitati  nostrae  consuluero.'     VII.  Idus  Martias  scribis  la 
Peducaeo  quoque  nostro  probari,  quod  quierim,  cuius  auctoritas 
multum  apud  me  valet.     His  ego  tuis  scriptis  me  consolor,  ut 
nihil  a  me  adhuc  delictum  putem.     Tu  modo  auctoritatem  tuam 
15  defendito :  adversus  me  nihil  opus  est,  sed  consciis  egeo  aliis. 
Ego,  si  nihil  peccavi,  reliqua  tuebor :  ad  ea  tu  te  hortare  et  me 
omnino  tua  cogitatione  adiuva.    Hie  nihildum  de  reditu  Caesaris 
audiebatur.     Ego  his  litteris  hoc  tamen  profeci :  perlegi  omnes 
tuas  et  in  eo  acquievi. 


3.  Quamquam  magna  sollicitudine, 
sc.  •  mamisti,'  *  though  your  remaining 
causes  you  great  anxiety/     Billerb. 

6.  III.  Nonas  Mart.,  sc.  'scribis.* 

8.  Non  erit  difficile,  sc.  'esse  una.' 
da /Mfviarov,  '  acctptable/  a  rare  word. 

Cp.  Liddell  and  Scott. 

9.  Ita,  '  with  this  proviso.* 
Hie  Caesar. 

10.  Sincere,  'straightforwardly.' 
Valde    videro,    '  shall  look   very  care- 
fully into  the  matter.'    '  Videre '  = '  cogitare.' 
Forcell. 

11.  Utilitati  nostrae,  '  our  interest.' 
Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  I.  I,  24  '  eorum  quibus  praesit 
commodis  uiilitatique  servire.* 

vii.  Idus  Martias,  'March  9.' 

12.  Peducaeo  :  cp.  Ep.  61,  2. 

14.  Auctoritatem  .  .  defendito,  *de- 
fend  your  advice '  when  it  is  criticised  by 


others. 

15.  Consciis  egeo  aliis,  'I  want  others 
to  be  aware  that  1  am  acting  under  your 
advice.'     Bosius  ap.  Boot. 

16.  Reliqua  tuebor,  '  I  will  take  care 
of  myself  for  the  future.' 

Tu  te  hortare,  '  address  yourjelf  to  the 
task  of  making  others  see  the  propriety  of 
your  advice  to  me.  Matth.  Cp.  '  auctori- 
tatem defendito.'  above. 

17.  De  reditu  Caesaris,  sc.  *  a  Brun- 
disio.'     Cp.  Introd.  to  Part  III,  §§  7  and  8. 

18.  Tamen,  *  respondet  ^articulis  etsi, 
licet,  etc.,  *  vel  tacitis.'  Forcell.  Here  '  si 
nihil  aliud '  may  be  supplied. 

19.  In  eo  acquievi,  'have  obtained 
rest  thereby.'  Cp.  Epp.  47,  5  ;  99,  2.  On 
a  similar  passage,  Ad  Att.  13.  13,  3  '  crebro 
regusto  tuas  litieras ;  in  his  acquiesce,'  Forcell. 
remarks  that  the  words  =  ' his  me  consoler.' 


I' 


\ 


^v 


I 


in 


i\- 


A 


i\ 


EP.  64.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  ii  A. 


353 


64.    To  CAESAR  (AD  ATT.  IX.  ii  A). 
FoRMiAE,  March  19  apparently,  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  hope  that  the  meaning  of  your  letter  was  that  you  were  anxious  to  secure  my 
services  as  a  mediator  for  peace.  2.  You  could  find  no  one  better  qualified  for  that 
office,  as  on  the  one  hand  I  always  protested  against  the  attempts  of  your  enemies  to 
withdraw  what  the  people  had  granted  you,  and  have  taken  no  part  in  this  war ; 
while  on  the  other  I  am  most  anxious  to  maintain  the  honour  of  Pompey.  For 
many  years  I  have  placed  you  and  him  first  among  my  friends.  3.  I  hope,  therefore, 
that  amidst  your  pressing  cares  you  will  have  some  regard  to  my  honour,  and  will 
allow  me  to  preserve  my  neutrality.  I  lately  heard  from  Lentulus,  and  repeat  my 
thanks  for  your  generosity  to  him.  You  see  how  grateful  I  am  to  him ;  let  me  be 
equally  so  to  Pompey. 

CICERO  IMP.  S.  D.  CAESARI  IMP. 

1  Ut  legi  tuas  litteras,  quas  a  Furnio  nostro  acceperam,  quibus 
mecum  agebas,  ut  ad  urbem  essem,  te  velle  uti  consilio  et 
dignitate  mea,  minus  sum  admiratus :  de  gratia  et  de  ope  quid 
significares,  mecum  ipse  quaerebam,  spe  tamen  deducebar  ad 
cam  cogitationem,  ut  te  pro  tua  admirabili  ac  singulari  sapientia  5 
de  otio,  de  pace,  de  concord ia  civium  agi  velle  arbitrarer,  et 
ad  eam  rationem  existimabam  satis  aptam  esse  et  naturam  et 

2  personam  meam.  Quod  si  ita  est  et  si  qua  de  Pompeio  nostro 
tuendo  et  tibi  ac  rei  publicae  reconciliando  cura  te  attingit, 
magis  idoneum,  quam  ego  sum,  ad  eam  causam  profecto  reperies  10 
neminem,  qui  et  illi  semper  et  senatui,  cum  primum  potui,  pacis 
auctor  fui,  nee  sumptis  armis  belli  ullam  partem  attigi,  iudicavi- 
que  eo  bello  te  violari,  contra   cuius  honorem   populi  Romani 


This  answer  to  Caesar's  note  is  not  men- 
tioned in  Ep.  63,  and  therefore  was  prob- 
ably not  written  before  March  18.  Its 
expressions  seem  to  identify  it  with  one 
quoted  Ad  Att.  8.  9,  I  (Ep.  55).  Perhaps 
Ad  Att.  8.  9  may  be  a  combination  of  two 
letters  written  at  different  times,  for  it  is 
hardly  likely  that  Cicero  wrote  two  very 
similar  letters  to  Caesar  within  a  month, 
and  the  date  of  Ad  Att.  8.  9  is  given  as 
Feb.  25.     Hofm.,  Billerb. 

4.  Spe  tamen  .  .  arbitrarer,  'my 
hopes,  however,  led  me  to  entertain  the 
thought  that  you  wished  me  to  aigue  in 
favour  of  peace.*  On  the  conjunct.,  cp. 
Madv.  374. 

7.  Ad  eam  rationem, 'for  such  a  task.* 


Metzg. 

8.  Personam,  *  my  position.* 

9.  Tuendo,  'maintaining  in  his  proper 
place.' 

11.  Cum  primum  potui,  i.e.  after  my 
return  from  Cilicia. 

12.  Sumptis  armis,  'after  hostilities 
had  begun.' 

Belli  .  .  attigi,  'took  any  part  in  the 
war.*  This  statement  seems  to  have  been 
true,  but  can  hardly  be  reconciled  with  the 
language  of  Ep.  50. 

13.  Contra  cuius  honorem  .  .  nite- 
rentur,  *as  envious  and  hostile  men  were 
trying  to  deprive  you  of  an  honour.* 

Populi  .  ,  beneficie,  i.e.  'lege  decern 
tribunorum.'     See  Ep.  44,  6,  note. 


A  a 


■■ 


354 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


beneficio  concessum  inimici  atque  invidi  niterentur.  Sed  ut  eo 
tempore  non  modo  ipse  fautor  dignitatis  tuae  fui,  verum  etiam 
ceteris  auctor  ad  te  adiuvandum,  sic  me  nunc  Pompeii  dignitas 
vehementer  movet ;  aliquot  enim  sunt  anni,  cum  vos  duo  delegi, 

5  quos  praecipue  colerem  et  quibus  essem,  sicut  sum,  amicissimus. 
Quam   ob  rem  a  te   peto  vel  potius  omnibus   te  precibus   oro  3 
et  obtestor,  ut  in  tuis  maximis  curis  aliquid  impertias  temporis 
huic  quoque  cogitationi,  ut  tuo  beneficio  bonus  vir,  gratus,  pius 
denique  esse  in  maximi  beneficii  memoria  possim  ;  quae  si  tantum 

lo  ad  me  ipsum  pertinerent,  sperarem  me  a  te  tamen  impetraturum, 
sed,  ut  arbitror,  et  ad  tuam  fidem  et  ad  rem  publicam  pertinet, 
me  ex  paucis  et  ad  utriusque  vestrum  et  ad  civium  concordiam 
per  te  quam  accommodatissimum  conservari.  Ego,  cum  antea 
tibi  de  Lentulo  gratias  egissem,  quod  ei  saluti,  qui  mihi  fuerat, 

15  fuisses,  tamen  lectis  eius  litteris,  quas  ad  me  gratissimo  animo 
de  tua  liberalitate  beneficioque  misit,  eandem  me  salutem  a  te 
^ccepissQ  pulavi  quam  ille  ;  in  quem  si  me  intellegis  esse  gratum, 
cura,  obsecro,  ut  etiam  in  Pompeium  esse  possim. 


3.  Auctor.  Cicero  had  used  his  in- 
fluence with  Caelius  in  favour  of  the  law 
last  referred  to.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  ^,  4. 

Pompeii  dignitas, 'the  just  claims  of 
Pompey's  position.' 

4.  Aliquot  .  .  anni  .  .  amicissimus. 
Cicero  probably  refers  to  his  reconciliation 
with  the  triumvirs  in  56  B.C.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  II,  §  4.  On  '  cum  *  with  the  indie,  as 
used  here,  cp.  Madv.  358,  Obs.  I. 

7.  Ut ..  aliquid  impertias  temporis, 
•  that  you  will  devote  some  time  to  consider- 
ing how  I  may,  by  your  indulgence,  shew 
myself  honest,  grateful,  and  affectionate  in 
remembering  a  very  great  service.*  On  the 
conj.  '  impertias,'  cp.  Madv.  372  a  ;  and  p. 
349,  1.  3.  note;  and  on  •  possim,'  not  one 
§  I  of  this  letter. 

8.  Bonus  vir, 'a  man  of  honour.*  The 
phrase  is  contrasted  with  *  bonus  civis,'  Ep. 
39,  10. 

9.  Maximi  beneficii.  Cicero  refers 
to  Pompey's  services  in  promoting  his  re- 
storation from  exile. 

Quae  si  .  .  pertinerent,  *if  this  re- 
quest only  concerned  myself.' 

II.  Ad  tuam  fidem  .  .  pertinet,  'it 
affects  the  confidence  felt  in  your  assurances, 


and  the  public  interest.'     Siipfle,  Metzg. 

12.  Me  ex  paucis  . .  conservari,  'that 
I,  as  one  of  the  few  impartial  men,  should 
be  preserved  in  as  good  a  position  as  pos- 
sible for  promoting  a  friendly  understanding.' 
Cicero  means  that  if  Caesar  respected  his 
neutrality,  people  would  feel  confidence  in 
Caesar's  peaceful  assurances. 

13.  Cum  antea  .  .  egissem,  'though  I 
had  thanked  you  before  for  your  treatment 
of  Lentulus,'  whom  Caesar  had  released 
after  the  capitulation  of  Corfinium.  Cp. 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  23. 

14.  Qjii  mihi  fuerat,  sc. 'saluti.*  Len- 
tulus had  done  all  he  could  as  consul  in  57 
B.C.  to  promote  Cicero's  restoration  from 
exile.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  23. 

16.  Eandem  .  .  quam  ille,  sc.  '  acce- 
pit.'  The  finite  verb  is  usually  expressed. 
*  Quam  ilium  *  would  be  admissible  in  an 
elliptic  sentence.  Cp.  Madv.  303  b;  402 
b;  Ep.  3.  3,  note. 

17.  In  quem  si  .  .  possim,  *if  this 
shews  you  my  gratitude  to  him,  make  it 
possible  for  me  to  be  grateful  to  Pompey 
too,*  to  whom  I  am  equally  indebted.  A 
delicate  plea  on  behalf  of  Cicero's  neu- 
trality. 


:-■ 


K 


f 


( 


EP.65.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   IX,\%,  355 

65.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  IX.  12). 

FORMIAE,  APPARENTLY,  MARCH  21  {705  A.U.C.) 

I.  Lepta  tells  me  that  Pompey  is  blockaded  in  Bnindisium,  and  the  mouth  of  the 
harbour  closed.  I  am  much  distressed  by  this  news.  Your  advice  is  admirable,  and 
your  invitation  to  Epirus  very  kind.  a.  I  wonder  at  the  conduct  of  Dionysius,  and 
wish  I  could  punish  him.  3.  Now  what  do  you  advise  ?  Shall  I  fly  to  Pompey,  or 
appeal  to  the  country  towns  in  his  interest  ?  4.  I  feel  quite  in  despair,  and  would 
rather  have  shared  his  misfortunes  than  his  prosperity. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Legeram  tuas  litteras  xin.  K.,  cum  mihi  epistola  adfertur  a 
Lepta,  circumvallatum  esse  Pompeium,  ratibus  etiam  exitus  portus 
teneri :  non  medius  fidius  prae  lacrimis  possum  reliqua  nee  cogi- 
tare  nee  scribere.  Misi  ad  te  exemplum.  Miseros  nos !  cur  non 
omnes  fatum  illius  una  exsecuti  sumus  ">  ecce  autem  a  Matio  et  5 
Trebatio  eadem,  quibus  Minturnis  obvii  Caesaris  tabellarii. 
Torqueor  infelix,  ut  iam  ilium  Mucianum  exitum  exoptem.  At 
quam  honesta,  at  quam  expedita  tua  consilia,  quam  evigilata 
tuis  cogitationibus  qua  itineris,  qua  navigationis,  qua  congressus 
sermonisque  cum  Caesare !  omnia  cum  honesta,  tum  cauta.     In  10 


On  the  date,  cp.  §  i  with  Ad  Att. 
9.  13,  2. 

I.  XI IT.  K.,  'March  20.' 

Adfertur,  praes.  hist.     Cp.  Madv.  336. 

A  Lepta;  cp.  Ep.  54,  7. 

3.  Circumvallatum,  'is  invested'  (by 
land)  at  Brundisium. 

Ratibus  .  .  teneri,  'are  closed  by  rafts.' 

Exitus.  Properly  speaking,  there  was 
only  one  entrance  to  the  harbour  of  Brun- 
disium from  the  sea,  and  this  Caesar  tried 
to  close  by  building  moles  from  each  side, 
and  beginning  a  floating  bridge  to  connect 
them.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  25.  But  this 
single  entrance  presently  divided  into  two 
branches,  between  which  the  town  lay;  and 
this  circumstance  may  have  suggested  the 
use  of  the  plural  to  Lepta  or  to  Cicero, 
Cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of  Geogr.  vol.  i,  s.  v. 
'  Brundusium,'  pp.  444-446. 

3.  Non  .  .  nee  ,  .  nee  :  cp.  Ep.  8,  8, 
note. 

Reliqua,  '  anything  further.* 

4.  Exemplum, 'a  copy  of  Lepta' s  letter.* 
Cur  non  .  .  sumus?    'why  have  we 

not  all  gone  to  share  his  fate  to  the  end  ?  * 
Boot.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  22,  54  '  exsequi  cla- 
dem  iilam  fugamque.' 

A 


5.  A  Matio.  C.  Matius  was  one  of 
Caesar's  most  estimable  and  moderate  ad- 
herents. Cp.  Epp.  113;  114.  OnTrebatius, 
cp.  Ep.  27. 

6.  Eadem,  sc.  ' adferuntur.* 

Quibus  .  .  tabellarii,  'whom  Caesar's 
messengers  met  at  Mintumae,'  and  who 
therefore  have  good  information. 

7.  Torqueor  :  cp.  Ep.  45,  4. 

Ilium   Mucianum  exitum,  'the  well- 
known  death  of  Mucius.'     Cp.  Ep.  54,  6. 
At,  'but  on  the  other  hand.*     Cp.  Madv. 

437  c. 

8.  Expedita, 'clear.'     Metzg. 
Quam    evigilata    .   .  cum    Caesare, 

'how  elaborated  by  watching  and  thought 
about  my  journey  and  voyage,  and  the 
meeting  and  conversation  (cp.  Ep,  67,  1) 
1  expect  with  Caesar.'  '  Evigilare '  is  ex- 
plained by  Forcell.  as  = '  vigilando  conficere.' 

9.  Itineris  may  mean,  'about  my  journey 
to  the  camp  of  Pompey  generally.' 

Navigationis,  'about  the  time  and  port 
of  departure.'  Cp.  Epp.  54,  5  ;  61,  5.  On 
the  genitives,  Ep.  1 6,  3,  note  on  p.  105  ; 
and  on  qua  .  .  qua,  Ep.  12,  3,  note. 

10.  In  Epirum  vero  foil.,  'then  your 
invitation  to  your  estate  in  Epirus  was  cer- 


a  2 


356 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


I 


Epirutn  vero  invitatio  quam  suavis,  quam  liberalis,  quam  fra- 
terna!     De  Dionysio  sum  admiratus,  qui  apud   me  honoratior  2 
fuit  quam  apud  Scipionem  Panaetius,  a  quo  impurissime  haec 
nostnt  fortuna  despecta   est.     Odi  hominem  et  odero ;  utmam 

5  ulcisci  possem !  sed  ilium  ulciscentur  mores  sui. 

Tu  quaeso,  nunc  vel  maxime,  quid  agendum  nobis  sit  cog.ta.  3 
Populi  Romani  exercitus  Cn.  Pompeium  circumsedet,  fossa  et 
vallo  saeptum  tenet,  fuga  prohibet :    nos  vivimus  et  stat  urbs 
ista  •  praetores  ius  dicunt ;  aediles  ludos  parant ;  viri  bom  usuras 

.o  perscribunt ;    ego  ipse  sedeo.     Coner  illuc  ire,  ut  insanusr  im- 
plorare  fidem  municipiorum  ?    boni   non   sequentur ;  leves  irri- 
debunt ;   rerum  novarum  cupidi,  victores  praesertim  et  armati, 
vim  et  manus  adferent.     Quid  censes  igitur?  ecquidnam  est  tui  4 
consilii  ad  finem  huius  miserrimae  vitae  ?    Nunc  doleo,  nunc  tor- 

15  queor,  cum  cuidam  aut  sapiens  videor,  quod  una  non  lerim,  aut 
felix  fuisse.  Mihi  contra ;  numquam  enim  illius  victoriae  socius 
esse  volui ;  calamitatis  mallem  fuissem.  Quid  ego  nunc  tuas 
litteras,  quid  tuam  prudentiam  aut  benevolentiam  implorem  ? 
actum   est:    nulla  re  iam   possum   iuvari,  qui   ne  quod   optem 

ao  quidem  iam  habeo  nisi  ut  aliqua  inimici  misericordia  liberemur. 


tainly  friendly,  generous  and  brotherly  in 
the  highest  degree/     On  '  vero/  cp,  Madv. 

*  2.  be  Dionysio,  ♦about  Dionysius.' 
Perhaps,  'that  you  still  have  a  word  to  say 
for  him.'     Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  15,  5- 

3.  Panaetius,  a  Stoic  philosopher  of 
Rhodes,  and  friend  of  the  younger  Scipio. 
Cp.  Ep.  122,  4;  Pro  Muren.  31,  66. 

A  quo  .  .  despecta  est,  'who  has 
shewn  a  most  indecent  contempt  for  me  m 
my  present  position.'  Dionysius  had  left 
Cicero,  and  refused  for  some  time  to  return 
to  him.  Cp.  Epp.  44, 1  ;  74«  i-  Cicero  was 
reconciled  to  him  afterwards. 

5.  Mores  sui:  cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  15,  5 
*  ilium  male  sanum  semper  putavi,  nunc 
ctiam  impurum  et  sceleratum  puto.' 

9.  Viri  boni  :  cp.  Ep.  6,  3.  Perhaps 
the  farmers  of  the  revenue  and  great  money 
lenders  are  especially  referred  to.  Cicero 
had  generally  been  on  good  terms  with 
them,  but  had  often  complained  of  their 
want  of  political  firmness  and  disinterested- 
ness. Cp.  Ep.  9,  8  ;  44,  5-  .  , 
Usuras  =  'pecuniam  datam   sub  usuris. 

Forcell.  ,    .  «     1    » 

10.  Perscribunt  =  'enter  in  their  books. 
*Per$cribi  dicuntur  quaecunque   in   tabulis 


trapezitarum  referuntur.*     Forcell. 

Sedeo,  '  sit  quiet  here.* 

Illuc,  'to  Brundisium.* 

Implorare     fidem     municipiorum? 
« to  appeal  to  the  municipal  towns  for  aid  ? 
(Metzg.)  i.e.  to  try  and  levy  a  force  with 
which    he   might   break    through  Caesars 

hnes.  J »     n      V. 

II.  Leves,  *  the  unprincipled.      Cp.  the 

use  of  •  levitas,' Ep.  15,4. 

13.  Ecquidnam     .    .    consilii,    toll., 
*  what  advice  have  you  to  give  for  putting 
an  end  to  this  most  unhappy  way  of  life  ? 
On  the  gen.  (generis)  cp.  Madv.  285  b. 

14.  Ad    finem.     So   Orell.    and    Boot, 
in  his  text.     But  Boot  suggests  «ecquisnam 
est  vi  consilii  finis  huius  miserrimae  vitae? 
The  best  MS.,  which  Baiter  follows,  seems 
to  have  '  ad  finis.'  , 

16.  Mihi     contra,   sc.    •  videtur   esse. 
'Contra'  used  adverbially  as   a  predicate. 
Cp.  Madv.  172.  Obs.  2 ;  Ep.  4,  i. 

Illius,  Pompeii.  ^ 

19.  Actum  est,  '  I  am  ruined. 

20.  Inimici,  Caesaris. 

Liberemur,  *be  released  from  embar- 
rassment,' by  Caesar's  allowing  him  either 
to  leave  Italy  or  to  remain  neutral.  Metzg. 
By  Caesar's  putting  him  to  death.    Schiitz. 


EP. 66.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM  IX.  i6.  357 


66.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  IX.  16). 
FoRMiAE,  March  26  (705  a.u.c.) 

1.  I  hear  that  Caesar  stays  to-morrow  at  Sinuessa;  I  send  you  a  letter  which  he 
has  written  to  me  in  answer  to  one  praising  his  clemency  at  Corfinium.  You  see  that 
its  expressions  vary  a  little  from  those  of  his  last. 

2.  Caesar  to  Cicero.  You  are  quite  right  in  supposing  that  I  have  no  thought  of 
cruelty.  Nor  do  I  care  for  the  rumours  about  the  ingratitude  of  those  whom  I  have 
spared.  It  pleases  me  that  both  they  and  I  should  act  in  character.  3.  I  shall  be 
glad  if  you  will  meet  me  at  Rome,  that  I  may  have  the  benefit  of  your  advice  and 
resources  as  usual.    Your  son-in-law,  Dolabella,  is  a  most  agreeable  companion. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Cum  quod  scriberem  ad  te  nihil  haberem,  tamen,  ne  quern 
diem  inteimitterem,  has  dedi  Htteras.  A.  d.  vi.  K.  Caesarem 
Sinuessae  mansurum  nuntiabant ;  ab  eo  mihi  litterae  redditae 
sunt  a,  d.  VII.  K.,  quibus  iam  '  opes '  meas,  non,  ut  superioribus 
[litteris],  *  opem '  exspectat.  Cum  eius  clementiam  Corfiniensem  5 
illam  per  litteras  collaudavissem,  rescripsit  hoc  exemplo : 

*  CAESAR  IMP.'  CICERONI  IMP.  SAL.  DIC. 

2  Recte  auguraris  de  me— bene  enim  tibi  cognitus  sum— nihil 
a  me  abesse  longius  crudelitate;  atque  ego  cum  ex  ipsa  re 
magnam  capio  voluptatem,  tum  meum  factum  probari  abs  te 
triumpho  gaudio.     Neque  illud    me  movet,  quod  ii,  qui  a  me  10 


I.  Cum,  'although.* 
-  Q.uod  scriberem  .  .  nihil  haberem. 
«Nihil  habeo  quod '  =  •  mihi  deest  quod;' 
•nihil  habeo  quid'=*nescio  quid.'  Hofm., 
cp.  Ernest,  ap.  Forcell.  sub  voc.  *  habeo/ 
and  p.  109,  note  on  1.  8. 

3.  Sinuessae.  Sinuessa  was  on  the 
coast  between  the  Liris  and  the  Vulturnus. 
It  is  now  called  Mondragone. 

Nuntiabant  ='nuntiant.'    See  Ep.  i,  I, 

note. 

4.  Opes.  Caesar  probably  referred  to 
Cicero's  influence  and  connections,  but  Ci- 
cero insinuates  that  Caesar  wanted  funds. 

Ut  superioribus  :  see  Ep.  60. 

5.  Exspectat,  'says  he  hopes  to  avail 

himself  of.' 

Clementiam,  foil.,  *  his  celebrated  dis- 
play of  clemency  at  Corfinium.'  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  HI,  §  2. 

6.  Per  litteras,  cp.  Ep.  64,  3,  p.  354. 


Hoc  exemplo,  '  of  the  following  pur- 
port.' Cp.  Ep.  6,  2,  note,  for  the  ablat. 
(qualitatis). 

7.  Auguraris,  'divine.*  The  word  is 
often  used  in  a  metaphorical  sense  (cp.  *  quan- 
tum ego  opinione  auguror'  Pro  Muren.  31, 
65);  but  Caesar  may  have  chosen  it  because 
Cicero  was  one  of  the  augurs  (cp.  Ep.  71, 

6). 

8.  Longius  crudelitate.    'Quam*  with 

the  accus.  would  be  more  in  accordance  with 
usage.     Cp.  Madv.  304,  Obs.  I. 

Cum  .  .  tum :  cp.  Ep.  26,  3,  note. 

Ex  ipsa  re,  'from  the  exercise  of  cle- 
mency in  itself.* 

9.  Meum  factum  probari,  fell.  On 
the  construction,  cp.  Ep.  7,  3,  note,  on  p. 

48,1.  13.  „      ,, 

10.  Triumpho  gaudio  :  cp.  Pro  Mu- 
ren. 25,  51. 

Illud  :  cp.  Ep.  5,  9,  note. 


358 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


dimissi  sunt,  discessisse  dicuntur,  ut  mihi  rursus  bellum  inferrent ; 
nihil  enim  malo  quam  et  me  mei  similem  esse  et  illos  sui.  Tu  3 
velim  mihi  ad  urbem  praesto  sis,  ut  tuis  consiliis  atque  opibus, 
ut  consuevi,  in  omnibus  rebus  utar.  Dolabella  tuo  nihil  scito 
5  mihi  esse  iucundius.  Hanc  adeo  habebo  gratiam  illi ;  neque 
enim  aliter  facere  poterit:  tanta  eius  humanitas,  is  sensus,  ea 
in  me  est  benevolentia.' 

67.  To   ATTICUS    (AD   ATT.   IX.    i8). 
Arpinum,  March  28  or  29  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  followed  your  advice  both  in  the  firmness  of  my  language  to  Caesar,  and  in 
declining  to  go  to  Rome.  He  was  very  pressing,  and  finally  asked  me  '  to  think  over 
the  matter/  2.  I  was  disgusted  with  his  companions.  His  forces  and  his  vigilance 
are  alike  formidable.  3.  He  said  that  if  I  did  not  support  him  he  must  try  others, 
and  would  shrink  from  no  expedient.  He  then  left  for  Pedum,  I  for  this  place,  where 
I  expect  a  letter  from  you.  4.  You  have  nothing  to  wait  for  now  that  Caesar  and 
I  have  met,  and  I  hope  you  will  speak  out. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Utrumque  ex  tuo  consilio :   nam  et  oratio  fuit  ea  nostra,  ut  1 
bene  potius  ille  de  nobis  existimaret,  quam  gratias  ageret,  et  in 
10  eo  mansimus,  ne  ad  urbem.     Ilia  fefellerunt,  facilem  quod  puta- 
ramus:    nihil  vidi  minus.     Damnari  se  nostro  iudicio,  tardiores 

ing  of  '  sensus.'     On  the  mood  of  *  est,'  cp. 
Ep.  60  '  ita  de  me  mereris.* 

Caesar  was  to  stay  at  Sinuessa  March  27 
(cp.  preceding  letter,  §  i),  and  he  was  to  be 
at  Rome  before  April  i.  Cicero  went  to 
Arpinum  at  once  after  the  meeting  men- 
tioned in  this  letter,  and  seems  to  have  writ- 
ten there.     Cp.  §  3;  Ad  Att.  9.  15,  6;  9. 

17,  I. 

8.  Utrumque  ex  tuo  consilio,  sc.  *fe- 
cimus  : '  cp.  Ep.  56,  i,  note. 

Ut  bene,  foil.,  'that  Caesar  would  enter^ 
tain  more  respect  than  gratitude.' 

9.  In  eo  mansimus,  'I  persevered  in 
my  resolution.' 

10.  Ne  ad  urbem,  ^c.  •  iremus.* 
Ilia  fefellerunt,  foil,  '  I  was  deceived 

in   the   expectations  I  had  formed   of  his 
indulgence.' 

11.  Damnari  se,  foil.,  'he  said  it  was 
a  hostile  decision  on  my  part,  and  that 
the  other  senators  would  be  less  willing  to 
attend  if  I  did  not.'  'Damnari,'  pres. 
after  the  hist.  pres.  '  dicere,'  cp.  Madv. 
408  b. 


li,  esp.  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§  8,  ii. 

2.  Quam  et  me  .  .  sui,  'than  that  I 
should  preserire  my  character,  and  they 
theirs.'  On  the  accus.  and  inf.,  cp.  Ep.  15, 
II,  note. 

Tu  velim  .  .  praesto  sis.  On  the 
omission  of  '  ut '  after  *  velim,'  cp.  Madv. 
373  b,  Obs.  3. 

4.  Dolabella  tuo.  Dolabella  was  now 
Cicero's  son-in-law.     Cp.  Epp.  42,  i ;   72, 

I. 

Nihil  .  .  esse  iucundius.  'Nihil  de 
personis  dictum  non  insolens  est.'    Forcell. 

5.  Hanc  adeo,  foil.  '  Hanc  gratiam  '  = 
*  huius  rei  gratiam '  (Boot),  *  I  shall  be  in- 
debted to  him  even  for  this  service,'  i.e. 
for  your  coming  to  Rome  to  advise  me. 
Hofra.,  Metzg. 

Neque  enim,  foil.,  'for  he  will  certainly 
employ  his  influence  to  this  end.' 

6.  Tanta  eius,  foil.,  'so  great  is  his 
kindliness,  such  his  disposition  and  his  good 
will  towards  me,'  ^ 

Is  sensus  .  .  est  =  ' ita  de  me  sentit. 
Boot.     Cp.  Ep.  29,  2  and  17  for  this  mean- 


EP.  67.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  IX.  18.  359 

fore  reliquos,  si  nos  non  venerimus,  dicere;  ego,  dissimilem 
illorum  esse  causam.  Cum  multa:  'veni  igitur  et  age  de  pace.' 
Meone,  inquam,  arbitratu  ?  'An  tibi '  inquit  *  ego  praescribam?' 
Sic,  inquam,  agam,  senatui  non  placere  in  Hispanias  iri  nee 
exercitus  in  Graeciam  transportari,  multaque,  inquam,  de  Gnaeo  5 
deplorabo.  Tum  ille:  'ego  vero  ista  dici  nolo.'  Ita  putabam, 
inquam,  sed  ego  eo  nolo  adesse,  quod  aut  sic  mihi  dicendum  est 
multaque,  quae  nullo  modo  possem  silere,  si  adessem,  aut  non 
veniendum.  Summa  fuit,  ut  ille,  quasi  exitum  quaerens,  *  ut  de- 
liberarem.'  Non  fuit  negandum.  Ita  discessimus.  Credo  igitur  10 
hunc  me  non  amare ;  at  ego  me  amavi,  quod  mihi  iam  pridem 
2  usu  non  venit.  Reliqua,  o  di !  qui  comitatus !  quae,  ut  tu  soles 
dicere,  v^Kvia  !  in  qua  erat  f  ero  sceleri !  o  rem  perditam  !  o  copias 
desperatas !  Quid,  quod  Servii  filius,  quod  Titinii  in  iis  castris 
fuerunt,  quibus  Pompeius  circumsederetur !  Sex  legiones  ;  multum  15 


1.  Si  nos  non  venerimus.  Cicero 
uses  the  tense  which  Caesar  himself  must 
have  used.  Caesar  would  say  '  si  tu  non 
veneris.'     Wesenb.  has  '  veniremus.' 

Ego,  sc.  '  respondere.' 

Dissimilem,  foil.,  'that  their  position 
was  different,'  as  not  having  been  such  pro- 
minent politicians.     Cp.  Ep.  55,  3. 

2.  Cum  multa,  sc.  '  locuti  essemus,' or, 
'  locutus  essem.* 

Veni  igitur,  foil.,  'come  then  and  make 
proposals  for  peace,'  Caesar  is  supposed  to 

say. 

'3.  Meone  ..  arbitratu?  'after  my  own 
fashion  ? '  '  as  1  choose  ? '  ablat.  modi.  Cp. 
Ep.  24,  I  *  arbitratu  nostro.' 

An  occurs  in  answers  which  are  expressed 
as  questions.     Cp.  Madv.  453. 

4.  In  Hispanias  .  .  .  transportari, 
*  that  you  should  march  to  Spain,  nor  that 
an  army  should  be  transported  to  Greece '  to 
act  against  Pompey.  Cp.  for  the  accus.  and 
infin.,  Ep.  15,  ii,  note.  '  Hispanias,'  plural 
as  referring  to  the  Spanish  provinces 
now  governed  by  Pompey's  legates.  In 
earlier  editions  I  said  '  the  three  Spanish  pro- 
vinces.* But  it  is  doubtful  if  there  were 
three  distinct  Roman  provinces  in  Spain 
before  the  time  of  Augustus,  though  Pom- 
pey administered  the  government  by  the 
hands  of  three  legates.  Cp.  Mommsen, 
Staatsrecht,  I.  loi.  Mommsen,  Hist.  4.  I, 
196  speaks  of  Caesar  after  his  praetorship 
as  governor  of  Farther  Spain  simply. 

5.  Multaque  .  .  deplorabo,  *I  shall 
express  my  sympathy  with  Pompey  at  some 
length.' 


6.  Ista  dici  nolo,  '  I  do  not  want  any- 
thing of  that   sort   to  be   said.'     Cp.  Ep. 

15.  1-  c- 

7.  Eo  .  .  quod  :  cp.  Ep.  62,  3,  note. 

8.  Multaque,  sc. 'dicenda.'  Cp.  Madv. 
478. 

9.  Summa  fuit,  '  the  end  of  it  all  was.' 
Metzg. 

Ut  ille,  sc.  'peteret.' 

Quasi  exitum  quaerens,  'as  though 
seeking  to  end  the  discussion  with  courtesy.' 
Metzg. 

10.  Non  fuit  negandum,  'I  could  not 
refuse  this.' 

11.  At  ego  .  .  non  venit,  'but  I  was 
satisfied  with  myself — a  pleasure  which  I 
have  not  enjoyed  for  a  long  time.* 

12.  Usu  venit :  cp.  Pro  Quinctio  15,  49. 
Forcell.  writes  *  usuvenire  *  = '  contingere.' 

Reliqua,  'for  the  rest,'  'iibrigens/ 
Metzg.  Adverbial  accusative.  Cp.  Madv. 
237  c,  Obs.  3. 

13.  vfKvia:  cp.  Ep.  63,  7. 

Ero  sceleri.  Orell.  suggests  hpfax^Xiq, 
a  late  word  for  '  raillery.'  Cp.  Liddell  and 
Scott.  Hofm.  '  erat  area  sceleris,' '  in  what 
an  arena  of  crime  did  he  move.'  Kayser 
'  tcipas  scelerum.'  Wpay  = '  cornu  copiae.' 
Wesenb.  has  '  Eros  Celeris : '  sc.  libertus  ? 

14.  Quid,  quod,  foil. :  cp.  Madv.  479  d, 
Obs.  I.  '  What  do  you  say  to  the  fact  that 
the  sons  of  Servius  and  of  Titinius  are  with 

him?' 

Servii.  Of  Ser.Sulpicius  Rufus,  to  whom 
or  from  whom  are  the  letters  90 ;  98  ;  99 ; 
101.     On  Titinius,  cp.  Ep.  62,  I. 

15.  Sex  legiones,  sc.  '  habet  Caesar.' 


1 


360 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  III. 


vigilat,  audet :  nullum  video  finem  mail.     Nunc  certe  promenda 
tibi  sunt  consilia :  hoc  fuerat  extremum.     Ilia  tamen  KaraKX^ls  3 
illius  est  odiosa,  quam  paene  praeterii,  si  sibi  consiliis  nostris  uti 
non  liceret,  usurum,  quorum  posset,  ad  omniaque  esse  descen- 

5  surum.  *  Vidisti  igitur  virum,  ut  scripseras  ?  ingemuisti  ?'  Certe. 
*  Cedo  reliqua.'  Quid  ?  continue  ipse  in  Pedanum,  ego  Arpinum ; 
inde  exspecto  equidem  XaXay^vcrav  illam  tuam.  '  Tu,  malum,' 
inquies  'actum  ne  agas.'  Etiam  ilium  ipsum,  quem  sequimur, 
multa  fefellerunt.    Sed  ego  tuas  litteras  exspecto  ;  nihil  est  enim  4 

10  iam,  ut  antea,  *  videamus,  hoc  quorsum  evadat :  "*  extremum  fuit  de 
congressu  nostro,  quo  quidem  non  dubito  quin  istum  offenderim ; 
eo  maturius  agendum  est.  Amabo  te,  epistolam  et  hoXltiktivX 
valde  tuas  litteras  nunc  exspecto. 


1.  Nunc  certe,  *  now  certainly  you 
must  disclose  your  opinion.' 

2.  Hoc  fuerat  extremum,  'this  [i.e. 
the  result  of  my  conference  with  Caesar] 
was  the  last  thing  you  were  to  wait  for 
before  giving  it.'  Metzg.  Boot,  referring 
to  Gronovius,  explains  *  extremum  *  as 
meaning  '  this,'  i.e.  how  I  should  behave 
when  I  met  Caesar  *  was  the  last  piece  of 
advice  you  had  given  me.' 

KaraK\i\s  illius,  'Caesar's  final  words.* 
Mttzg.  Orel!,  gives  *  clausula '  as  an  equiva- 
lent for  KaraKXiis. 

5.  Vidisti  igitur  virum,  foil.,  *you 
have  seen  the  man,  as  you  said  you  would.' 
Hofm.  These  words,  of  course,  are  put 
into  the  mouth  of  Atticus.  Boot  thinks 
they  mean  *  you  have  seen  the  "  hero  "  as 
you  wrote.*  Atticus,  criticising  Cicero's  lan- 
guage— or  perhaps  *  you  have  found  Caesar, 
as  you  expected,  insolent  ?  * 

Certe,  '  certainly,'  says  Cicero. 

6.  Cedo  reliqua,  'tell  me  what  fol- 
lowed,' says  Atticus. 

Ipse,  Caesar. 

In  Pedanum,  sc.*profectus  est ;'  cp.  Ep. 
36,  9.  '  He  went  to  his  estate  at  Pedum,' 
a  town  between  Tibur  and  Praeneste. 

7.  Inde,  for  *ibi,"at  Arpinum.'  Hofm. 
quotes  Livy  8.  6  *  ut  ab  utra  parte  cedere 
Romanus  exercitus  coepisset  inde  se  consul 
devoveret.' 

XaKa^ivffav  illam  tuam,  sc.  '  episto- 
lam,' 'your  letter  that  is  to  warn  me  to  start 
in  spring*  [with  the  swallows],  XaXayfiv^ 
'to  chirrup  like  a  swallow,'  Liddell  and  Scott, 


who  quote  Theocritus.  Hofm.  reads  irXa- 
rayevaav,  'oracular,'  from  TrXarayuviov,  or 
narayovffav,     '  noisy,'    hence    '  imperious, 

•  decisive.'  The  best  MS.  seems  to  have 
AAATEACAN  or  AAATEACAN.  Boot  sug- 
gests diaT€\ov(Tav  in  the  sense  of 'conclusive.' 
Mr.  Jeans  thinks  that  XaXayevaav  may 
mean  '  bright,  cheerful,  chatty,'  and  renders 

•  babillage.' 

Malum  :  cp.  Madv.  236. 

8.  Actum  ne  agas,  'do  not  do  that  for 
which  the  time  has  passed.'  Cp.  De  Amic. 
22,85  '  praeposteris  enim  utimur  consiliis, 
et  acta  aginius  quod  vetamur  vetere  pro- 
verbio.'  Atticus  might  say  that  it  was  too 
late  to  join  Pompey  with  credit. 

Etiam  ilium,  foil.,  'Pompey  shewed 
no  more  foresight  than  I  have  shewn,  and 
ought  to  make  allowances,*  Cicero  an- 
swers. 

9.  Nihil  est  enim,  sc.  'quod  dicas.' 
On  which  constr.,  cp.  Madv.  372  b,  Obs.  6. 
'  You  cannot  say  now  as  you  did  before, 
"  Let  us  see  how  such  and  such  an  aiTair 
will  turn  out  I "  *  Cp.  Ep.  63,  4,  for  a  simi- 
lar expression  of  Atticus. 

10.  Extremum  fuit,  foil.,  'the  last 
point,*  on  which  we  corresponded.  Metzg. 
'  for  which  I  was  to  wait  before  deciding.' 
Billerb. 

12.  Amabo  te=*precor.'  Cp.  Ep.  35, 
5  ;  Ad  Att.  2.  2,  I  ;  Ad  Qi  F.  2.  10,  4. 

Epistolam,  sc.  *mitte.* 
TToXiTiKTjv  \     'discussing  political   sub- 
jects.' 

13.  Valde,  '  with  great  anxiety.* 


EP.  68.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  X.  i. 


361 


68.    To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    X.    i). 
Near  Arpinum,  April  3  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  been  much  comforted  by  your  approval  and  by  that  of  Peducaeus. 
2.  I  am  still  anxious  for  your  advice,  though  my  duty  seems  clearer  to  me  than  it  did, 
and  I  have  almost  decided  on  remaining  neutral ;  3.  for  I  doubt  if  any  honest  nego- 
tiation for  peace  is  possible.  If,  however,  Caesar  sends  for  me  I  shall  consult  you 
again.  4.  You  and  Peducaeus  have  set  me  a  good  example.  I  am  not  satisfied  with 
my  conduct  and  position.     Another  will  probably  be  preferred  to  me  as  an  envoy 

to  Pompey. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  III.  Nonas  cum  in  Laterium  fratris  venissem,  accepi  litteras  et 
paulum  respiravi,  quod  post  has  ruinas  mihi  non  acciderat :  per 
enim  magni  aestimo  tibi  firmitudinem  animi  nostri  et  factum 
nostrum  probari ;  Sexto  enim  nostro  quod  scribis  probari,  ita 
laetor,  ut  me  quasi  patris  eius,  cui  semper  uni  plurimum  tribui,  5 
iudicio  comprobari  putem,  qui  mihi,  quod  saepe  soleo  recordari, 
dixit  oHm,  Nonis  illis  Decembribus,  cum  ego  '  Sexte,  quidnam 
ergo?' 

*  fi^  fidv,  inquit  ille,  aa-novdi  ye  koI  aKkcias  [0770X01/1117»/], 

dWa  fxeya  pe^as  ti  koi  €(r(TOfi€voi(Ti  nvOea-dai.  ro 

eius  igitur  mihi  vivit  auctoritas,  et  simillimus  eius  fiHus  eodem 
est  apud  me  pondere,  quo  fuit  ille ;  quem  salvere  velim  iubeas 

2  plurimum.     Tu  tuum  consilium  etsi  non  in  longinquum  tempus 
differs — iam  enim  ilium  emptum  pacificatorem  perorasse  puto,iam 


1.  Laterium,  an  estate  of  Q^  Cicero 
near  Arpinum.     Cp.  Appendix  5,  §  i. 

Litteras,  sc.  'tuas,'  which  Wesenb.  adds. 

2.  Post  has  ruinas,  'after  the  fall  of 
the  constitution.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  17,  I 
'  in  ruinis  rei  publicae  nostrisque.' 

Per  enim  magni,  tmesis:  cp.  Madv. 
203,  Obs. 

3.  Firmitudinem  . .  probari,  'that  you 
approve  the  firmness  of  my  demeanour,*  on 
which,  cp.  Ep.  67,  I. 

4.  Sexto  enim.  The  ' enim  *  seems  su- 
perfluous. Cicero  may  have  written  hastily, 
and  have  forgotten  that  he  had  already 
accounted  in  the  previous  sentence  for 
the  relief  Atticus'  letter  had  afforded  him. 
Sextus  Peducaeus  is  often  called  by  his 
praenomen  only.     Cp.  Ep.  61,  2. 

7.  Nonis  illis  Decembribus.  The 
day  of  the  execution  of  Catiline's  accom- 
plices, 63  B.C.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  il. 


Quidnam  ergo?  sc.  'faciendum  est.' 
Billerb.,  following  Manut.,  suggests  that  after 
the  senate  had  pronounced  for  the  execu- 
tion, Cicero  asked  Peducaeus  if  he  should 
carry  out  the  sentence  at  once.  The  Greek 
quotation  is  from  Hom.  11.  22.  304-5. 

9.  Inquit  ille.  These  words  are  in- 
serted pleonastically  to  resume  the  sense 
after  cum  .  .  ergo.     Cp.  Madv.  480. 

II.  Eius  .  .  vivit  auctoritas,  'the  ex- 
pression of  his  judgment  lives  in  my  me- 
mory.* Cp.  Philipp.  2.  5,  12  'cuius  semper 
in  hac  re  publica  vivet  auctoritas.* 

13.  Non  in  longinquum,  foil.  Atticus 
seems  to  have  recommended  Cicero  to  wait 
and  see  what  would  take  place  in  the  senate 
after  Caesar's  return  to  Rome. 

14.  Ilium  emptum  pacificatorem: 
cp.  '  iste  nummarius '  in  §  3.  Cicero  in- 
sinuates that  Caesar  had  bribed  some  senator 
to  propose  negotiations  with  Pompey.   Curio 


35o 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


vigilat,  audet :  nullum  video  finem  mali.     Nunc  certe  promenda 
tibi  sunt  consilia :  hoc  fuerat  extremum.     Ilia  tamen  KaTaKXd^  3 
illius  est  odiosa,  quam  paene  praeterii,  si  sibi  consiliis  nostris  uti 
non  liceret,  usurum,  quorum  posset,  ad  omniaque  esse  descen- 

6  surum.  *  Vidisti  igitur  virum,  ut  scripseras  ?  ingemuisti  ?'  Certe. 
'  Cedo  reliqua.'  Quid  ?  continuo  ipse  in  Pedanum,  ego  Arpinum ; 
inde  exspecto  equidem  XaKayivdav  illam  tuam.  *  Tu,  malum,' 
inquies  *  actum  ne  agas.*  Etiam  ilium  ipsum,  quem  sequimur, 
multa  fefellerunt.    Sed  ego  tuas  litteras  exspecto  ;  nihil  est  enim  4 

lo  iam,  ut  antea,  *  videamus,  hoc  quorsum  evadat :  "*  extremum  fuit  de 
congressu  nostro,  quo  quidem  non  dubito  quin  istum  offenderim ; 
eo  maturius  agendum  est.  Amabo  te,  epistolam  et  hoXitlktivX 
valde  tuas  litteras  nunc  exspecto. 


1.  Nunc  certe,  •  now  certainly  you 
must  disclose  your  opinion.' 

2.  Hoc  fuerat  extremum,  'this  [i.e. 
the  result  of  my  conference  with  Caesar] 
was  the  last  thing  you  were  to  wait  for 
before  giving  it.'  Metzg.  Boot,  referring 
to  Gronovius,  explains  *  extremum  *  as 
meaning  *  this,'  i.e.  how  I  should  behave 
when  I  met  Caesar  *  was  the  last  piece  of 
advice  you  had  given  me.' 

KaraKXils  illius,  'Caesar's  final  words.* 
Mttzg.  Orell.  gives  'clausula'  as  an  equiva- 
lent for  KaraKKfis. 

5.  Vidisti  igitur  virum,  foil.,  *you 
have  seen  the  man,  as  you  said  you  would.' 
Hofm.  These  words,  of  course,  are  put 
into  the  mouth  of  Atticus.  Boot  thinks 
they  mean  *  you  have  seen  the  "  hero "  as 
you  wrote.'  Atticus,  criticising  Cicero's  lan- 
guage— or  perhaps  *  you  have  found  Caesar, 
as  you  expected,  insolent  ?  ' 

Certe,  '  certainly,'  says  Cicero. 

6.  Cedo  reliqua,  '  tell  me  what  fol- 
lowed,' says  Atticus. 

Ipse,  Caesar. 

In  Pedanum, sc.'profectus  est;'  cp.  Ep. 
36,  9.  '  He  went  to  his  estate  at  Pedum,' 
a  town  between  Tibur  and  Praeneste. 

7.  Inde,  for 'ibi," at  Arpinum.'  Hofm. 
quotes  Livy  8.  6  '  ut  ab  utra  parte  cedere 
Romanus  exercitus  coepisset  inde  se  consul 
devoveret.' 

XaXa'^ivffav  illam  tuam,  sc. 'episto- 
lam,' 'your  letter  that  is  to  warn  me  to  start 
in  spring*  [with  the  swallows],  XaXayuv^ 
*to  chirrup  like  a  swallow,*  Liddell  and  Scott, 


who  quote  Theocritus.  Hofm.  reads  irXa- 
rayivaav^  'oracular,'  from  ■nXara'ywviov,  or 
iraTayovffav,     '  noisy,'    hence    '  imperious, 

•  decisive.'  The  best  MS.  seems  to  have 
AAATEACAN  or  AAATEACAN.  Boot  sug- 
gests 8iaTi\ov(Tau  in  the  sense  of 'conclusive.* 
Mr.  Jeans  thinks  that  Xakayevaav  may 
mean  '  bright,  cheerful,  chatty/  and  renders 

•  babillage.' 

Malum:  cp.  Madv.  236. 

8.  Actum  ne  agas,  'do  not  do  that  for 
which  the  time  has  passed.'  Cp.  De  Amic. 
22,85  '  praeposteris  enim  utimur  consiliis, 
et  acta  agimus  quod  vetamur  vetere  pro- 
verbio.'  Atticus  might  say  that  it  was  too 
late  to  join  Pompey  with  credit. 

Etiam  ilium,  foil.,  'Pompey  shewed 
no  more  foresight  than  I  have  shewn,  and 
ought  to  make  allowances,'  Cicero  an- 
swers. 

9.  Nihil  est  enim,  sc.  'quod  dicas.' 
On  which  constr.,  cp.  Madv.  372  b,  Obs.  6. 
'  You  cannot  say  now  as  you  did  before, 
"  Let  us  see  how  such  and  such  an  affair 
will  turn  out  I  *' '  Cp.  Ep.  63,  4,  for  a  simi- 
lar expression  of  Atticus. 

10.  Extremum  fuit,  foil.,  'the  last 
point,'  on  which  we  corresponded.  Metzg. 
'  for  which  I  was  to  wait  before  deciding.' 
Billerb. 

12.  Amabo  te=*precor.*  Cp.  Ep.  35, 
5  ;  Ad  Att.  2.  2,  I  ;  Ad  Q^  F.  2.  10,  4. 

Epistolam,  sc.  'mitte.' 
TToXiTiK-qv  \     'discussing   political    sub- 
jects.' 

13.  Valde,  '  with  great  anxiety.* 


EP.  68.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  X.  i.  361 


68.    To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    X.    i). 

Near  Arpinum,  April  3  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  been  much  comforted  by  your  approval  and  by  that  of  Peducaeus. 
2.  I  am  still  anxious  for  your  advice,  though  my  duty  seems  clearer  to  me  than  it  did, 
and  I  have  almost  decided  on  remaining  neutral ;  3.  for  I  doubt  if  any  honest  nego- 
tiation for  peace  is  possible.  If,  however,  Caesar  sends  for  me  I  shall  consult  you 
again.  4.  You  and  Peducaeus  have  set  me  a  good  example.  I  am  not  satisfied  with 
my  conduct  and  position.     Another  will  probably  be  preferred  to  me  as  an  envoy 

to  Pompey. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  III.  Nonas  cum  in  Laterium  fratris  venissem,  accepi  litteras  et 
paulum  respiravi,  quod  post  has  ruinas  mihi  non  acciderat :  per 
enim  magni  aestimo  tibi  firmitudinem  animi  nostri  et  factum 
nostrum  probari ;  Sexto  enim  nostro  quod  scribis  probari,  ita 
laetor,  ut  me  quasi  patris  eius,  cui  semper  uni  plurimum  tribui,  5 
iudicio  comprobari  putem,  qui  mihi,  quod  saepe  soleo  recordari, 
dixit  olim,  Nonis  ilHs  Decembribus,  cum  ego  '  Sexte,  quidnam 
ergo?' 

*/i7  iiavy  inquit  ille,  aairovhl  y€  koI  afcXeto)?  [a7roXot/x)ji/], 

aXka  [xeya  pe^as  ri  Koi  €(T(TOfX€voi(n  nvOeaOai.  ro 

eius  igitur  mihi  vivit  auctoritas,  et  simillimus  eius  fiHus  eodem 
est  apud  me  pondere,  quo  fuit  ille ;  quem  salvere  velim  iubeas 

2  plurimum.     Tu  tuum  consilium  etsi  non  in  longinquum  tempus 
differs— iam  enim  ilium  emptum  pacificatorem  perorasse  puto,iam 


1.  Laterium,  an  estate  of  Q^  Cicero 
near  Arpinum.     Cp.  Appendix  5,  §  I. 

Litteras,  sc.  'tuas,'  which  Wesenb.  adds. 

2.  Post  has  ruinas,  '  after  the  fall  of 
the  constitution.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  17,  l 
'  in  ruinis  rei  publicae  nostrisque.' 

Per  enim  magni,  tmesis:  cp.  Madv. 
203,  Obs. 

3.  Firmitudinem  . .  probari,  'that  you 
approve  the  firmness  of  my  demeanour,'  on 
which,  cp.  Ep.  67,  I. 

4.  Sexto  enim.  The  'enim 'seems  su- 
perfluous. Cicero  may  have  written  hastily, 
and  have  forgotten  that  he  had  already 
accounted  in  the  previous  sentence  for 
the  relief  Atticus'  letter  had  afforded  him. 
Sextus  Peducaeus  is  often  called  by  his 
praenomen  only.     Cp.  Ep.  61,  2. 

7.  Nonis  illis  Decembribus.  The 
day  of  the  execution  of  Catiline's  accom- 
plices, 63  B.C.    Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  il. 


Quidnam  ergo?  sc.  'faciendum  est.' 
Billerb.,  following  Manut.,  suggests  that  after 
the  senate  had  pronounced  for  the  execu- 
tion, Cicero  asked  Peducaeus  if  he  should 
carry  out  the  sentence  at  once.  The  Greek 
quotation  is  from  Hom.  11.  22.  304-5. 

9.  Inquit  ille.  These  words  are  in- 
serted pleonastically  to  resume  the  sense 
after  cum  .  .  ergo.     Cp.  Madv.  480. 

II.  Eius  .  .  vivit  auctoritas,  'the  ex- 
pression of  his  judgment  lives  in  my  me- 
mory.' Cp.  Philipp.  2.  5,  12  'cuius  semper 
in  hac  re  publica  vivet  auctoritas.' 

13.  Non  in  longinquum,  foil.  Atticus 
seems  to  have  recommended  Cicero  to  wait 
and  see  what  would  take  place  in  the  senate 
after  Caesar's  return  to  Rome. 

14.  Ilium  emptum  pacificatorem: 
cp.  '  iste  nummarius  *  in  §  3.  Cicero  in- 
sinuates that  Caesar  had  bribed  some  senator 
to  propose  negotiations  with  Pompey.   Curio 


362 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  III. 


actum  aliquid  esse  in  consessu  senatorum — scnattim  enim  non 
puto  — ,  tamen  suspensum  me  inde  tenes,  sed  eo  minus,  quod 
non  dubito,  quid  nobis  agendum  putes.  Qui  enim  Flavio  legio- 
nem  et  Siciliam  dari  scribas  et  id  iam  fieri,  quae   tu  scelera 

5  partim  parari  iam  et  cogitari,  partim  ex  tempore  futura  censes  ? 
Ego  vero  Solonis,  popularis  tui,  ut  puto  etiam  mei,  legem 
neglegam,  qui  capite  sanxit,  si  qui  in  seditione  non  alterius  utrius 
partis  fuisset,  et,  nisi  si  tu  aliter  censes,  et  hinc  abero  et  illim ; 
sed  alterum  mihi  est  certius,  nee  praecipiam  tamen :  exspectabo 

10  tuum  consilium  et  eas  litteras,  nisi  alias  iam  dedisti,  quas  scripsi 
ut  Cephalioni  dares.     Quod  scribis,  non  quo  aliunde  audieris,  sed  3 
te  ipsum  putare  me  attractum  iri,  si  de  pace  agatur,  mihi  omnino 


is  generally  supposed  to  be  the  man  referred 
to.  But  may  not  M.  Lepidus  be  meant? 
Cp.  Ep.  62,  3. 

Perorasse,  'has  concluded  his  speech* 
in  the  senate. 

1.  In  consessu  senatorum:  cp.  Ad 
Fam.  4.  I,  I  'conventus  senatorum.'  Cicero 
probably  u<es  these  disparaging  terms  be- 
cause the  consuls  and  most  of  the  more 
eminent  senators  were  absent.  Cp.  Momm- 
sen  4.  2,  379. 

2.  Inde,  *  on  your  decision.'  Wesenb. 
suggests  '  suspensum  animum  de  eo  tenes  * 

3.  Non  dubito,  foil.  Cicero  appa- 
rently thought  that  Atticus,  by  dwelling  so 
much  on  the  violence  of  Caesir's  friends, 
was  anxious  to  dissuade  him  from  coming 
to  Rome. 

Q,ui  enim,  foil.,  *  for  since  you  write 
that  Sicily  with  one  legion  is  being  offered 
to  Flavins,  what  crimes  must  you  suppose 
are  being  plotted?'  The  natural  order  of 
the  words  seems  to  be  inverted.  A  similar 
construction  occurs  Ad  Q^  F.  I.  i,  17  'qui 
in  eiusmodi  rebus . .  cautus  esse  velim  .  .  quo 
me  animo  in  servis  esse  censes.*  Dari  ap- 
pears to  be  emphatic  '  a  Caesare  quasi  a 
rege  : '  Manut.  For  an  account  of  L.  Fla- 
vins here  mentioned,  cp.  Intr.  to  P^rt  I,  § 
15  ;  Ad  Att.  I.  18,  6  ;  Ad  Q.  F.  I.  2,  10. 
M.  Cato  held  Sicily  for  Pompey,  and  there 
was  a  rumour  that  Flavius  would  be  sent  to 
dislodge  him;  a  commission  afterwards  given 
to  Curio. 

5.  Ex  tempore,  *  as  circumstances  allow,* 
or  suggest.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  19,  3  '  haec 
melius  ex  re  et  ex  tempore  constitues.'  Or 
perhaps  more  probably  *  at  once.'  Cp.  Pro 
Arch.  8,  18  'magnum  numerum  optimorum 
versuum  .  .  dicere  ex  tempore.' 

6.  Popularis.    Atticus  had  passed  many 


years  at  Athens  (cp.  App.  3.  §  i),  and  had 
received  an  offer  of  citizenship  there  in 
return  for  a  present  of  corn.  Cp.  Corn. 
Nep.  Att.  3,  I. 

Etiam  mei.  Cicero  had  spent  some 
time  at  Athens  in  early  manhood,  and  his 
familiarity  with  Greek  literature  attached 
him  to  the  place.    Cp   Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  2. 

7.  C^ui  capite  sanxit :  cp.  A.  Gell. 
N.  A.  2.  12  ;  Grote's  Hist,  of  Greece,  2nd 
edit.,  3.  191,  foil.  Cicero  seems  to  overstate 
the  rigour  of  the  law.  •  Capite'  =*  capitali 
poena  '  apparently. 

8.  Nisi  si :  cp.  Ep.  17,  1,  note  on  p.  109. 
Et  hinc  . .  illim,  '  I  shall  be  absent  from 

both  camps.'  *  Hinc,'  from  Caesar's;  ♦  illim,' 
from  Pompey 's. 

9.  Alterum,  sc.  'hinc  abesse.* 

Nee  praecipiam  tamen,  sc.  '  hoc,' *  I 
shall  not,  however,  decide  on  it  prema- 
turely.' 

10.  Quas  scripsi  .  .  dares, 'which  I 
asked  you  in  my  last  to  give  to  Cephalio.' 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  19,  4.  Cicero  had  asked 
for  an  account  of  what  was  going  on, 
and  for  Atticus'  advice.  Cephalio  seems  to 
have  been  a  slave  employed  by  Atticus  as  a 
messenger. 

11.  Non  quo  aliunde,  foil.,  'not  as 
though  you  had  heard  it  from  another 
source.'  Cicero  might  have  continued  ♦  sed 
quod  ipse  putas,'  but  prefers  to  change  the 
construction,  putare  depending  on  scribis. 
Mainly  from  Boot. 

12.  Me  attractum  iri,  'that  I  should 
be  drawn  to  Rome.'  Cp.  Forcell.,  and  Ovid 
Metam.  5.  93  (according  to  one  reading), 
'  quandoquidem  in  partes,  ait,  attrahor.* 

Si  de  pace  agatur.  On  the  pres.  conj. 
in  dependent  propositions  with  future  sense, 
cp.  Madv.  378  a. 


EP.  68.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  X.  i.  363 

non  venit  in  mentem,  quae  possit  actio  esse  de  pace,  cum  illi 
certissimum  sit,  si  possit,  exspoliare  exercitu  et  provincia  Pom- 
peium,  nisi  forte  iste  nummarius  ei  potest  persuadere,  ut,  dum 
oratores  eant  et  redeant,  quiescat.     Nihil  video,  quod  sperem  aut 
quod  iam  putem  fieri  posse.  Sed  tamen  hominis  hoc  ipsum  probi  5 
est.     Magnum  est  et  rwi;  TroXirtKcora-ra)!;  (TK€fifxaT(av,  veniendumne 
sit  in  consilium  tyranni,  si  is  aliqua  de  re  bona  deliberaturus  sit ; 
qua  re,  si  quid  eius  modi  evenerit,  ut  arcessamur— quod  equidem 
non  euro ;  quid  enim  essem  de  pace  dicturus,  dixi ;  ipse  valde 
repudiavit— ,   sed   tamen,  si   quid  accident,  quid  censeas  mihi  10 
faciendum,  utique  scribito ;  nihil  enim  mihi  adhuc  accidit,  quod 
maioris   consilii    esset.     Trebatii,   boni   viri    et   civis,   verbis   te 
gaudeo  delectatum,  tuaque  ista  crebra  eK^iovrjais  *  virep^v '  me  sola 
adhuc  delectavit.  Litteras  tuas  vehementer  exspecto,  quas  quidem 
4  credo  iam  datas  esse.  Tu  cum  Sexto  servasti  gravitatem  eandem,  15 
quam  mihi  praecipis.  Celer  tuus  disertus  magis  est  quam  sapiens. 
De  iuvenibus  quae  ex  TuUia  audisti  vera  sunt,     t  Maconi  istud, 


2.  Provincia,  Spain,  which  Pompey 
had  governed  for  some  years  as  proconsul, 
and  where  his  legates  now  commanded  an 
army  of  seven  legions.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 
§§  8  ;  14 ;  Part  III,  §  8  ;  Appendix  7. 

3.  Iste  nummarius:  cp.  §  2,  note, 
and  for  the  word,  p.  58,  1.  4. 

4.  Oratores,  '  the  negotiators '  between 
Caesar  and  Pompey,  =  '  legati.'     Forcell. 

5.  Sed  tamen  .  .  est,  'but  this  very 
conduct  is  worthy  of  an  honest  man.' 

Hoc  ipsum,  I  presume,  means  •  to  argue 
for  peace  even  under  unpromising  circum- 
stances.' The  words  are  introduced  as  from 
one  persuading  Cicero  to  act  as  mediator. 
I  have  adopted  Orelli's  punctuation. 

6  Magnum  .  .  a/ccfifMartuv,  Mtis  a 
great  question,  and  one  truly  to  be  classed 
among  political  problems.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  9. 
4,  2  for  examples  of  similar  disputed  ques- 
tions. :S,K€fJLfiaTa  occ.  Plat.  Rep.  435  C. 
I  have  adopted  Orelli's  reading  as  making 
sense  with  the  slightest  departure  from  that 
of  the  MS.,  which  appears  to  have  '  mag- 
num sit  T(ijv  iTo\.  okI 

8.  Qua  re,  'since  there  is  this  difficulty.' 
Ut  arcessamur,   *  as  that  I   should  be 

sent  for  to  Rome.* 

Quod  .  .  non  euro,  'for  which  I  am 
not  anxious,  = '  curae  habeo.'  Cp.  Sail.  lug. 
14,  'curare  iniurias  sociorura.' 

9.  Dixi,  *I  told  Caesar.'   Cp.  Ep.  67,  I. 
Valde  repudiavit,  'was  by  no  means 

satisfied  therewith.'     •  Repudiare '  =  *  respu- 


ere,'  *  reiicere.*     Forcell. 

10.  Sed  tamen,  resumptive  :  cp.  Ep.  15. 
16,  p.  102.  The  words  might  either  of 
them  stand  alone  in  this  sense. 

II.  Quod  maioris  consilii  esset,  'such 
as  to  require  more  consideration.'  On  the 
mood,  cp.  Ep.  I,  I,  note;  and  on  the  genit. 
Epp.  46 ;  77,  3. 

12.  Trebatii :  cp.  Ep.  27. 
Verbis,  '  expressions.' 

13.  Tuaque  .  .  vnipev,  'your  frequent 
exclamation  "most  admirable."*  Atticus 
had  probably  often  used  this  expression  in 
his  letters  to  Cicero  about  the  latter's  con- 
duct. UcfMXJvrjais  is  not,  apparently,  a  class- 
ical word.  vvipev  occ.  Plat.  Theaet. 
185  D. 

14.  Litteras  tuas  :  cp.  the  end  of  §  2. 

15.  Gravitatem.  This  refers  probably 
to  Atticus'  behaviour  in  an  interview  with 
Caesar. 

16.  Celer  tuus.  Probably  a  freedman 
of  Atticus.  See  Ep.  78,  i.  Billerbeck  sus- 
pects that  he  gave  bad  advice  to  Cicero's 
son  and  nephew. 

17.  De  iuvenibus,  about  the  young 
Marcus  and  Quintus.  The  former  was  now 
14  years  old,  and  had  laid  aside  the  '  toga 
praetexta.'  He  could  not,  however,  be 
properly  called  '  iuvenis'  yet.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
I.  2, 1 ;  9.  19, 1.  ForcelL  sub  voce. ' iuvenis,* 
•  adolescens.'  The  young  Quintus  was  a  year 
or  two  older.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  20,  9. 

Quae  .  .  vera  sunt.     This  allusion  is 


/ 


3^4 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


quod  scribis,  non  mihi  videtur  tarn  re  esse  triste  quam  verbo : 
haec  est  oAtj,  in  qua  nunc  sumus,  mortis  instar :  aut  enim  mihi 
libere  inter  malos  ttoXlt€vt€ov  fuit  aut  vel  periculose  cum  bonis ; 
aut  nos  temeritatem  bonorum  sequamur  aut  audaciam  improborum 

5  insectemur.  Utrumque  periculosum  est,  at  hoc,  quod  agimus, 
turpe,  nee  tamen  tutum.  Istum,  qui  filium  Brundisium  de  pace 
misit — de  pace  idem  sentio,  quod  tu,  simulationem  esse  apertam, 
parari  autem  bellum  acerrime — ,  me  legatum  iri  non  arbitror, 
cuius  adhuc,  ut  optavi,  mentio  facta  nulla  sit :  eo  minus  habeo 

lo  necesse  scribere  aut  etiam  cogitare,  quid  sim  facturus,  si  acci- 
dent, ut  leger. 

69.  M.    CAELIUS   RUFUS    to  CICERO 

(AD   FAM.  VIII.    i6). 

Early  in  April  (704  a.u.c.) 

I.  Your  letter  announcing  your  probable  decision  has  filled  me  with  terror.  I 
write  at  once  to  dissuade  you  from  any  hasty  step.  You  will  bear  me  witness  that 
I  warned  you  how  Caesar  had  been  irritated  by  opposition.  2.  Think  of  your  family; 
do  not  place  us  who  are  your  friends,  though  partisans  of  Caesar,  in  an  embarrassing 
position ;  do  not  incur  the  suspicions  of  both  parties  ;  do  not  join  men  after  defeat 
whom  you  would  not  join  when  their  prospects  were  doubtful.  3.  Wait,  at  least,  till 
you  hear  what  happens  in  Spain,  which  I  believe  will  very  soon  be  in  Caesar's  power. 
4.  Caesar  has  begged  me  to  urge  you  to  remain  ;  if  I  were  not  obliged  to  attend  him, 
I  should  have  done  all  I  could  by  personal  entreaty  to  detain  you.  5.  If  you  cannot 
bear  the  taunts  of  the  optimates  and  the  insolence  of  some  of  Caesar's  friends,  await 
the  issue  of  the  struggle  in  some  town  remote  from  the  seat  of  war. 


obscure.  It  may  refer  to  efforts  made  by 
them  to  reconcile  the  elder  Quintus  and 
Pomponia.  Cp.  Ep.  38  1-2,  notes.  Manut. 
thinks  that  the  import  of  the  remark  is  that 
Cicero  was  unwilling  to  have  thenj  taught 
by  Dionysius.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  2,  2. 

Maconi.  Orell.  suggests  kvbofivxov, 
*  the  family  secret  :*  Boot  <pdpfiaKov,  *  the 
remedy,'  some  violent  decision  which  Atticus 
wished  Cicero  to  take. 

2.  a\r},  *  anxiety.'  The  general  sense  of 
what  follows  seems  to  be,  that  he  ought 
either  to  have  followed  Pompey  to  Greece, 
or  to  have  taken  a  more  independent  line 
in  Italy,  and  to  have  inveighed  against 
Caesar.  But  Boot  thinks  the  passage  corrupt. 

3.  iroXiT€VT€ov.  I  cannot  find  that 
this  word  occurs  in  classical  Greek.  Its 
construction  with  fuit  seems  to  resemble 
that  of  the  neuter  gerundive.  On  which, 
cp.  Ep.  38,  2. 


6.  Istum.  According  to  one  view,  Ser- 
vius  Sulpicius  Rufus  (cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  18, 
2  ;  9.  19,  2),  in  which  case  the  first 
de  pace  must  be  ironical.  Boot  encloses 
it  in  brackets.  Manutius  suggests  that 
L.  Cornelius  Balbus  is  referred  to,  but 
no  son  of  his  is  mentioned  elsewhere : 
the  younger  Balbus  was  his  nephew. 
Cp.  Ep.  55,  4,  note,  and  Pliny,  H.  N.  5. 

5.36. 

8.  Legatum  iri,  •  will  be  sent  as  envoy* 
to  Pompey.  We  should  expect  these  words 
to  follow  *  istum,'  or  the  position  of  'non' 
to  be  changed.  But  cp.  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  12 
•  quae  ego  in  beneficii  loco  non  pono  sed  in 
veri  testimonii.*  Wesenb.  has  *  legatum  iri, 
non  me  arbitror.' 

9.  Cuius  .  .  nulla  sit,  *  as  no  mention 
has  yet  been  made  of  me.' 

Habeo  necesse  scribere  :  cp.  Madv. 
422,  Obs.  2. 


EP.69.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   VIII,  i6.    365 

CAELIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

1  Exanimatus  tuis  litteris,  quibus  te  nihil  nisi  triste  cogitare 
ostendisti  neque  id  quid  esset  perscripsisti  neque  non  tamen, 
quale  esset  quod  cogitares,  aperuisti,  has  ad  te  ilico  litteras 
scripsi.  Per  fortunas  tug^,  Cicero,  per  liberos  te  oro  et  obsecre, 
ne  quid  gravius  de  salute  et  incolumitate  tua  consulas.  Nam  5 
deos  hominesque  amicitiamque  nostram  testificor  me  tibi  prae- 
dixisse  neque  ^temere  monuisse,  sed  postquam  Caesarem  con- 
venerim  sententiamque  eius,  qualis  futura  esset  parta  victoria, 
cognoverim,  te  certiorem  fecisse.  Si  existimas  eandem  rationem 
fore  Caesaris  in  dimittendis  adversariis  et  condicionibus  ferendis,  10 
erras:  nihil  nisi  atrox'et  saevum  cogitat  atque  etiam  loquitur: 
irafus  senatui  exiit ;  his  intercessionibus  plane  incitatus  est ;  non 

2  mehercules  erit  deprecationi  locus,     Qua^  re  si  tibi  tu,  si  filius 
unicus,  si  domus,  si  spes  tuae  reliquae  tibi  carae  sunt,  si  aliquid 
apud  te  nos,  si  vir  optimus,  gener  tuus,  valemus,  quorum  fortunam  15 
non  debes  Velle  conturbare,  ut  eam  causam,  in  cuius  victoria  salus 


For  an  account  of  Caelius,  cp.  Ep.  33,  note. 

1.  Exanimatus  =  *exterritus.'  Forcell. 
Cp.  Hor.  Carm.  2.  17,  I. 

Tuis  litteris.  This  letter  of  Cicero  has 
not  been  preserved. 

2.  Quid  esset  .  .  quale  esset.  Cicero 
had  hinted  at  the  nature  of  his  plans  without 
precisely  disclosing  them. 

Neque  non  tamen  =*et  tamen:'  cp. 
Ad  Fam.  3.  12,  2  *  neque  non  me  tamen 
mordet  aliquid.' 

6.  Me  .  .  praedixisse,  '  that  I  gave  you 
notice.'  This  verb  is  found  often  without 
an  accusat.     Cp.  De  Har.  Resp.  25,  53. 

7.  Temere,  *  without  grounds.* 
Postquam  C.  con  venerim,*  after  meet- 
ing Caesar'  at  Ariminum.  Cp.  Ep.  76,  i. 
In  the  oratio  directa,  Caelius  would  have 
said  '  conveni,'  and  this  may  account  for  the 
use  of  the  perfect  conj.  (cp.  Ramshorn  186, 
II.  I  b),  but  the  transition  to  futura  esset 

is  strange. 

8.  Sententiam  .  .  victoria,  «what  his 
views  would  be  after  success.'  With  the  con- 
struction cp.  the  words  of  Caelius  (Ad  Fam. 

8.  10,  3)  '  nosti  Marcellum  quam  tardus  .  . 
sit ;'  Cicero,  on  the  contrary  (lb.  4.  I,  2), 
writes  '  res  vides  quo  modo  se  habeat.' 

9.  Eandem,  *  the  same  as  he  has  pursued 

hitherto.* 

Rationem,  «policy,'  *  conduct.*    SeeEp. 

9,  6,  note. 

10.  In  dimittendis    adversariis,  'in 
letting  his  enemies  go,'  as  Caesar  had  done 


with  L.  Domitius,  P.  Lentulus,  and  others. 
Cp.  Caes.  de  Bell.  Civ.  i.  23. 

In  .  .condicionibus  ferendis, Mn  offer- 
ing terms  of  peace.'     Cp.  Pro  Rose.  Amer. 

II,  30  *hanc  condicionem  misero  ferunt.* 
On  the  facts,  cp.  Caes  de  Bell.  Civ.  1.9  and 
26 ;  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§  i  and  2. 

11.  Loquitur,  with  accus. :  cp.  Ep.  15, 

5,  note. 

12.  Senatui,   dat.    after   *  iratus  :'   cp. 

Madv.  244  a. 

Exiit,  'has  left  Rome.*  See  Ep.  27,  I. 
On  Caesar's  movements,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part 

III,  §  8.  He  must  have  left  about  April 
3  or  4. 

Intercessionibus,  especially  by  that  of 
L.  Metellus,  a  tribune,    Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ. 

1,  33,  and  Ep.  71,  6,  note. 

Incitatus,  'enraged,'  rarely  used  by 
Cicero  in  exactly  this  sense  ;  it  occurs  Caes. 
Bell.  Gall.  1.4'  civitas  ob  eam  rem  incitata.' 

14.  Domus  =*  domestic!.*     Manut. 

15.  Valemus.  The  plural  is  rare  in 
such  a  combination  as  this.    But  cp.  Ad  Att. 

2.  17,  I  'quid  ager  Campanus,  quid  effusio 
pecuniae  significant,'  and  Madv.  213  b,  Obs. 
2.  The  sentence  breaks  off  after  '  valemus;' 
the  apodosis  is  perhaps  to  be  supplied  from 
•  denique  .  .  stultitiae  est.*  Cp.  Wesenb., 
who  reads  '  habeamus — ;  denique.' 

Fortunam  .  .  conturbare,  'to  throw 
our  prospects  into  confusion.* 

16.  Ut . .  cogamur  :  cp.  Madv.  355  note, 
for  this  use  of  the  conjunctive. 


366 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


nostra  est,  odisse  aut  relinquere  cogamur  aut  impiam  cupiditatem 
contra  salutem  tuam  habeamus.  Denique  illud  cogita  :  quod 
offensae  fuerit  in  ista  cunctatipne,  te  subisse ;  nunc  te  contra 
victorem  Caesarem  facere,  quern  dubiis  rebus  laedere  noluisti,  et 

5  ad  eos  fugatos  accedere,  quos  resistentes  sequi  nolueris,  summae 
stultitiae  est.     Vide  ne,  dum  pudet  te  parum  optimatem  esse, 
parum  dilig^nter,  quid  optimum  sit,  eligas.    Quod  si  totum  tibi  3 
persuadere  non  possum,  saltem,  dum,  quid  de  Hispaniis  agamus, 
scitur,  exspecta  ;  quas  tibi  nuntio  adventu  Caesaris  Tore  nostras. 

10  Quam  isti  spem  habeant  amissis  Hispaniis,  nescio ;  quod  porro 
tuum  consilium  sit  ad'  desperatos  accedere,  non  medius   fidius 
reperio.     Hoc,  quod   tu  non   dicendo   mihi   significasti,  Caesar  4 
audierat  ac,  simulatque  'have'   mihi  dixit,  statim,  quid  de  te 
audisset,  exposuit :  negavi  me  scire ;  sed  tamen  ab  ep  petii  ut 

15  ad  te  litteras  mitteret,  quibus  maxime  ad  remanendum  commoveri 
posses.  Me  secum  in  Hispaniam  ducit ;  nam,  nisi  ita  faceret, 
ego  prius,  quam  ad  urbem  accederem,  ubicumque  esses,  ad  te 
percurrissem  et  hoc  a  te  praesens  contendissem  atque  omni  vi 


1.  Aut  impiam  .  .  habeamus,  *  or 
cherish  an  unnatural  desire  hostile  to  your 
safety,'  i.e.  for  the  triumph  of  our  own  party. 

2.  Quod  offensae  .  .  subisse,  '  that 
you  have  already  incurred  whatever  odium 
your  delay  may  have  involved,'  i.e.  Cicero 
had  already  hesitated  too  long  to  be  trusted 
by  Pompey  and  his  friends.  On  the  mood 
of  fuerit,  completing  the  idea  expressed  in 
the  infinitive  clause,  cp.  Madv.  369,  and  on 
the  genitive  with  'quod,'  Ep.  26,  I. 

3.  Te  contra  victorem  . .  facere,  *  to 
oppose  a  victor.'  On  this  sense  of '  facere,* 
cp.  Forcell.  and  Pro  Quinct.  i,  i  'quae  res 
in  civitate  duae  plurimum  possunt,  eae  contra 
DOS  ambae  faciunt  in  hoc  tempore;'  and  on 
the  use  of  the  accus.  and  infin.  as  a  subject, 
Ep.  54,  7,  note. 

4.  Noluisti,  '  stating  a  fact ;  nolueris, 
a  characteristic  :  quos  =  '  men  whom.'    Cp. 

Ep.  I,  I,  note. 

5.  S'ummae  stultitiae  est.  The  con- 
struction changes  slightly:  'esse' depending 
on  'cogita'  would  have  preserved  its  uni- 
formity. 

6.  Parum  optimatem,  *  not  enough  of 
a  friend  to  the  "  best  cause."  *  There  is,  of 
course,  a  play  on  the  words  'optimates'  and 
•  optimum.'  The  substantive  is  rarely  found 
in  the  singular,  Oudend.  ap.  Suringar. 
Forcell.  only  refers  to  this  passage,  but  cp. 
Ep.  61,  6. 


7.  Totum,  '  altogether.'  Cp.  Madv.  300  c. 

8.  Dum  .  .  scitur,  'while  it  is  being 
ascertained.*  Cp.  Pro  Sest.  38,  82  'quoad 
scitum  est  Sestium  vivere;*  and  for  the 
tense,  Epp.  61,  5;  74,  5  ;  Virg.  Eel.  9.  23. 
Madvig  gives  the  present  a  future  significa- 
tion in  such  passages,  and  explains  'dum'  by 
*  until,'  339,  Obs.  2  b. 

9.  Qjias  .  .  fore  nostras,  'which  I 
announce  to  you  will  be  ours  on  Caesar's 
arrival.' 

Adventu  may  be  either  the  abl.  of  the 
cause  (Ep.  12,  3)  or  of  the  date  (lb.  notes). 

10.  Tsti, 'the  Pompeians.' 

11.  Accedere.  The  gerund  would  per- 
haps be  more  regular,  but  cp.  Madv.  41 7, 

Obs.  2.  ^ 

12.  Hoc,  'your  intention  to  join  Pompey. 

Hofm. 

Non  dicendo,  *by  your  silence*  or, 
'not  by  words,'  but  by  look  or  gesture. 
Boot  gives  '  subobscure '  as  an  equivalent ; 
so,  too,  Hofm.  and  Metzg.  '  without  speak- 
ing out.' 

15.  Quibus  .  .  posses,  'such  as  should 
be  best  suited  to  induce  you  to  stay.'  Cp. 
Ep.  I,  I ;  Madv.  364.  Caesar  did  write  to 
Cicero  about  this  time.     Cp.  Ep.  73. 

18.  Hoc  ..  contendissem,  'I  should 
have  striven  to  persuade  you  to  adopt  this 
course.'  'Contendere  aliquid'  =  ' eniti  ut 
ab  aliquo  ob tineas.'     Forcell. 


EP.  70.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IL  i6.        '>,6^ 

5  te  retinuissem.  Etiam  atque  etiam,  Cicero,  cogita,  ne  te  tuosque 
omnes  funditus  evertas,  ne  te  sciens  prudensque  eo  demittas,  unde 
exitum  vides  nullum  esse.  Quod  si  te  aut  voces  optimatium  com- 
movent  aut  non  nullorum  hominum  insolentiam  et  iactationem 
ferre  non  potes,  eligas  censeo  aliquod  oppidum  vacuum  a  bello,  5 
dum  haec  decernuntur,  quae  iam  erunt  confecta.  Id  si  feceris,  et 
ego  te  sapienter  fecisse  iudicabo  et  Caesarem  non  offendes. 


70.     To  CAELIUS  (AD  FAM.  H.  16). 
Apparently  written  near  Cumae,  April,  49  B.C. 

(705  A.U.C) 

I.  I  should  have  been  much  distressed  by  your  letter,  if  I  were  not  hardened  by 
reflection  and  experience.  I  do  not  understand  your  inference  from  my  letter ;  I  com- 
plained of  the  times,  but  do  you  suppose  I  wish  to  take  part  in  a  civil  war?  2.  I  am 
anxious,  indeed,  for  retirement ;  for  the  sight  of  unworthy  men  prospering  annoys  me, 
and  my  fasces  attract  attention.  You  know  I  have  estates  near  the  sea  ;  my  staying 
on  them  makes  me  suspected  of  wishing  to  sail.  I  would  gladly  do  so  to  a  neutral 
district.  3.  When  you  visited  me  at  Cumae,  I  said  I  would  do  anything  rather  than 
take  part  in  a  civil  war ;  why  should  I  change  my  mind  ?  I  am  eager  that  my  anxiety 
for  peace  should  be  generally  known.  4.  I  do  not,  however,  fear  the  dangers  with 
which  you  threaten  me,  for  I  would  gladly  suffer  anything  to  avert  evil  from  the 
Commonwealth.  5.  My  son  will  be  no  worse  off  than  other  citizens,  probably:  I  am 
anxious  about  Tullia  and  her  husband.  6.  I  am  not  dissembling  ;  I  wish  for  a  place 
in  a  free  Commonwealth  if  possible ;  if  not,  for  peace  in  retirement.  Perhaps  my 
anticipations  are  too  gloomy.  7.  Both  Oppius  and  Curtius  are  ambitious  of  high 
office.  Pray  attend  to  my  request  about  Dolabella,  and  do  all  you  can  for  me 
and  mine. 

M.  CICERO  IMP.  S.  D.  M.  CAELIO. 

1  Magno  dolore  me  adfecissent  tuae  litterae,  nisi  iam  et  ratio 
ipsa  depulisset  omnes  molestias  et  diuturna  desperatione  rerum 
obduruisset  animus  ad  dolorem  novum ;  sed  tamen,  qua  re  acci-  10 


1.  Cogita,  'reflect.' 

2.  Evertas, '  ruin,'  common  in  this  sense. 
Te  .  .  eo  demittas, 'get  yourself  into  a 

position.'      = '  desci.  ndas.'     Forcell. 

3.  Voces  optimatium  ;  the  criticisms 
of  the  optimates  on  his  neutrality.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  III,  §  5. 

4. Non  nullorum  hominum, especially 
of  Gabinius.     Cp.  Ep.  71,  3. 

6.  Dum  haec  decernuntur, '  while  this 
quarrel  is  being  decided.'     Cp.  §  3,  note; 


Forcell.    Caelius  refers  to  the  war  in  Spain. 
Iam,  'presently.'     Cp.  Brut.  46,  171  'id 
tu   Brute    iam   intelleges   cum    in  Galliam 
veneris.' 

8.  Ratio    ipsa,    'my   own    reflection.* 
Hofm.,  Metzg. 


10.  Obduruisset 


novum. 


had 


grown  callous  to  a  new  pang.'  Cicero 
uses  this  verb  with  '  ad,'  '  contra,'  and  a 
dative. 


368 


M,  TULLll  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  hi. 


derit  ut  ex  meis  superioribus  litteris  id  suspicarere,  quod  scribis, 
nescio :  quod  enim  in  illis  fuit  praeter  querelam  temporum  ? 
quae  non  meum  animum  magis  sollicitum  habent  quam  tuum. 
Nam  non  earn  cognovi  aciem  ingenii  tui,  quod  ipse  videam,  te 

5  id  ut  non  putem  videre :  illud  miror,  adduci  potuisse  te,  qui  me 
penitus  nosse  deberes,  ut  existimares  aut  me  tam  improvidum, 
qui  ab  excitata  fortuna  ad  inclinatam  et  prope  iacentem  descisce- 
rem,  aut  tam  inconstantem,  ut  collectam  gratiam  florentissimi 
hominis  efifunderem  a  meque  ipse  deficerem  et,  quod  initio  sem- 

lo  perque  fugi,  civili  bello  interessem.  Quod  est  igitur  meum  '  triste  2 
consilium '  ?  ut  discederem  fortasse  in  aliquas  solitudines  ?  nosti 
enim  non  modo  stomachi  mei,  cuius  tu  similem  quondam  habebas, 
sed  etiam  oculorum  in  hominum  insolentium  indignitate  fasti- 
dium;   accedit   etiam   molesta  haec   pompa   lictorum    meorum 

15  nomenque  imperii,  quo  appellor :  eo  si  onere  carerem,  quamvis 
parvis  Italiae  latebris  contentus  essem.  Sed  incurrit  haec  nostra 
laurus  non  solum  in  oculos,  sed  iam  etiam  in  voculas  male- 
volorum.    Quod  cum  ita  esset,  nil  tamen  umquam  de  profectione 


1.  Ex  meis  .  .  litteris  :  cp.  Ep.  69,  i. 

2.  Temporum,  object,  gen. :  cp.  Ep.  16, 

3,  note. 

3.  Sollicitum  habent  =  sollicitant. 
Forcell.    On  the  constr.,  cp.  Madv.  227,  a. 

4.  Eam,  'so  weak.' 

Aciem,  *  penetration  *  =  '  acumen.'  For- 
cell. 

Quod  ipse  .  .  videre.  This  order 
of  the  word  is  usual  when  a  demonstra- 
tive   pronoun    stands    alone.     Cp.    Madv. 

321. 

7.  Ab  excitata  fortuna,  sc.  Caesaris, 

*  from  the  exalted  fortune  of  Caesar,'  a  rare 
use  of  the  word,  opposed  to  Mnclinata.' 

Ad  inclinatam  .  .  .  iacentem,  sc. 
Pompeii,  '  which  has  received  a  shock  and 
is  almost  prostrate.'  Cp.  Veil.  2.  52,  3  'in- 
clinatam .  .  aciem.* 

8.  Collectam  .  .  hominis,  'the  favour 
of  a  most  prosperous  man  (Caesar)  which  I 

have  won.*  ^  ^ 

Ut  . .  effunderem  =  'to  forfeit  at  once. 

Nagelsb.  130,  375. 

9.  A  meque  ..  deficerem,*to  be  untrue 

to  myself/  rare.    Cp.,  however,  De  Amicit. 
II,  37  *si  a  virtute  defeceris.' 

Initio,  abl.  of  the  date.     Cp.  Ep.  12,  3, 

note. 

10.  Meum  'triste  consilium.    Cicero 

does  not  quote  the  actual  words  of  Caelius, 


but  refers  to  the  import  of  the  opening  sen- 
tences of  Ep.  69. 

11.  Ut  discederem,  foil.  On  the  gene- 
ral construction,  cp.  Ep.  13,  3,  note.  The 
imperfect  is  used  because  the  resolution  is 
supposed  to  have  been  taken  at  a  past  time. 

Slipfle,  Hofm. 

12.  Stomachi, 'my  natural  indignation.' 

Quondam.  Caelius  had  once  belonged 
to  the  optimates  (cp.  Brut.  79,  273),  and 
would  then  probably  have  disliked  some  of 
Caesar's  associates  as  much  as  Cicero  did. 

13.  In  hominum  .  .  indignitate,  'at 
the  sight  of  the  revolting  behaviour  of  inso- 
lent men.'    Supfle.    Cp.  Nagelsb.  46,  127. 

14.  Pompa  lictorum:  cp.  Intr.toPart 
III,  §  3  ;  also  Ep.  46,  and  many  other  pas- 
sages. ^ 

16.  Incurrit  .  .  in,  *  meets  with,  *  in- 
currere '  frequently  = '  incidere.'    Cp.  Forcell. 

17.  Voculas, 'gibes.'    Nagelsb.  8,  32. 

18.  Quod  cum  ita  esset,  'neverthe- 
less.* The  imperf.  is  used  because  of  the 
tense  of  '  cogitavi.'     Cp.  Ep.  15    2,  note. 

De  profectione  .  .  adprobantibus, 
*  of  a  departure  without  your  approval.' 
The  ablative  abs.  is  used  rather  strangely  as 
an  attribute  of  '  profectio.*  Cp.  Sal.  lug.  10 
<parvum  ego  te,  .  .  amisso  patre,  .  .  ac- 
cepi.' 


EP.  70.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IL  16.      369 

nisi  vobis  adprobantibus  cogitavi.  Sed  mea  praediola  tibi  nota 
sunt;  in  his  mihi  necesse  est  esse,  ne  amicis  molestus  sim. 
Quod  autem  in  maritimis  facillime  sum,  moveo  non  nuUis  suspi- 
tionem  velle  me  navigare ;  quod  tamen  fortasse  non  nollem,  si 
possem  ad  otium :  nam  ad  bellum  quidem  qui  convenit.?  prae- 5 

3  sertim  contra  eum,  cui  spero  me  satis  fecisse,  ab  eo,  cui  iam  satis 
fieri  nullo  modo  potest.  Deinde  sententiam  meam  tu  facillime 
perspicere  potuisti  iam  ab  illo  tempore,  cum  in  Cumanum  mihi 
obviam  venisti :  non  enim  te  celavi  sermonem  T.  Ampii ;  vidisti, 
quam  abhorrerem  ab  urbe  relinquenda,  cum  audissem.  Nonne  10 
tibi  adfirmavi  quidvis  me  potius  perpessurum  quam  ex  Italia  ad 
bellum  civile  exiturum?  Quid  ergo  accidit,  cur  consilium  mu- 
tarem  ?  nonne  omnia  potius,  ut  in  sententia  permanerem  ?  Credas 
hoc  mihi  velim,  quod  puto  te  existimare,  me  ex  his  miseriis  nihil 
aliud  quaerere  nisi  ut  homines  aliquando  intellegant  me  nihil  15 
maluisse  quam  pacem,  ea  desperata  nihil  tam  fugisse  quam  arma 
civilia :  huius  me  constantiae  puto  fore  ut  numquam  paeniteat. 
Etenim  memini  in  hoc  genere  gloriari  solitum  esse  familiarem 
nostrum  Q.  Hortensium,  quod  numquam  bello  civili  interfuisset : 
hoc  nostra  laus  erit  illustrior,  quod  illi  tribuebatur  ignaviae ;  de  20 

4  nobis  id  existimari  posse  non  arbitror.    Nee  me  ista  terrent,  quae 


1.  Vobis  =  ' Caesar's  and  my  common 
friends.' 

Praediola,  'little  estates.'  The  word 
occurs  in  various  passages  of  Cicero's  works. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  16.  3,  4. 

2.  Ne  amicis  .  .  sim,  'that  I  may  not 
give  my  frieuds  the  trouble  of  entertaining 

me.' 

3.  Facillime  = 'libentissime.'      Siipfle, 

Hofm. 

Sum  =  'commoror.'     Forcell. 

4.  Tamen,  'indeed.' 

5.  Nam,  I  think  here  =  ' but.' 
Ad  bellum,  sc.  'navigare.' 
Convenit=' utile  est.'     Forcell. 

6.  Contra  eum,  sc.  Caesarem. 

Ab  eo,  '  on  the  side  of  Pompey,'  whom 
Cicero  had  mortally  offlnded  by  his  hesi- 
tation. 

8.  Cum  .  .  obviam  venisti.  Miiller 
and  Hofm.  both  refer  these  words  to  the 
time  when  Cicero  returned  from  his  pro- 
vince at  the  close  of  50  b.c.  His  move- 
ments at  that  time  are  described,  Intr.  to 
Part  II,  §§  24,  25. 

9.  Sermonem    T.    Ampii,    sc    Balbi. 


He  was  a  decided  partisan  of  Pompey,  and 
no  doubt  his  words  were  violent.  The 
Caesarians  called  him  '  the  trumpet  of  civil 
war.'     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  12,  3  ;    see  also  Ep. 

50,  2,  note. 

10.  Cum  audissem, 'when  I  had  heard* 

that  Rome  had  been  abandoned  by  Pompey 
(Siipfle),    or    was     to    be    so     abandoned 

(Matth.). 

11.  Quam  ..  exiturum.  'Utexirem' 
would  be  more  according  to  usage,  but 
cp.  Ep.  54,  3  '  quae  conditio  non  accipienda 
fuit  potius  quam  relinquenda  patria.' 

13.  Nonne  omnia  potius,  sc.  '  acci- 
derunt."  On  the  dat.  and  accus.  with  *credo,' 
cp.  Ep.  38,  3,  note. 

14.  Me  .  .  quaerere,  'that  I  seek  no 
other  gain  from  these  miseries.' 

18.  In  hoc  genere,  'on  this  ground,' 
*  genus  aliquando  pro  re  ponitur.*     Forcell. 

19.  Bello  civili.  That  of  Sulla  and 
the  parly  of  Marius. 

20.  Quod  .  .  ignaviae,  'because  neu- 
trality in  his  case  was  attributed  to  cow- 
ardice.' On  the  double  dat.,  cp.  Mauv. 
249. 


Bb 


370  M.  TULLII  CICERONIS  [part  ill. 

mihi  a  te  ad  timorem  fidissime  atque  amantissime  proponuntur ; 
nulla  est  enim  acerbitas,  quae  non  omnibus  hac  orbis  terrarum 
perturbatione  impendere  videatur,  quam  quidem  ego  a  re  publica 
meis   privatis  et  domesticis   incommodis  libentissime  vel   istis 

5  ipsis,  quae  tu  me  mones  ut  caveam,  redemissem.     Fiho  meo,  5 
quern  tibi  carum  esse  gaudeo,  si  erit  ulla  res  publica,  satis  amplum 
patrimonium  relinquam  memoriam  nominis  mei ;  si  autem  nulla 
erit,  nihil  accidet  ei  separatim  a  reliquis  civibus.     Nam   quod 
rogas  ut  respiciam  generum  meum,  adulescentem  optimum  mihi- 

10  que  carissimum,  an  dubitas,  qui  scias,  quanti  cum  ilium  turn  vero 
Tulliam  meam  faciam,  quin  ea  me  cura  vehementissime  soUicitet? 
et  eo  magis,  quod  in  communibus  miseriis  hac  tamen  oblectabar 
specula  Dolabellam  meum  vel  potius  nostrum  fore  ab  iis  molestiis, 
quas  liberalitate  sua  contraxerat,  liberum.    Velim  quaeras,  quos 

,5  ille  dies  sustinuerit,  in  urbe  dum  fuit,  quam  acerbos  sibi,  quam 
mihi  ipsi  socero  non  honestos.     Itaque  neque  ego  hunc  Hispa-  e 
niensem  casum  exspecto,  de  quo  mihi  exploratum  est  ita  esse,  ut 
tu  scribis,  neque  quicquam  astute  cogito :  si  quando  erit  civitas, 
erit  profecto  nobis  locus ;  sin  autem  non  erit,  in  easdem  solitu- 


I.  Ad  timorem  proponuntur. 'are  set 
before  me  to  alarm  me/ =  ' timoris  causa. 
Cp.  Ad  Q^F.  I.  I,  II  'potestate  quam  tu  ad 
dignitatem  permisisses/     Cicero  is  here  re- 
ferring to  what  Caelius  had  said.    Ep.  69,  I. 

3.  Qjiam  ..  redemissem.  'Redimere* 
takes  an  accusative  sometimes  of  the  thuig 
averted,  sometimes  of  the  person  delivered. 
Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  5.  44,  117  'metum  vir- 
garum  .  .  pretio  redemit.' 

4.  Vel  istis  ipsis:  cp.  Ep.  69.  5,  where 
Caelius  had  hinted  that  Cicero  would  risk 
his  life  and  the  safely  of  his  family  by  join- 
ing Pompey. 

6.  Si  erit  ulla  res  publica,  «if  any 
constitutional  government  shall  exist.* 

Satis  amplum  patrimonium.  On  the 
accus.  in  apposition,  cp.  Ep.  33,  2,  note. 

8.  Nam  :  cp.  Ep.  9,  8,  note.  ^ 

10.  An  dubitas='dubitare  non  debes: 

cp.  Ep.  67,  I,  note. 

Tum  vero :  cp.  Ep.  26,  3,  note.  ^ 

II. Ea.. cura,  'anxiety  on  his  account. 
Cp.  'iisconsiliis'Ep.  33,  2,  note.  Madv.  314. 
12.  Hac  .  .  specula,  'this  little  hope. 
Not  that  the  hope  itself  was  weak,  but  that 
its  fulfilment  would  be  a  poor  compensation 
for  public  disasters.  Hofm.  The  word 
occurs  Pro  Cluent.  26,  72.  Tamen  cor- 
responds to  a  particle  implied  in  the  words 


*in  communibus  miseriis.*    Cp.  Ep.  29, 

21,  note. 

13.  Molestiis,  i.e.  *  his  pecuniary  trou- 
bles.* Cicero  probably  hoped  that  Caesar's 
help  would  enable  Dolabella  to  satisfy  his 
creditors.  Cp.  Mr.  Yonge's  note.  For  an 
account  of  Dolabella's  attacks  on  public 
credit  at  a  later  time,  see  Intr.  to  Part  IV, 

§  5. 

14.  Liberalitate.    A  friendly  expression 

for  Dolabella's  extravagance. 

Quos  .  .  dies,  foil.,  'what  days  he  suf- 
fered' from  the  importunity  of  his  creditors — 
•  dies  pro  actis  diei.'     Cp.  Forcell. 

16.  Mihi  .  .  honestos.  Cicero's  re- 
putation would  suffer  for  his  son-in-law's 
extravagance. 

Neque  . .  exspecto,  'I  am  neither  wait- 
ing for  the  issue  of  the  contest  in  Spain.' 

17.  Casus  = 'eventus.'  Forcell.  Cp. 
Tac.  Ann.  6.  44  *  quibus  proelium  et  festi- 
nati  casus  placebant.' 

De  quo  .  .  scribis,  *as  to  which  I  am 
sure  the  case  is  as  you  write.'  Cp.  Ep.  69, 
3,  for  Caelius'  opinion. 

18.  Neque  . .  cogito,  'nor  do  I  entertain 
any  artful  plan,'  e.g.  of  ruling  his  conduct 
according  to  fortune. 

C  i  V  i  t  a  s  « •  res  publica .'   For  the  thought, 

cp.  §  5. 


EP.  71.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  X.  8.  371 

dines  tu  ipse,  ut  arbitror,  venies,  in  quibus  nos  consedisse  audies. 
Sed  ego  fortasse  vaticinor  et  haec  omnia  meliores  habebunt  exitus : 
recordor  enim  desperationes  eorum,  qui  senes  erant  adulescente 
7  me ;  eos  ego  fortasse  nunc  imitor  et  utor  aetatis  vitio.  Velim 
ita  sit.  Sed  tamen !  .  .  .  togam  praetextam  texi  Oppio  puto  te  5 
audisse ;  nam  Curtius  noster  dibaphum  cogitat,  sed  eum  infector 
moratur.  Hoc  adspersi,  ut  scires  me  tamen  in  stomacho  solere 
ridere.  De  Dolabella,  quod  scripsi,  suadeo  videas,  tamquam  si 
tua  res  agatur.  Extremum  illud  erit :  nos  nihil  turbulenter,  nihil 
temere  faciemus ;  te  tamen  oramus,  quibuscumque  erimus  in  10 
terris,  ut  nos  liberosque  nostros  ita  tueare,  ut  amicitia  nostra  et 
tua  fides  postulabit. 

71.    To   ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.   X.  8). 

Near  Cumae,  May  2,  49  B.C.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  aware  that  we  ought  no  longer  to  correspond  on  dangerous  topics,  but 
I  wish  to  tell  you  what  I  think  about  Tullia's  advice,  which  she  says  you  approve. 
2.  If  I  were  going  to  determine  my  conduct  by  the  issue  of  the  war  in  Spain,  that 
advice  would  be  wise ;  but  if  Caesar  triumphs  3.  it  will  be  intolerable  for  me  to  see 
some  of  his  partisans  acting  as  senators,  and  perhaps  I  shall  not  be  allowed  to  be 
neutral.  4.  Then  the  whole  dispute  will  not  be  settled  in  Spain ;  Pompey  is  collecting 
a  large  fleet,  and  will  attack  Italy  by  sea;  must  I  take  part  in  resisting  him? 
5.  Danger  there  must  be  in  either  course ;  it  is  best  to  incur  that  which  is  most  hon- 
ourable. 'I  did  not  cross  the  sea  with  Pompey,'  true;  but  it  was  difficult;  and 
I  feared  that  he  and  Caesar  might  renew  their  old  alliance  at  my  expense.  6.  Caesar's 
power  cannot  last  long ;  he  has  already  given  great  offence,  and  his  followers  inspire 
no  confidence.     7.  If  I  am  mistaken  I  shall  only  have  to  suffer  for  my  mistake  as 


1.  Vaticinor,  'rave,'  'utter  idle  prophe- 
cies.' Cp.  Pro  Sest.  10,  23,  where  *  vati- 
cinari '  and  'insanire'  are  coupled. 

3.  Desperationes.  Apparently  only 
here  used  in  the  plural. 

4.  Utor  aetatis  vitio,  «indulge  the 
weakness  of  my  age.' 

5.  Sed  tamen  =  'but  yet  I  cannot  sup- 
press my  anxiety.'  Wesenb.  has  '  sit ;  sed 
tamen.' 

Togam  praetextam,  'the  embroidered 
robe  of  office.' 

Oppio:  cp.  Ep.  61,  3.  C.  Oppius  and 
M.  Curtius  Postumus  were  two  friends  of 
Caesar,  who,  it  is  insinuated,  hoped  to  rise 
to  dignities  through  his  influence.  Oppius 
is  often  mentioned  in  Cicero's  letters,  and  a 
letter  from  him  and  Balbus  to  Cicero  has 
been  preserved  (Ad  Att.  9,  7  A).  It  does 
not  appear  that  he  ever  held  high  office, 
though  he  was  a  most  intimate  friend  of 

B 


Caesar.     A  Postumus  Curtius  is  mentioned 
Ad  Att.  9.  2  a,  3. 

6.  Nam,  '  I  do  not  say  the  same  of  Cur- 
tius. for.'     Cp.  §  5. 

Dibaphum,  'the  doubly-dyed  robe*  of 
the  augur.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  9,  2  *  sacerdotii 
5tj3d^«j>.'  It  was  purple  and  saffron.  See 
Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voc. '  toga,'  p.l  1 37. 

Infector,  'the  dyer,'  i.e.  Caesar.  The 
word  does  not  seem  to  occur  elsewhere  in 
Cicero's  writings. 

7.  Adspersi,  'added  this  sprinkling  of 
jest.'  The  word  occurs  frequently  in  Cicero's 
writings.  Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  2.  10,  a  *  epistola 
hoc  adspersit  molestiae.' 

8.  Qjiod   scripsi,  'as  I  wrote  above.' 

Cp.  §  5. 

Videas  =  •  cures.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  5.  I,  3 
'  ut  prandium  nobis  videret.' 

9.  Turbulenter, '  violently,*  a  rare  form 
apparently. 

b2 


r 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS  [PART  in. 


372 

ff  «^  .  o  h„t  I  am  persuaded  Caesar  must  fall,  sooner  or 
many..se  men  '^-^.-'f^'^'',.';-''^^^  .'Yen  ought  not  to  submit  to  unwo.thy 
later-   may  it  be  during  my  life !    i  surely,  men,  uuj,  p^nhark 

masters.    I  I  recommend  all  my  domestic  interests  ,0  >-"  -^  ^^^^    ^ lo     ^ 
with  the  first  fair  wind.     TulUa's  affection  never  bUnds  her  to  th^  cU.ms  o 
upon  mo      10.  Let  me  hear  any  news  you  receive  from  Spam.    I  must  ask  Antony 
n  r'elire  to  Melita,  but  a  letter  I  forward  you  from  h.m  .s  not  promismg. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Et  res  ipsa  monebat  et  tu  ostenderas  et  ego  videbam,  de  iis  i 
rebus  Quas  intercipi  periculosum  esset,  finem  inter  nos  scnbendi 
fien  tXus  esse  ;  'sed'  cum  ad  me  saepe  mea  TulHa  scribat  oran. 
ut  quid  in  Hispania  geratur  exspectem,  et  semper  adscr.bat  idern 
5  videri  tibi  idque  ipse  etiam  ex  tuis  littens  mtellexertm,  non  puto 
esse  alienum  me  ad  te,  quid  de  ea  re  sent.am,  scnbere.     Const-  2 
lium  istud  tunc  esset  prudens,  ut  mihi  videtur,  st  nostras  rat.o.es 
ad  Hispaniensem  casum  accommodatun  essemus  ;  ^«0^  ^en  ne- 
quit;  necesse  est  enim  aut,  id  quod  maxime  vel..«,  pelh  >stum 
.cab  Hispania,  aut  trahi  id  bellum,  aut  istum,  ut  confidere  v.detur^ 
aoprehendere  Hispanias.     Si  pelletur,  quam   gratus  aut   quam 
honestus  tum  erit  ad  Pompeium   noster  adventus    cum  ipsum 
Curionem  ad  eum  transiturum  putem  ?     Si  trah.tur  bellum,  qu.d 
exspectem  aut  quam  diu  ?  Relinquitur,  ut,  si  vincmiur  m  Hispania, 
,5quiescamus:   id  ego  contra   puto;    istum  enim  victorem  mag^ 
relinquendum  puto  quam  victum   et  dubitantem   mag.s   quam 
fidenlm  suis  rebus.     Nam  caedem  video,  si  v.cerit,  et  impetum 


2.  Quas,  an  abbreviation  for  '  de  quibus 

litteras.'     Billerb. 

Esset.     On    tbe   tense,   cp.    tp.    i-    i. 

note. 

a.  Fieri  :  cp.  Madv.  589. 

4.  Et  semper  .  .  tibi,  'and  always  adds 
that  your  opinion  is  the  same. 

6.  Alienum,  '  out  of  place.'  It  is  much 
more  common  with  a  case  following  it. 
Forcell.  e.g.  '  ab  hoc  loco.' 

Consilium  .  .  prudens,  •  your  advice 
would  be  wise,  I  thir.k,  if  I  intended  to 
fashion  my  plans  according  to  the  issue  ot 

the  war  in  Spain.'  _ 

7  Tunc  =  'ita.'  but  'tum     is  generally 

used   in  this   sense.     Hofm.     Wesenb.  has 

*tum.'  „  ,   . 

8  Quod  fieri  nequit.  Because,  what- 
ever'the  course  of  the  Spanish  war.  it  could 
not  change  his  decision.  Wesenb.  doubts  if 
*  nequit'  is  Ciceronian  in  this  sense,  and 
suggests  '  non  potest,'  *  non  debet '  or  '  non 

oportet.' 

9.  Istum,  Caesarem. 


11.  Apprehendere,  'should  make  him- 
self master  of.'     Rare.     Forcell. 

Quam  gratus,  foil.,  of  course  ironical. 

12.  Cum    .    .  putem,   'when  I    should 
suppose  that  even  Curio  would  go  over  to 

him.'  o      -^, 

13.  Si  trahitur:  cp.  Madv.  348  e,  Obs. 

4:  and  353. 

14.  Relinquitur  =the    only   possibility 

remaining  in  which  the  result  of  the  war  m 
Spain  might  affect  my  decision  is. 

15  Id  ego  contra  puto,  *I  hold  ^the 
contrary  opinion  about  that.'  '  Contra  is 
used  adverbially,  and  'esse'  omitted.  Cp. 
De  Off.  2.  2,  7  'alia  probabilia,  contra  alia 

dicimus.'  .        ,     ,. 

16.  Dubitantem  . .  rebus,  'in  a  doubt- 
ful position,  lather  than  in  one  of  confidence 
in  his  fortunes.'  To  be  taken  in  close  con- 
nection with  victum:  but  the  expressiori 
seems  odd,  and  Boot  suggests  '  nee '  for  'et. 

17.  Caedem  video,  sc. 'fore.'     Cp.  Ep. 

63,  4,  note. 


EP.  71.]        EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  X,  8.  373 

in  privatorum  pecunias  et  exsulum  reditum  et  tabulas  novas  et 
turpissimorum  honores  et  regnum  non  modo  Romano  homini, 

3  sed  ne  Persae  quidem  cuiquam  tolerabile.  Tacita  esse  poterit, 
indignitas  nostra  ?  pati  poterunt  oculi  me  cum  Gabinio  senten- 
tiam  dicere }  et  quidem  ilium  rogari  prius  ?  praesto  esse  clientem  5 
tuum  Clodium  ?  C.  Ateii  Plaguleium  ?  ceteros  ?  Sed  cur  inimicos 
colligo,  qui  meos  necessarios  a  me  defensos  nee  videre  in  curia 
sine  dolore  nee  versari  inter  eos  sine  dedecore  potero  ?  Quid,  si 
ne  id  quidem  est  exploratum,  fore,  ut  mihi  liceat— scribunt 
enim  ad  me  amici  eius  me  illi  nullo  modo  satis  fecisse,  quod  10 
in  senatum  non  venerim— ,  tamenne  dubitemus  an  ei  nos  etiam 
cum  periculo  venditemus,  quicum  coniuncti  ne  cum  praemio  qui- 

4dem  voluimus  esse?  Deinde  hoc  vide,  non  esse  indicium  de 
tota  contentione  in  Hispaniis,  nisi  forte  iis  amissis  arma  Pom- 
peium abiecturum  putas,  cuius  omne  consilium  Themistocleum  15 


I.  Reditum,  'restoration.'  The  exiles 
would  often  be  political  offenders.     Cp.  Ep. 

47,  I,  note. 

Tabulas  novas,  'a  total  or  partial 
abohtion  of  debts.'     Cp.  In  Cat.  2.  8,  l8. 

1.  Turpissimorum:  i.e.  of  such  men 
as  Gabinius  :  see  the  next  section. 

3.  Tacita  .  .  nostra,  'will  my  indig- 
nation allow  me  to  keep  silence?'  Boot, 
however,  remarks  that  this  sense  of  indig- 
nitas, though  common  in  Livy,  seems  not  to 
be  found  elsewhere  in  Cicero.  He  therefore 
suggests  'tanta'  for  'tacita,'  'can  I  fall  so 

low?' 

4.  Sententiam  dicere,  i.e.  as  a  se- 
nator. 

5.  Ilium  rogari  prius.  Gabinius,  as 
an  old  supporter  of  Caesar,  might  be  asked 
his  opinion  before  Cicero,  both  being  con- 
sulars.  A  good  d-al  depended  on  the  will 
of  the  presiding  officer.  Cp.  Kp.  6,  2,  note. 
In  the  year  43  b.c.  the  consul  Pansa  asked 
Q^  Fufius   Calenus   his    opinion  first.     Cp. 

Philipp.  5.  I,  I.  ^       ^ 

6.  Clodium.  This  is  generally  referred 
to  Sextus  Clodius,  a  dependent  of  the  Clo- 
dian  family,  who  had  been  banished  for 
taking  part  in  the  disturbances  of  52  B.C. 
Cp.  Epp.  109;  no.  The  nature  of  his 
connection  with  Atticus  is  obscure ;  P.  Clo- 
dius is  called  '  sodalis '  of  Atticus.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  2.  9,  3;  2.  15,  2. 

C.  Ateii.  A  C.  Ateius  is  mentioned  Ad 
Fam.  13.  29,  2;  De  Divin.  i.  16,  29;  and 
Plaguleius,  on  whom  cp.  De  Dom.  33,  89, 
may  have  been  a  worthless  protege  of  his. 


The  best  MS.  has  Cateli. 

7.  Colligo, 'count  up.'     Metzg. 

Meos  necessarios,  'my  own  friends/ 
i.e.  men  like  Vatinius,  whom  he  had  de- 
fended  at   Caesar's   request.      Cp.  Intr.  to 

Part  II,  §  10.  .     , 

9.  Liceat,  sc. 'in  senatum  venire.     The 

independence  which  Cicero  had  shewn  in 
not  appearing  in  the  senate  at  Caesar's 
request  (see  next  note)  might  make  Caesar 
exclude  him  when  he  wished  to  attend. 

10.  Quod  .  .  non  venerim.  The  tense 
of 'venerim'  is  accounted  for  by  'satis 
fecisse'  after  'scribunt'  being  a  present 
perfect.  Cp.  Ep.  10,  2 ;  Zumpt,  L.  G.  514, 
515.     On  the  facts  cp.  Ep.  67,  I. 

11.  Tamenne  .  .  esse?  'shall  I  still 
think  of  recommending  myself,  even  at  some 
risk,  to  a  man  whom  I  was  unwilling  to  join 
for  my  own  profit?'  that  is,  at  au  earlier 
time,  when  Caesar  would  have  been  very 
grateful  for  Cicero's  support.  On  this  use 
of  'an,'  cp.  Madv.  453;  Zumpt  3=4. 
'Tamenne    interrogantis    est,  et    urgentis. 

Forcell. 

13.  Non  esse  indicium,  foil., 'that  the 
decision  of  the  whole  contest  does  not 
depend  on  the  fate  of  the  Spanish  provinces.' 
For  this  sense  of  'esse  in,'  cp.  Ep.  8,  2,  note. 
Or,  •  will  not  take  place  in.*  '  Indicium 
esse'  =  'decerni.*  Boot.  The  phrase  seems 
only  to  occur  here. 

15.  Themistocleum,  '  like  that  of  The- 
mistocles,'  in  the  interpretation  he  put  on 
the  oracle  as  to  the  '  wooden  walls.'  Cp. 
Herod.  7.  143  and  144. 


II 


374 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


HI 


est;  existimat  enim,  qui  mare  teneat,  eum  necesse  esse  rerum 
potiri.  Itaque  numquam  id  egit,  ut  Hispaniae  per  se  tenerentur ; 
navalis  apparatus  ei  semper  antiquissima  cura  fuit.  Navigabit 
igitur,  cum  erit  tempus,  maximis  classibus  et  ad  Italiam  accedet, 

5  in  qua  nos  sedentes  quid  erimus  ?  nam  medios  esse  iam  non 
licebit.  [Classibus]  adversabimur  igitur?  quod  maius  scelus  vel 
tantum  denique  ?  quid  turpius  ?  An  qui  t  valde  hie  in  absentes 
solus  tuli  scelus,  eiusdem  cum  Pompeio  et  cum  reliquis  princi- 
pibus    non   feram  ?     Quod   si    iam   misso    officio  periculi   ratio  5 

10  habenda  est,  ab  illis  est  periculum,  si  peccaro,  ab  hoc,  si  recte 
fecero,  nee  ullum  in  his  malis  consilium  periculo  vacuum  inveniri 
potest,  ut  non  sit  dubium  quin  [turpiter  facere]  cum  periculo 
fugiamus,  quod  fugeremus  etiam  cum  salute.  Non  simul  cum 
Pompeio  mare  transiimus.     Omnino  non  potuimus :  exstat  ratio 

15  dierum.  Sed  tamen— fateamur  enim  quod  est— ne  contendimus 
quidem,  ut  possemus.  Fefellit  ea  me  res,  quae  fortasse  non 
debuit,  sed  fefellit:  pacem  putavi  fore,  quae  si  esset,  iratum 
mihi  Caesarem   esse,  cum  idem   amicus   esset  Pompeio,  nolui; 


2.  Per  se, 'by  himself  in  person.'  Those 
provinces  had  been  governed  by  legates  of 
Pompey  since  55  B.C.     Boot.     Cp.  Intr.  to 

Part  II,  §§8;  14. 

3.  Antiquissima,  'most  important  = 
•  potissima.*     Forcell. 

5.  Sedentes.  *Sedere'  =  *otiosum  esse.' 

Forcell. 

Medios  .  .  licebit,  'I  shall  not  be 
allowed  to  be  neutral  any  longer.'  For  this 
sense  of  *  medius,'  cp.  Forcell.  ;  and  on  the 
accus.  and  infin.  after  '  licet,'  Madv.  393  c, 

Obs.  I.  ^  , 

7.  Denique  =*omnino*  (Forcell),  *atall. 

An  qui,  foil.  These  words  are  clearly 
corrupt.  Kayser  suggests  'an  qui  valide 
huic  obstans  cius  solus  tuli  scelus,  eiusdem  ;' 
Hofmann  'an  invadentis,  in  absentes  solus 

tuli  scelus.' 

8.  Tuli  =' resisted.*  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall. 
3.  19  'factum  est  .  .  ut  ne  unum  quidem 
iiostrcrum  impetum  ferrent.'  Cicero  refers 
probably  to  his  behaviour  in  an  interview 
with  Caesar.     Cp.  Ep.  67. 

Cum  Pompeio,  foil.,  'with  Pompey  and 
the  other  nobles  by  my  side.' 

9.  Misso  officio,  'dismissing  the  notion 
of  duty.'  Cp.  Ep.  12,  I  ;  also  Pro  Muren. 
i^,  33.  '  niitto  praelia  ;'  also  Ep.  12,  i. 

*'lo.  Ab  illis, 'from  the  friends  of  Pompey.' 
Ab  hoc,  'from  Caesar.' 
12.  Ut  non  sit  dubium,  'so  that  I  have 


no  scruple.*  In  this  sense  the  words  are 
usually  followed  by  an  infinitive.  Madv, 
375  c,  Obs.  2;  who  mentions,  however. 
Pro  Leg.  Man.  23,  68  '  nolite  dubitare  quin 
huic  uni  credatis  omnia.* 

Cum  periculo  fugiamus,  sc.  '  id,'  'a 
course  now  that  it  is  dangerous.'  On  the 
omission  of '  id,'  cp.  Madv.  321. 

14.  Transiimus.  An  objection  by  a 
critic  of  Cicero's  conduct.  *  I  shall  be  told 
"I  did  not  cross  the  sea  with  Pompey." 
It  was  quite  impossible.'  On  this  use  of 
the  perf.  indie,  cp.  Ep.  45,  4.  The  best 
MS.  has  •  transierimus,'  which  can  hardly 
be  construed. 

Exstat  ratio  dierum,  'a  calculation  of 
the  days  is  open  to  any  one,'  *  is  public* 
*Exstare'  =  'apparere.'  Forcell.  Cicero  com- 
plained (Ad  Att.  9.  2  a,  2)  that  Pompey  only 
informed  him  of  his  plans  when  Caesar  had 
already  cut  off  the  communication  between 
them. 

16.  Fefellit  me.  foil.  *I  was  mistaken 
about  a  point  where  perhaps  I  ought  to  have 
avoided  mistakes,  but  did  not.  I  thought 
there  would  be  peace.* 

17.  Quae  si  esset.  On  the  tense,  cp. 
Madv.  382. 

18.  Cum  idem  .  .  Pompeio,  '  at  the 
same  time  that  he  was  a  friend  of  Pompey.' 
Cp.,  on  this  use  of  '  idem,'  Ep.  20,  i, 
note. 


W 


EP.71.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  X.  8.  375 

senseram  enim,  quam  iidem  essent.     Hoc  verens  in  hanc  tardi- 
tatem  incidi.    Sed  assequor  omnia,  si  propero  ;  si  cunctor,  amitto. 
6  Et  tamen,  mi  Attice,  auguria  quoque  me  incitant  quadam  spe 
non  dubia,  non  haec  collegii   nostri  ab  Atto,  sed  ilia  Platoms 
de  tyrannis :  nullo  enim  modo  posse  video  stare  istum  dmtius,  5 
quin  ipse  per  se  etiam  languentibus  nobis  concidat,  quippe  qui 
florentissimus  ac  novus  VI.  Vll.  diebus  ipsi  illi  egenti  ac  perditae 
multitudini  in  odium  acerbissimum  venerit,  qui  duarum  rerum 
simulationem  tam  cito  amiserit,  mansuetudinis  in  Metello,  divi- 
tiarum  in  aerario.     Iam,  quibus  utatur  vel  sociis  vel  ministris,  lo 
si  ii  provincias,  si  ii  rem  publicam   regent,  quorum  nemo  duo 
menses  potuit  patrimonium  suum  gubernare.?     Non  sunt  omnia 
colligenda,  quae  tu  acutissime  perspicis,  sed  tamen  ea  pone  ante 
oculos  :  iam  intelleges  id  regnum  vix  semestre  esse  posse.    Quod 
si  me  fefellerit,  feram,  sicut  multi  clarissimi  homines  in  re  publica  15 
excellentes  tulerunt,  nisi  forte  me  Sardanapali  vicem  [in  suo 


I.  Iidem,  'like  each  otl.er,*  Boot.  '  Of 
one  mind,'  Hofm.,  Metzg.  'Like  what 
they  were  in  59  b.c'  Billerb.  The  latter 
meaning  is  supported  by  Ep.  25,  i.  But 
Mr.  Jeans  remarks  that  the  words  'qui 
fuerant'  follow  in  that  passage.  Cicero 
feared  that  he  might  be  sacrificed  by  Caesar 
and  Pompey,  as  in  59-58  B.C.    Cp.  Ad  Att. 

8.  II  D,  7.  .        T    .J        •   » 

In  hanc  .  .  incidi.  'Incidere  m  = 
« to  make  a  mistake,  or  get  into  a  difficulty, 
through  negligence  or  mischance.'  Cp.  In 
Verr.  2  Act.  i.  11,  31  'qua  stultitia  fuissem 
si  .  .  in  earn  diem  ego  cum  potuissem  vitare 
incidissem.'     Cp.  below,  §  7. 

2.  Assequor  omnia,  'I  make  good 
everything '  =  'abunde  resarciam  quidquid 
omissum  est.'  Gronov.  ap.  Boot.  On  the 
tense,  cp.  Madv.  339,  Obs.  2  a. 

3.  Et  tamen,  'moreover.      BiUerb. 

4!  Non  haec  .  .  ab  Atto,  'not  the 
familiar  auguries  of  our  college  derived  from 
Attus'  Navius.  '  Ab '  is  used  here  nearly  m 
the  same  fense  as  in  quotations.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  9.  21,  I  'nihil  tibi  opus  est  illud  a 
Trabea.'     On    the   historical   allusion,   cp. 

Livy  I.  3^-  r.      ^      r  11      ^^ 

Platonis:  cp.  Rep.  8.  562,  foil.;  Cic. 

De  Rep.  i.  43.  .  ,      .  r  „•      » 

6.  Quin  .  .  concidat,  'without  falling, 

Cp.  Ep.  60.  .  , 

Languentibus  nobis,  'if  we  sit  still. 
Cp.  In  Pisoo.  33,  82  '  languet  inventus  nee 
...  in  laudis  et  glor  ae  cupiditate  versatur.' 

7.  Novus,  'a  new  comer/  after  his  long 
absence  in  Gaul. 


Sex  septem,  a  proverbial  expression. 
Cp.  Hor.  Epp.  T.  T,  58  'sed  quadringentis 
sex  septem  millia  desunt.'  The  reference  is 
to  the  short  interval  between  Caesar's  return 
to  Rome  from  Brundisium  and  his  departure 
for  Spain.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  8.  He 
gave  oflfence  to  the  needy  by  the  moderation 
of  the  plan  he  proposed  for  relief  of  debtors, 
and  to  the  citizens  in  general  by  his  harsh 
treatment  of  Metellus  and  by  his  seizure  of 
the  contents  of  the  treasury.  Cp.  Mommsen 
4-  2,  378-.^82;  Intr.  1.  c.  ' 

8.  Multitudini.    On  the  dat., cp.  Madv. 

241,  Obs.  3. 

10.  Iam='praeterea.*    Forcell.,  and  Ep. 

5.  4-  .     , 

Quibus  utatur,  sub.  'cogita,  or  per- 
haps •  necesse  est,'  '  what  allies  he  has,'  or 
•  must  use.'  Metzg.  would  supply  the  first. 
Wesenb.  suggests  '  utetur.' 

12.  Gubernare,  'keep  the  management 
of,'  i.e.  avoid  bankruptcy.  This  is  a  sneer 
at  men  like  Curio,  Dolahella.  and  Antony.  ^ 

13.  Colligenda,  'to  be  strung  together* 
in  this  letter.     Metzg.,  BiUerb. 

Ea.  The  things  which  Cicero  thinks  it 
needless  or  unsafe  to  mention. 

14  Quod  si  me  fefellerit,  '  if  I  am 
mistaken  in  this.'  Cp.  Ep.  67,  I,  note. 
Supp.  '  haec  opinio,*  Manut. 

16.  Nisi  forte  .  .  Themistocleo, 
'unless  you  suppose  I  had  rather  die  like 
Sardanapalus  than  like  Themistocles.'  As 
the  words  '  nisi  forte '  introduce  something 
in  opposition  to  feram,  they  would  nati> 
rally  be  followed  by  '  maluero,'  for  Cicero  s 


37<^ 


M.  TULLll  CIC FRONTS 


[part  III. 


M 


lectulo]  mori  malle  censueris  quam  exsilio  Themistocleo,  qui 
cum  fuisset,  ut  ait  Thucydides,  rSiv  ^ev  -napovTUiv  bi  eAaxtoTTjs 
PovXrjs  KpaTLaros  yv(0fi(0Vy  t&v  he  \x€XX6vt(^v  h  -nXeicTTov  rov  yeirq- 
aoixivov  'apiaros  €tKa(7TT]9,  tamen  incidit  in  eos  casus,  quos  vitasset, 

5  si  eum  nihil  fefellisset.  Etsi  is  erat,  ut  ait  idem,  qui  to  6.ix€lvov 
Kol  TO  xeipoi^  ^J^  T^  cKpavei  en  k(opa  fxakio-Ta,  tamen  non  vidit,  nee 
quo  modo  Lacedaemoniorum  nee  quo  modo  suorum  civium  invi- 
diam effugeret  nee  quid  Artaxerxi  polliceretur.  Non  fuisset  ilia 
nox  tam  acerba  Africano,  sapientissimo  viro,  non  tam  dirus  ille 

10  dies  Sullanus  callidissimo  viro  C.  Mario,  si  nihil  utrumque  eorum 
fefellisset.  Nos  tamen  hoc  confirmamus  illo  augurio,  quo  diximus,  & 
nee  nos  fallit  nee  aliter  accidet :    corruat   iste   necesse  est  aut 
per  adversarios  aut  ipse  per  se,  qui  quidem  sibi  est  adversarius 


n 


patience  would  only  be  discredited  by  his 
really  despairing,  not  by  Atticus'  expecta- 
tion that  he  would  despair.  A  similar  pas- 
sage occurs,  however,  DeSenect.  6,  17  '  non 
viribus  .  .  res  magnae  geruntur  sed  consilio 
auctoritate  sententia  ;  quibus  non  modo  non 
orbari  sed  etiam  augeri  seiiectus  solet :  nisi 
forte  ego  vobis  .  .  .  cessare  nunc  videor.' 
Hofm.  The  general  drift  of  the  passage  is, 
'  I  will  bear  the  consequences  of  any  mis- 
calculation I  may  make,  even  if  they  involve 
a  death  in  exile;  and  I  shall  not  make  a 
greater  mistake,  nor  fare  worse,  than  many 
wise  men  have  done  before  me. 

Sardanapali  vicem,  '  like  Sardana- 
palus.'  A  rare  sense  of  the  word.  Forcell. 
Cp.  Zumpt,  L.  G.  453.  On  the  accus.,  cp. 
Madv.  237  c,  Obs.  3.  The  death  of  Sar- 
danapalu*  is  described  by  Diod.  Sic.  2.  27, 
and  by  Ctesias  ap.  Athen.  12.  7.  In  the 
latter  passage  kX'ivcu  are  mentioned  as  having 
been  placed  on  his  funeral  pile ;  and  this  may 
perhaps  justify  the  retention  of  the  words 
in  suo  lectulo.  But  they  convey  an  idea 
so  contrary  to  the  usual  associations  with 
the  death  of  Sardanapalus,  and  their  combi- 
nation with  'Sardanapali  vicem  '  is  so  harsh, 
'  like  Sirdanapaius  in  his  bed,'  that  I  have 
followe  J  Boot  in  putting  them  in  brackets. 
Their  insertion  may  have  been  suggested  by 
Ad  Att.  10.  14,  3,  or  Ad  Fam.  9.  18,  2. 
Athenaeus  (1.  c.)  quotes  from  Clitarchus  a 
story  that  Sardanapalus  died  in  old  age,  but 
the  import  of  Cicero's  remark  surely  is, 
'  unless  I  prefer  suicide  to  exile.'  Mr.  Jeans 
thinks  that  the  bracketed  words  present  no 
difficulty,  if  we  (i)  supply  some  such  word 
as  'exstincti,'  and  (2)  suppose  that  the  con- 
trast intended  is  one  between  death  at  home 
and   death   in   exile.     The   expression 


m 


lectulo  mori'  is  found  Ep.  87,  2  ;  Ad  Att. 
10.  14,  3.     Wesenb.  has  '  in  meo  lectulo.* 

1.  Exsilio  Themistocleo,  abl.  modi : 
cp.  Madv.  257. 

Qui,  of  course,  Themistocles.  Wesenb. 
suggests  the  insertion  of  'in'  before  'exsilio.' 

2.  Ut  ait  Thucydides;  cp.  Thuc.  i. 
138.  Cicero  quotes  from  memory,  for 
Thucydides  has  raiv  n  irapaxPVf^^  •  •  '^^^ 
tSjv  ixeWovTcov  erri.  In  the  next  passage 
Thucydides  has  to  t€  dfjiiivov  i]  x^i^pov,  and 
npoewpa. 

8.  Quid  .  .  .  polliceretur,  'what  he 
would  have  to  promise'  (Wiel.,  Metzg.),  i.e. 
t )  reduce  Greece  to  subjection  under  the 
king  of  Persia.  Cp.  Corn.  Nep.  Themist. 
10;  Plut.  Themist.  31.  On  the  tense  of 
'  polliceretur,'  cp.  note  on  '  quae  si  esset,' 
supra,  §  5  and  Madv.  378  a,  2. 

Ilia  nox.  The  younger  Scipio  was  found 
dead  in  his  bed  the  day  after  he  had  ad- 
dressed the  people  in  perfect  health.  His  wife 
Sempronia  and  C.  Carbo  were  both  suspected 
of  his  murder.  Cp.  Veil.  2.4;  Cic.  Somn. 
Scip.  2.  12  (De  Rep.  6,  12)  ;  Livy,  Epit.  59. 

9.  Ille  dies  Sullanus,  'the  day  of 
Sulla's  triumph,*  which  was  followed  by  his 
own  exile  and  the  death  of  P.  Sulpicius.  Cp. 
App.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  55-60;  Veil.  2.  17-19. 

11.  Hoc,  i.e.  'my  own  inference  from 
Caesar's  conduct.' 

Illo  augurio,  sc.  Platonis. 

Quo  diximus,  attraction  for  'quod.* 
Cp.  Hor.  Satt.  I.  6,  15  ;  Livy  i.  29  '  quibus 
quisque  poterat  elatis.* 

12.  Nee  nos  fallit,  foil.,  'and  I  am 
not  mistaken,  and  the  issue  will  be  as  I 
expect.*  For  '  fallit '  without  a  subject,  cp. 
Ep.  108,  2. 

13    Per  se,  *  by  his  own  errors.*     For 


EP.  71.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  Z.  8. 


zn 


unus  acerrimus ;  id  spero  vivis  nobis  fore.  Quamquam  tempus 
est  nos  de  ilia  perpetua  iam,  non  de  hac  exigua  vita  cogitare.  Sin 
quid  acciderit  maturius,  haud  sane  mea  multum  interfuerit,  utrum 
factum  videam,  an  futurum  esse  multo  ante  viderim.  Quae  cum 
ita  sint,  non  est  committendum,  ut  iis  paream,  quos  contra  me  5 

9  senatus,  ne  quid  res  publica  detrimenti  acciperet,  armavit.  Tibi 
sunt  omnia  commendata,  quae  commendationis  meae  pro  tuo  in 
nos  amore  non  indigent.  Nee  hercule  ego  quidem  reperio,  quid 
scribam  ;  sedeo  enim  iiXovhoKGiv  :  etsi  nihil  umquam  tam  fuit  scri- 
bendum  quam  nihil  mihi  umquam  ex  plurimis  tuis  iucunditatibus  lo 
gratius  accidisse  quam  quod  meam  Tulliam  suavissime  diligentis- 
simeque  coluisti — valde  eo  ipsa  deleetata  est,  ego  autem  non 
minus — ,  cuius  quidem  virtus  mirifica.  Quo  modo  ilia  fert  publi- 
cam  cladem  !  quo  modo  domesticas  tricas  !  quantus  autem  animus 
in  discessu  nostro !  est  a-Topyrj,  est  summa  crvvTr]^is :  tamen  nos  15 

10  recte  facere  et  bene  audire  volt.     Sed  hac   super  re  nimis,  ne 
meam  ipse  avix-naOeiav  iam  evocem.     Tu,  si   quid  de  Hispaniis 


the  thought,  cp.  Philipp.  2.  45,  116  '  tui  te, 
mili  crede.  diutius  non  ferent.' 

Qui  quidem  .  .  est.  On  the  mood, 
cp.  Ep.  3.  3,  note. 

1.  Unus  strengthens  the  superlative.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  15.  16,  3;  Philipp.  2.  3,  7  ;  Ad  Att. 

3.  23,  5- 

2.  Ilia  perpetua  .  .  hac  exigua.    The 

pronouns  seem  to  compare  what  is  future 
with  what  is  present.     Cp.  Madv.  485  a. 

Iam,  'at  my  age,*  even  if  my  life  is  not 
shortened  by  violence. 

Sin  quid  .  .  maturius,  'if  anything 
befall  me  previously,'  i.e.  '  if  I  die.'  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  4,  10  'si  quid  mihi  humaniius 
accidisset.'  The  words  refer  to  Cicero's 
desire  lo  witness  Caei^ar's  fall,  expressed 
just  above.  *  Maturius '  =  ' id  quod  festi- 
natius  fit :  cui  opponitur  sero,  tarde,  lente.' 
Forcell. 

5.  lis,  i.e.  Caesar  and  his  friends. 
Quos     contra.        On   the    position    of 

*  contra,'  cp.  Pro  Muren.  4,  9,  *  ilium  ipsum 
quem  contra  veneris,' 

Me  senatus  .  .  armavit.  Cicero,  as  a 
proconsul,  having  *  imperium,'  was  included 
in  the  commission  mentioned  Ad  Fam.  16. 
I  [,  2  ;  Caes. Bell.  Civ.  I  5  ;  A|  pendix  6,  §  5. 

6.  Tibi  .  .  commendata,  *  I  have  en- 
trusted all  I  have  to  you.' 

7.  Commendationis.  On  the  genit., 
cp.  Madv,  295,  Obs.  3. 

Pro  tuo  .  .  amore.  *  considering  your 
affection  for  me,'     Cp.  Madv.  446. 


9.  Sedeo  .  .  ttXovSokujv,  •  for  I  remain 
merely  waiting  for  fine  weather,'  which 
would  account  for  his  not  moving  about 
to  collect  news.  The  Greek  word  seems 
not  to  occur  elsewhere. 

Etsi.  Hofm.  has  collected  various  pas- 
sages where  this  word  seems  to  mean  *  how- 
ever,' or  'but:'  e.g.  Ad  Att.  9.  7,  5  ;  9. 
19,1. 

10  Iucunditatibus,  'courtesies  *=' iu- 
cimdis  officiis.'     Forcell. 

13.  Cuius,  TuUiae.  Hofm.  remarks 
that  a  relative  does  not  always  refer  to  the 
nearest  substantive. 

Publicam  cladem,  '  the  State's  calam- 
ity,' '  the  civil  war.' 

14.  Tricas  ='nugas' (Forcell.), 'troubles,' 

•  difficuhies,'  perhaps  '  extravagances.' 

Quantus  .  .  nostro,  *  how  high  a  spirit 
she  shews  in  view  of  my  approaching  de- 
parture' to  the  camp  of  Pompey.  On  this 
sense  of  '  in,'  cp.  Ep.  36,  13,  note. 

15.  avvTtj^is,  lit.  'transfusion,'  'com- 
munion.'    Not  classical  apparently. 

16.  Hac  super  re  nimis,  foil.,  *  I  dwell 
too  much  on  this,  and  must  take  care  not 
to  rouse  my  own  feelings.'      Metzg.     Or, 

•  too  much  of  this  ;  I  nmst  cease,  lest,*  etc. 

•  Super'  with  the  abl.  =  'de,'  is  not  common 
in  Cicero,  and  only  occurs  in  his  letters. 
Hofm. 

17.  avfX7td9€iav.  Not  classical,  appa- 
rently. 

Evocem.      The  metaphorical   sense  of 


378 


M.  TULLll  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


certius  et  si  quid  aliud,  dum  adsumus,  scribes  et  ego  fortasse 
discedens  dabo  ad  te  aliquid,  eo  etiam  magis,  quod  Tullia  te  non 
putabat  hoc  tempore  ex  Italia.  Cum  Antonio  item  est  agendum, 
ut  cum  Curione,  Melitae  me  velle  esse,  huic  bello  nolle  interesse  : 
5  eo  velim  tam  facili  uti  possim  et  tam  bono  in  me  quam  Curione. 
Is  ad  Misenum  VI.  Nonas  venturus  dicebatur,  id  est  hodie,  sed 
praemisit  mihi  odiosas  litteras  hoc  exemplo. 

72.    ANTONY  to  CICERO  (AD  ATT.  X.  8  A). 

May  I  (?)  (705  A.u.c.) 

I  My  remarkable  affection  for  you  makes  me  pay  attention  to  rumours  which 
1  should  otherwise  disregard,  and  I  write,  the  more  earnestly  on  account  of  our  past 
disagreement,  to  dissuade  you  from  leaving  Italy.  Both  Caesar  and  I  have  the  highest 
regard  for  you.  2.  Do  not  join  Pompey,  who  only  served  you  after  injurmg  you  ;  do 
not  fly  from  Caesar,  who  is  most  interested  in  your  well  being. 

*ANTONIUS  TRIE.  PL.  PRO.  PR.  CICERONI  IMP.  SAL. 
Nisi  te  valde  amarem,  et  multo  quidem  plus,  quam  tu  putas,  1 
non  extimuissem  rumorem,  qui  de  te  prolatus  est,  cum  praesertim 
10  falsum  esse  existimarem  ;  sed  quia  te  nimio  plus  diligo,  non  pos- 
sum dissimulare  mihi  famam  quoque,  quamvis  sit  falsa,  magni 


Fin.  1.  31,  99  •probitatem  .  .  non  .  .  prae- 
miorum  niercedibus  evocatam.* 

Si  quid,  so.  *  audieris.' 

I.  Dum  adsumus,  'while  I  am  still  in 
Italy.'     Cp.  Ep.  69,  3,  note,  on  the  tense. 

3.  Te  non  putabat,  sc.  '  abilurum,' 
epistolary  imperfect.     Cp.  Ep.  I,  i,  note. 

3.  Cum  Antonio  .  .  est  agendum,  *  I 
must  make  representations  to  Antony.'  The 
accus.  and  infin.  which  follows  is  curious,  and 
to  be  accounted  for,  probably,  by  *  agendum 
est'  being  considered  equivalent  to  '  dicen- 
dum  est.'  Cp.  Suet.  Tib.  54  'egit^cum 
senatu  non  debere  talia  proemia  tribui.*  On 
the  meaning  of  '  agere  cum  aliquo,'  cp.  Ep. 

5,  8,  no^e. 

4.  Ut  cum  Curione.  Cicero  had 
asked"€urio  at  an  interview  on  April  14  to 
allow 'him  to  pass  through  Sicily  on  his  way 
to  Greece.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  4,  10. 

6.  Is,  ie.  Antony. 

Ad  Misenum,  'to  his  estate  at  Mise- 
num,' near  Baiae  (cp.  Philipp.  2.  19,  48); 
or,  'to  the  neighbourhood  of  Misenum*  (cp. 
Madv.  232,  and  Ep.  54,  7,  note).     ^      _ 

7.  Odiosas  =*molestas,    graves.       For- 


cell.     Cp.  Philipp.  1.11,27*  video  . .  quam 
sit  odiosum  habere  iratum  eundem  et  arma- 

tum.*  , 

Hoc  exemplo,  'of  which  I  add  a  copy. 

Metzg. 

TRIE.  PL.  PRO.  PR.  A  tribune  of 
the  people  was  bound  not  to  leave  Rome 
for  a  whole  day  during  his  year  of  office 
(cp.  Macrob.  Sat.  i.  3);  but  this  restriction 
has  been  disregarded  by  C.  Gracchus  (Plut. 
C  Gracchus  10;  li),  and  Antony  had  re- 
ceived from  Caesar  a  commission  to  govern 
Italy  during  his  leader's  absence,  with  the 
title  of  propraetor.  He  travelled  about  (or 
some  time  in  the  discharge  of  his  official 
duties  (cp.  Ep.  74,  5). 

9.  Rumorem.    Of  Cicero's  intention  to 

join  Pompey.     Manut. 

Prolatus,  'published,'  'put  in  circula- 
tion.* Cp.  Ad  Alt.  15.  13,  1  'orationem 
.  .  eius  .  .  proferenJae  arbitrium  tuum.' 

10.  Nimio  plus   '  too  much  by  far.'  Cp. 

Hor.  Carm.  i.  33,  i 

•Albi  ne  doleas  plus  nimio.' 


EP.  72.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  Z.  8  ^.  379 

esse.  Te  iturum  esse  trans  mare  credere  non  possum,  cum  tanti 
facias  Dolabellam  et  Tulliam  tuam,  feminam  lectissimam,  tanti- 
que  ab  omnibus  nobis  fias,  quibus  mehercule  dignitas  amplitu- 
doque  tua  paene  carior  est  quam  tibi  ipsi ;  sed  tamen  non  sum 
arbitratus  esse  amici  non  commoveri  etiam  improborum  ser- 5 
mone,  atque  eo  feci  studiosius,  quod  iudicabam  duriores  partes 
mihi  impositas  esse  ab  ofifensione  nostra,  quae  magis  a  zelotypia 
mea  quam  ab  iniuria  tua  nata  est.  Sic  enim  volo  te  tibi  per- 
suadere,  mihi  neminem  esse  cariorem  te  excepto  Caesare  meo, 
2  Caesarem  maxime  in  suis  M.  Ciceronem  reponere.  Qua  re,  mi  10 
Cicero,  te  rogo,  ut  tibi  omnia  integra  serves,  eius  fidem  improbes, 
qui  tibi,  ut  beneficium  daret,  prius  iniuriam  fecit,  contra  ne  pro- 
fugias,  qui  te,  etsi  non  amabit— quod  accidere  non  potest—,  tamen 
salvum  amplissimumque  esse  cupiet.  Dedita  opera  ad  te  Calpur- 
nium,  familiarissimum  meum,  misi,  ut  mihi  magnae  curae  tuam  15 
vitam  ac  dignitatem  esse  scires.' 

Eodem  die  a  Caesare  Philotimus  litteras  attulit  hoc  exemplo. 


5.  Etiam  improborum  sermone,  'by 
the  talk  even  of  unscrupulous  people.* 

6.  Feci  studiosiu.s  'I  have  acted  the 
more  earnestly,'  '  fulfilled  this  duty  with  the 
more  zeal.' 

Quod  iudicabam  .  .  nostra,  'because 
I  think  our  quarrel  requires  more  of  me,' 
i.e.  he  was  the  more  bound  to  be  watchful 
of  Cicero's  interest,  as  any  neglect  might  be 
attributed  to  personal  motives. 

Duriores  partes  mihi  impositas 
esse  =' plus  a  me  exigi.'  Boot.  On  the 
insertion  of  ab  before  '  offensione,'  cp.  Ep. 
5,  10,  note. 

7.  Zelotypia,  'jealousy.'  It  occurs 
Tusc.  Disp.  4.  8,  18,  but  in  Greek  letters. 
Cicero  gives  '  obtrectatio'  as  a  Latin  equi- 
valent. Antony's  jealousy  arose  from  Cicero 
having  been  elected  augur  before  him.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  13  ;  Philipp.  2.  2,  4. 

8.  Iniuria  tua,  'any  wrong  done  by 
you.'     Cp.  Madv.  297  a. 

10.  Caesarem.  Baiter  inserts  before  this 
word  from  Cratander's  edition  the  words 
'  meque  illud  una  iudicare.'  But  neither 
Boot  nor  Hofmann  sees  any  difficulty  in  the 
reading  of  the  best  MS.,  which  I  have  fol- 


lowed.   With  the  asyndeton,  cp.  p.  44,  line* 
5  and  6. 

10.  Reponere.  This  seems  equivalent 
here  to  the  simple  verb  '  ponere.'  Cp.  De 
Nat.  Deor.  2.  21,  54  *  non  possumus  ea 
ipsa  [siderajnon  in  deorum  numero  reponere.' 

11.  Eius,  Pompeii. 

Fidem  improbes,  *  set  no  value  on  his 
honour.'  Metzg.  '  Pompeio  ne  te  credas.' 
Manut.  Pompey  had  promoted  or  sanc- 
tioned Cicero's  banishment.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  I,  §  20. 

12.  Qui  tibi  .  .  fecit,  '  who  wronged 
you  first  that  he  might  serve  you  after- 
wards.' Cp.  Ep.  54,  3  •  ille  restituendi  mei 
quam  retinendi  studiosior.* 

Ne  profugias,  sub. 'eum,*sc.  Caesarem. 
Cicero  seems  not  to  use  this  verb  with  an 
accusative  after  it.  On  the  omission  of 
'  euni,'  cp.  Ep.  34,  7,  note. 

13.  Etsi  =  ' etiamsi.'     Hofm. 

Quod  accidere  non  potest,  sc.  '  ut  te 
non  amet.' 

14.  Dedita  opera,  =  ««:  vpovoias  (For- 
cell.),  '  on  purpose.' 

Calpurnium.  Perhaps  the  L.  Piso 
mentioned  Philipp.  10.  6,  13. 


38o 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


73.  CAESAR  to  CICERO  (AD  ATT.  X.  8  B). 
April  i6,  49  b.c.  {705  a.u.c.) 

I  I  do  not  think  you  are  likely  to  act  imprudently,  but  what  I  hear  induces  me  to 
write  and  beg  vou  not  to  join  my  enemies.  Your  doing  so,  now  especially,  would  be 
a  most  serious 'blow  to  me.  2.  What  attitude  can  befit  an  honest  man  and  good  citizen 
better  than  neutrality  during  a  civil  war  ? 

*  CAESAR  IMP.  SAL.  D.  CICERONI  IMP. 
Etsi  te  nihil  temere,  nihil  imprudenter  facturum  iudicaram,  1 
tamen  permotus  hominum   fama  scribendum   ad  te  existimavi 
et  pro  nostra  benevolentia  petendum,  ne  quo  progredereris  pro- 
clinata  iam  re,  quo  Integra  etiam  progrediendum  tibi  non  existi- 

6  masses  ;  namque  et  amicitiae  graviorem  iniuriam  feceris  et  tibi 
minus  commode  consulueris,  si  non  fortunae  obsecutus  videbere 
-omnia  enim  secundissima  nobis,  adversissima  illis  accidisse 
videntur— ,  nee  causam  secutus— eadem  enim  tum  fuit,  cum  ab 
eorum  consiliis  abesse   iudicasti—   sed   meum   aliquod   factum 

10  condemnavisse,  quo  mihi  gravius  abs  te  nil  accidere  potest ;  quod 
ne  facias,  pro  iure  nostrae  amicitiae  a  te  peto.     Postremo,  quid  2 
viro  bono  et  quieto  et  bono  civi  magis  convenit  quam  abesse 
a  civilibus  controversiis  ?  quod  non  nulli  cum  probarent,  peri- 
culi  causa  sequi   non   potuerunt :   tu  explorato   et  vitae   meae 

during  the  war.    Oa  •secutus,'  cp.  Ep.  61, 

'9.  Abesse  iudicasti,  'you  decided  to 
be  absent.'  A  similar  construction  is  found 
Ad  Fam.  7.  33,  2  '  mihi  enim  iudicatum  est 
.  .  otic  perfrui* 

Meum  aliquod  factum.  On  this  use 
of  the  poss.  pron.,  cp  Ep.  77,  2,  note. 

II.  Pro  iure,  'foil.,  '  in  accordance  with 
the  right  which  our  friendship  gives  me.'  On 
this  sense  of  the  prep.,  cp.  Zumpt.  L.  G.  31 2. 

13.  Quod  non  nulli  ..  potuerunt, 'a 
course  which  some  men,  though  they  ap- 
proved of  it,  could  not  adopt,  owing  to  the 
dangers  which  beset  them.'  e.g.  the  threats 
of  Pompey  against  neutrals.     Cp.   Intr.   to 

Part  III,  §  7J  I^P-  80.  2. 

14.  Explorato  .  .  iudicio,  *  as  the  evi- 
dence which  my  life  furnishes  of  my  in- 
tentions, and  the  judgment  which  a  friend 
should  pronounce,  are  both  clear.*  Metzg. 
Hofm. 


2.  Fama.     Cp.  •rumorem.'     Ep.  72,  i. 

3.  Ne  quo  progredereris,  metaph. 
•  that  you  will  not  take  any  step.'  Metzg., 
Forcell.  The  tense  is  ep  stolary,  depending 
upon  *  existimavi.'     Cp.  Ep.  i,  i,  note. 

Proclinata  iam  re,  'now  that  affairs 
have  taken  a  decisive  turn.'  Cp.  Caes.  Bell. 
Gall.  7.  42  *  adiuvat  rem  proclinatam  Con- 
victolitavis.' 

6.  Si  non  .  .  videntur,  'if  you  shall 
not  seem  to  have  yielded  to  circumstances 
(as  you  will  not),  fur  everything  goes  on  as 
I  could  wish.'     For  this  use  of  enim,  cp. 

Forcell.  ., 

Fortunae  obsecutus.  *  Obsequi  = 
•  morem  gerere,  inservire.'     Forcell. 

8.  Nee  causam  secutus,  '  ncr  to  have 
been  influenced  by  the  superior  merits  of  his 
cause.'  If  Cicero  now  joined  Pompey,  he 
could  not  be  influenced  by  prudence,  nor  by 
original  preference  for  his  cause,  but  must 
have  been  displeased  by  Caesar's  conduct 


EP.  74.]      EPISTOLARUM  AB  ATTICUM  X.  16.  381 

testimonio    et  amicitiae  iudicio    neque   tutius    neque  honestius 

reperies  quicquam  quam  ab  omni  contentione  abesse.  XV.  Kal. 
Maias  ex  itinere/ 


74.     To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  X.  i6). 
Near  Cumae,  May  14,  (?)  49  B.C.  (705  a.u.c.) 

I.  Dionysius  visited  me  early  in  the  morning  ;  I  was  quite  prepared  to  forgive  hi:ii 
if  his  futile  excuses  had  not  shewn  that  he  looks  down  on  me  in  my  present  position. 
2.  I  am  now  merely  waiting  for  a  fair  wind.  Let  me  hear  all  rumours  and  all  your 
anticipations.  3.  Cato  has  abandoned  Sicily  needlessly ;  I  hope  Cotta  may  put  him 
to  shame  by  holding  Sardinia.  4.  I  have  received  offers  from  the  commanders  of 
a  small  force  to  put  Pompeii  into  my  hands,  but  I  suspect  a  snare.  5.  Ilortensius 
visited  Terentia  while  I  was  away,  and  spoke  of  me  with  respect.  Antony's  progresses 
are  made  in  disreputable  company.  6.  Now  that  you  have  got  rid  of  the  ague  and 
its  consequences,  come  to  me  in  Greece,  and  meanwhile  write  occasionally. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Commodum  ad  te  dederam  litteras  de  pluribus  rebus,  cum  ad 
me  bene  mane  Dionysius  [fuit],  cui  quidem  ego  non  modo  placa-  5 
bilem  me  praebuissem,  sed  totum  remisissem,  si  advenisset,  qua 
mente  tu  ad  me  scripseras ;  erat  enim  sic  in  tuis  litteris,  quas 
Arpini  acceperam,  eum  venturum  facturumque  quod  ego  vellem  ; 
ego  volebam  autem  vel   cupiebam  potius  esse   eum  nobiscum ; 
quod  quia  plane,  cum  in  Formianum  venisset,  praeciderat,  aspe-  10 
rius   ad  te  de  eo  scribere  solebam.     At  ille  perpauca  locutus 
hanc   summam  habuit   orationis,  ut   sibi   ignoscerem,  se   rebus 
suis  impeditum  nobiscum  ire  non  posse.     Pauca  respond!,  mag- 


3.  Ex  itinere,  'on  the  march,'  i.e.  to 
Spain.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  8. 

On  the  date,  May  14,  cp.  Ad   Att.  10. 

17,  I. 

4.  Commodum, 'opportunely.'    Cp.  Ad 

Att.  13.9,  I  'commodum  discesseras  heri.' 

Ad  me.  If*  fuit'  is  genuine,  'ad'  must 
be  equivalent  to  '  apud,'  a  sense  not  uncom- 
mon.    Cp.  Forcell. 

5.  Bene  mane,' very  early.*  *Bene'  = 
•valde.'  Cp.  In  Verr.'2  Act.  2.  70,  169 
'  bene  penitus.' 

6.  Totum  remisissem,  'should  have 
forgiven  him  all.'  *  Totum'  is  used  thus 
absolutely  Ad  Q^F.  3.  i,  i  *  totum  in  eo  est 
.  .  tectorium  ut  conciunum  sit.' 


Qua  mente  ='ea  mente  qua.'  Madv. 
321  and  319. 

7.  Erat  enim  sic,  'for  it  is  written  as 
follows.'  On  this  sense  of  '  est,'  cp.  Ep,  37, 
3  ;  and  on  the  tense,  Ep.  1,1,  note. 

10.  Cum  .  .  venisset.  This  was  late 
in  February.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  5,  i. 

Praeciderat,  'had  refused.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  8.  4,  2  '  numquam  reo  cuiquam  .  .  tarn 
praecise  negavi  quam  hie  mihi  plane  . .  prae- 
cidit.' 

12.  Hanc  summam  .  .  orationis, 
•  made  a  speech  of  this  substance.' 

Ut  sibi  ignoscerem:  cp.  on  the  mood, 
Madv.  372  a  with  374. 

13.  Nobiscum  ire,  •  to  accompany  me 
to  Greece.' 


38a 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  III. 


num  accepi  dolorem,  intellexi  fortunam  ab  eo  nostram  des- 
pectam  esse.  Quid  quaeris?  fortasse  miraberis :  in  maximis 
horum  temporum  doloribus  hunc  mihi  scito  esse.  Velim  ut 
tibi  amicus  sit:    hoc   cum   tibi   opto,  opto  ut  beatus  sis;  erit 

5  eiiim  tarn  diu.     Consilium  nostrum  spero  vacuum  periculo  fore  ;  2 
nam  et  dissimulavimus  et,  ut  opinor,  acerrime  adservabimus. 
Navigatio  modo  sit,  qualem  opto,  cetera,  quae  quidem  consilio 
provideri  poterunt,  cavebuntur.     Tu,  dum  adsumus,  non  modo 
quae  scieris  audierisve,  sed  etiam  quae  futura  providebis  scribas 

lo  velim.     Cato,  qui  Siciliam   tenere   nullo    negotio   potuit,  et,  sis 
tenuisset,  omnes  boni  ad  eum  se  contulissent,   Syracusis  pro- 
fectus  est  ante  diem  VIII.  K.   Mai.,  ut  ad   me  Curio  scripsit. 
Utinam,  quod  aiunt,  Cotta  Sardiniam  teneat!   est  enim  rumor. 
O,  si  id  fuerit,  turpem  Catonem !     Ego,  ut   minuerem   suspi- 4 

istionem  profectionis  aut  cogitationis  meae,  profectus  sum  in 
Pompeianum  a.  d.  IIII.  Idus,  ut  ibi  essem,  dum  quae  ad  navi- 
gandum  opus  essent  pararentur.  Cum  ad  villam  venissem,  ven- 
tum  est  ad  me:  centuriones  trium  cohortium,  quae  Pompeiis 
sunt,   me    velle    postridie    [convenire]— haec    mecum   Ninnius 

ao  noster— ;  velle  eos  mihi  se  et  oppidum  tradere.    At  ego  tibi 


1.  Fortunam  .  .  esse/ that  he  slighted 
me  on  account  of  my  position.' 

2.  Fortasse  miraberis,  so.  'id  quod 
dicturus  sum,* 

3.  Hunc,  sc.  'dolorem/ 

4.  Ut  beatus  sis,  'that  you  may  be 
prosperous/ 

5.  Tam  diu,  '  so  long,  and  no  longer.' 
Consilium  nostrum, '  my  intention  '  of 

leaving  Italy. 

6.  Dissimulavimus,  *!  have  concealed 
ray  intentions.'  This  appears  to  be  the  read- 
ing of  the  best  MS. ;  Baiter  and  Wesenb. 
have  *  disMmuiabimus.' 

Adservabimus,  'shall  keep  them  secret.' 
*  Adservare  *  =  '  summa  diligentia  custodire 
ct  occultare.'  Boot.  On  ut  opinor,  cp. 
Ep.  40,  I,  note. 

7.  Navigatio  :  cp.  Ep.  6i,  5,  note. 
Qjiae  quidem  .  .  poterunt,  '  so  far  at 

least  as  it  will  be  possible  for  forethought  to 
provide  for  them.'  Cp.  Ep.  10,  2,  note,  on 
the  position  of  *  quidem.*  The  conjunctive 
would  be  more  common  after  '  quae  quidem' 
in  this  sense.     Cp.  Madv.  364,  Obs.  2. 

8.  Dum  adsumus,  *  while  I  am  still  in 
Italy.'     Cp.  *  dum  scitur '  Ep.  69,  3. 

10.  Cato:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  111,  §9, 
notes. 


Nullo  negotio  =  ' sine  uUo  negotio.' 
Cp.  *  nulla  reda,  nullis  impedimentis '  Pro 
Milon.  10,  28  ;  Madv.  257. 

Potuit :  cp.  Ep.  4,  I,  note. 

II.  Ad  eum,  for  '  ad  quem.*   Cp.  Madv. 

323  b. 

13.  Cotta.  M.  Aurelius  Cotta  seems  only 

to  be  mentioned  by  Cicero  here  and  Ad  Att. 

12.  2  2,  2,  where  he  is  spoken  of  as  a  learned 

man. 

Est  enim  rumor,  sc.  *  eum  ita  facturum.' 

On  the  occurrences  here  referred  to,  cp.  Intr. 

to  Part  III,  p.  291,  note  12.   Cicero  had  not 

yet  forgiven  Cato  for  opposing  the  vote  of  a 

'  supplicatio  *  in  his  honour.      Cp.  Ad  Fam. 

15,  5,  with  Ad  Att.  7.  2,  7. 

16.  Pompeianum:  cp.  Ep.  9,  II,  note. 

17.  Ventum  est  ad  me,  *I  received  a 
deputation,  which  said.'  On  the  accus.  and 
infin.  which  follow,  cp.  below,  §  5  '  misit  .  . 
puerum  se  ad  me  venire  ;'  and  Madv.  395. 

19.  Me  velle  postridie.  Perhaps 'con- 
venire  '  is  superfluous.  Cp.  Ep.  29,  9  *  te  .  . 
ipsum  cupio.'     Boot. 

Haec  mecum,  sc.  *  locutus  est.'  On  the 
ellipse,  cp.  Ep.  33,  4,  note.  L.  Ninnius 
Quadratus  was  a  great  friend  of  Cicero. 
Cp.  Ep.  19,  4,  and  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  20. 

20.  T  ibi, '  1  promise  you.'  Cp.  Ep.  7,  5. 


EP.74.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  X.  i6.  383 

postridie  a  villa  ante  lucem,  ut  me  omnino  illi  ne  viderent. 
Quid  enim  erat  in  tribus  cohortibus?  quid,  si  plures?  quo 
apparatu  ?  cogitavi  eadem  ilia  Caeliana,  quae  legi  in  epistola 
tua,  quam  accepi,  simul  et  in  Cumanum  veni,  eodem  die,  et 
[simul]  fieri  poterat,  ut  temptaremur ;  omnem  igitur  suspitionem  5 

5  sustuli.  Sed  dum  redeo,  Hortensius  venerat,  et  ad  Terentiam 
salutatum  deverterat;  sermone  erat  usus  honorifico  erga  me. 
Tamen  eum,  ut  puto,  videbo ;  misit  enim  puerum  se  ad  me 
venire.     Hoc    quidem    melius    quam    collega    noster  Antonius, 

6  cuius  inter  lictores  lectica  mima  portatur.    Tu,  quoniam  quar-  10 
tana  cares,   et    nedum    novum   morbum    removisti,   sed   etiam 
gravedinem,  te  vegetum   nobis  in   Graecia   siste,  et  litterarum 
aliquid  interea. 


1.  A  villa.     It  does  not  appear  where  ; 
perhaps  at  Cumae. 

2.  Quid  enim   .  .  cohortibus,  *  what 

was  the  value  of  three  cohorts  ?'   Cp.  Ep.  9, 

12,  note. 

Quid,  si  plures?  sc.  '  essent,  temptan- 

dum  erat?' 

Quo  apparatu?  sc.  'temptaturi  eramus 
aliquid  ?'     Abl.  instr. :  cp.  Madv.  254. 

3.  Eadem  ilia  Caeliana,  'the  same 
exploits  of  Caelius  of  which  I  wrote  before.* 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  12,  6,  alib.  The  allusion  is 
obscure.  It  is  often  referred  to  a  Caelius 
who  raised  a  force  to  oppose  Sulla  in  Italy, 
and  who  is  apparently  noticed,  according  to 
one  reading,  in  Plut.  Pomp.  7.  It  is  just 
possible  that  Cicero  may  have  already  heard 
that  M.  Caelius  Rufus  was  discontented  with 
Caesar.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  12. 

5.  Fieri  .  .  temptaremur,  'it  was 
possible  that  people  were  trying  to  entrap 
me.'     On  the  mood,  cp.  Madv.  373. 

Omnem  .  .  suspitionem  sustuli,  'I 
removed  all  ground  for  suspicion,'  which 
Caesar's  friends  would  have  felt  if  he  had 
even  listened  to  the  proposals  made. 

6.  Dum  redeo:  sc.  'in  Cumanum.' 
Manut.     Cp.  for  the  tense  Ep.  69,  3,  note. 

Hortensius,  son  of  the  great  orator. 
He  was  a  man  of  dissipated  character  (cp. 
Ad  Att.  6.  3,  9  ;  10.  4,  6),  who  now  served 
Caesar,  but  after  his  death  supported  and 
obeyed  Brutus  as  governor  of  Macedonia, 
and  was  put  to  death  after  Philippi  by 
Antony's  order,  in  revenge  for  the  death  of 
C.  Antonius,  whose  execution  Hortensius 
had  ordered.  Philipp.  10,  5  and  6 ;  Plut. 
Brut.  28. 

Ad  Terentiam  .  .  deverterat,  'had 
visited  Terentia  to  greet  her.'     Cp.  Madv. 


411,  on  the  use  of  the  supine. 

8.  Tamen,  '  though  he  had  called  with- 
out finding  me  at  home.'  Cp.  Ep.  29,  21, 
note.     Wesenb.  has  *  iam.* 

Misit  .  .  venire  :  cp.  §  4,  note.  ^ 

9.  Hoc     quidem    melius,   jc.  'fecit. 
Cp.  p.  327,  1.  4,  note,  on  the  ellipse. 

Collega,  as  augur.  Antony's  election  is 
referred  to  Ep.  41,  I. 

10.  Mima:  cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  10,  5  'hie 
tamen  Cyiherida  secum  lectica  aperta  portat, 
alteram  uxorem  ;'  also  Philipp.  2.  24,  58. 

Quartana :  cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  15,  4  '  ^e  a 
quartana  liberatum  gaudeo.'  It  was  a  fever 
returning  every  fourth  day.     Forcell. 

11.  Nedum.  Forcell.  thinks  that  this  is 
used  in  a  sense  resembling  that  of  *non 
dicam*  and  a  similar  sense  is  found  in  a 
letter  of  Balbus  and  Oppius,  Ad  Att.  9,  7  A, 
I.  But  it  seems  not  to  be  Ciceronian,  and 
Wesenb.  thinks  that  something  has  dropped 
out,  e.g.  'non  modo.'  He  reads  '  et  .  . 
novum.' 

Novum  morbum.  Perhaps  the  dis- 
order was  dvaovpia,  mentioned  Ad  Att.  10, 

lo»  3- 

12.  Gravedinem,   'cold  in   the   head,* 

*  catarrh.'  Perhaps  an  usual  consequence  of 
the  sickness  from  which  Atticus  had  been 
suffering.  Boot  reads  '  novum  morbum 
removisti,'  omitting  '  nedum,'  and  putting 

*  sed  etiam  gravedinem '  in  brackets.  The 
best  MS.  has  '  novum  vel  nedum.* 

Te  vegetum  .  .  siste,  'present  yourself 
to  me,'  '  let  me  find  you  in  good  health  in 
Greece.'      '  Vegetus  *  = '  incolumis,  vividus.' 

Forcell. 

Et  litterarum  aliquid,  sc.  *  mitte,' 
*  and  meanwhile  write  to  me.'  Cp.  on  the 
ellipse  Epp.  9,  8 ;  15, 10,  notes. 


1 


3«4 


M.  rULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


On 


75.     To  TERENTIA  (AD  FAM.  XIV.  7). 

SHIPBOARD  IN  THE  PORT  OF  CaIETA,  (?)  JUNE  7,  49  B.C. 

(705  A.U.C.) 


I.  I  can  relieve  you  and  Tullia  from  all  anxiety  as  to  my  health,  thanks  to  the  aid 
of  some  god,  to  whom  I  hope  you  will  make  a  fitting  acknowledgment.  2.  I  think 
I  have  a  good  vessel,  and  writ,  on  board ;  I  will  recommend  you  and  Tulha  to 
several  friends  by  letter.  I  know  your  firmness,  and  will  spare  exhortations.  I  hope 
you  will  be  free  from  annoyance  in  Italy,  and  that  I  shall  be  able  to  serve  the  state 
with  others  like  myself.  3.  Take  care  of  your  health,  and,  if  possible,  stay  in  villas 
remote  from  any  military  post.     Marcus  sends  his  good  wishes. 

TULLIUS  TERENTIAE  SUAE  SAL.  PLURIMAM. 

Omnes  molestias  et  sollicitudiiies,  quibus   et  te  miserrimam  1 

habui,  id  quod  mihi  molestissimum  est,  et  Tulliolam,  quae  nobis 

nostra  vita  dulcior  est,  deposui  et  eieci ;  quid  causae  autem  fuerit, 

postridie  intellexi,  quam  a  vobis  discessi :  x^^V  o-Kparov  noctu 

5  eieci ;   statim  ita  sum  levatus,  ut  mihi  deus  aliquis  medicinam 
fecisse  videatur,  cui  quidem  tu  deo,  quem  ad  modum  soles,  pie 
et  caste   satis  facies   [id    est  Apollini  et  Aesculapio].     Navem  2 
spero  nos  valde  bonam  habere  ;   in  eam  simulatque  conscendi, 
haec  scripsi.     Deinde  conscribam  ad  nostros  famiUares  multas 

10  epistolas,  quibus  te  et  TulHolam  nostram  diligentissime  com- 
mendabo.  Cohortarer  vos,  quo  animo  fortiore  essetis,  nisi  vos 
fortiores  cognossem  quam  quemquam  virum.  Et  tamen  ems 
modi  spero  negotia  esse,  ut  et  vos  istic  commodissime  sperem 


Caieta.  In  Ep.  54,  6,  Cicero  had 
written  that  he  had  ships  ready  at  Caieta 
and  at  Brundisium  in  case  he  decided  to  sail 
for  Pompey's  camp. 

I.  Quibus  .  .  habui,  *  owing  to  which  I 
k.  pt  you  in  a  very  wieasy  state.'  Cp.  Niigelsb. 
110.  300;  Pro  Flacco  29,  71  'cur  unus  tu 
Apollonidenses  .  .  niiseriores  habes  quam  aut 
Mithridates  aut  .  .  pater  tuus  habuit  usqu«m.' 
On  the  abl.  '  quibus,'  cp.  Ep.  74,  4,  note. 

3.  Quid  .  .  fuerit,  «  what  has  been  the 
reason'  for  my  ill-health.  On  the  tense 
cp.  Ep.  71,  3,  note  ;  and  on  the  gen. '  causae/ 
Madv.  285  b. 

4.  Postridie  .  .  discessi.  He  had  ap- 
parently parted  from  tlem  at  his  villa  near 
Cumae.     Cp.  Ep.  74,  45. 

XoX^v  OLKparov.  He  uses  Greek  words 
perhaps  for  delicacy's  sake,  or,  as  Mr.  Jeans 


sivs,  as  Latin  is  used  now :  cp.  Ep.  104,  J. 
'5.  Eieci='ev()niui.*     Forcell. 

Medicinam  fecisse.  'to  h.ive  adminis- 
tered a  remedy.'  '  Facere  *-=•  adterre.'  For- 
cell. Cp.  De  Orat.  2.  4.1,  186  '  adhibere 
medicinam.' 

7.  Satis  facies -'gratias  ages.'  Frey. 
•  coles.'     Forcell.     On  the  mood  and  tense, 

see  Ep.  II,  3. 

11.  Quo='ut  eo,"  'that  by  so  much. 

Cp.  Madv.  440  b,  Obs.  I. 

12.  Et  tamen;  cp.  Ep.  71,  6. 

13.  Spero  esse,  foil.  Cicero  here  twice 
uses  the  present  infiaidve  with  '  spero.'  Cp. 
Ep.  I,  I,  note. 

Istic,  *in  Italy.' 

Commodissime  .  .  esse  :  cp.  Ad  Fam. 
14.  18,  I  '  tuto  esse  ;'  also  Epp.  4,  l ;  49, 
notes. 


\ 


( 


( 

\ 


EP.  76.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  VIILy^.     385 

esse  et  me  aliquando  cum  similibus  nostri  rem  publicam  defen- 
3  suros.  Tu  primum  valetudinem  tuam  velim  cures ;  deinde,  si 
tibi  videbitur,  villis  iis  utere,  quae  longissime  aberunt  a  mili- 
tibus.  Fundo  Arpinati  bene  poteris  uti  cum  familia  urbana,  si 
annona  carior  fuerit.  Cicero  belHssimus  tibi  salutem  plurimam  5 
dicit.     Etiam  atque  etiam  vale.     D.  VII.  Idus  lun. 

76.  M.  CAELIUS  RUFUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  VIII.  17). 

Italy,  early  in  48  b.c.  (706  a.u.c.) 

I.  Would  that  I  had  been  at  Formiae  when  you  sailed!  I  have  acted  too  much 
from  private  feeling,  and  you  should  have  warned  me  before.  I  do  not  distrust  our 
prospects  of  success,  but  detest  my  associates.  2.  If  people  did  not  fear  your  cruelty, 
we  should  long  ago  have  been  driven  from  Rome.  Nearly  everybody  is  for  Pompey, 
and  I  have  done  much  to  bring  about  this  change  of  feeling.  You  are  letting  a  great 
chance  escape  you.  If  you  wait  for  a  pitched  battle,  you  will  do  just  what  Caesar 
with  his  hardy  troops  would  wish. 

CAELIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

1  Ergo  me  potius  in  Hispania  fuisse  tum  quam  Formiis,  cum  tu 
profectus  es  ad  Pompeium !  Quod  utinam  aut  Appius  Claudius 
in  hac  parte  fuisset  aut  in  ista  parte  C.  Curio,  cuius  amicitia  me 
paulatim  in  banc  perditam  causam  imposuit ;  nam  mihi  sentio  10 
bonam  mentem  iracundia  et  amore  ablatam.  Tu  porro,  cum  ad 
te  proficiscens  Arimino  noctu  venissem,  dum  mihi  pacis  mandata 


I.  Defensuros,  *will  defend  with  suc- 
cess.* Hofm.  Cp.  Livy  26.  27  *  aedes 
Vestae  vix  defensa  est.'  On  the  plural '  de- 
fensuros,* cp.  Madv.  215  c.  Wesenb.  points 
out  that  this  construction  is  not  Ciceronian, 
and  prefixes  f  to  *  defensuros.' 

3.  Utere,  apparently  future,  v.  sup.  on 
•  satis  facies,'  Wesenb.  however,  as  *  cures  * 
has  gone  before,  reads '  utare.' 

A  militibus,  sc.  Caesarianis. 

4.  Cum  familia  urbana, 'with the  slaves 
of  our  town  establishment.'  They  could  be 
maintained  more  cheaply  at  Arpinum  than 
at  Rome,  probably.  The  estate  at  Arpinum 
has  been  mentioned  Ad  Att.  5.  i,  3.  Cp. 
De  Legg.  2.  i  ;  Appendix  5,  §  i. 

5.  Cicero  bellissimus,  young  Marcus. 
On  this  use  of  the  superlative  with  a  proper 
name,  cp.  Ep.  43,  i,  note. 

The  date  of  Ep.  76  seems  to  be  fixed 
by  the  allusion  in  §  2  to  Caesar's  army  as 
apparently  already  in  presence  of  Pompey's, 
and  on  the  other  hand,  by  the  death  of 


Caelius  having  apparently  taken  place  early 
in  48  B.C.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  12, 
p.  300,  notes  5  and  6. 

7.  Ergo.  *  Servit  eleganter  conquestioni 
et  indignationi.*     Forcell. 

Me  potius  .  .  fuisse,  'to  think  that  I 
should  rather  have  been.'  Cp.  Ep.  12,  i, 
note. 

8.  Quod  utinam,  foil.  •  Quod '  =  * and.* 
Cp.  Madv.  449. 

9.  In  hac  parte,  *on  Caesar's  side.* 
Me  .  .  imposuit,  Med  me  by  degrees 

to  embark  in  this  desperate  cause.'  '  Impo- 
suit '  = '  iniecit.'     Forcell. 

11.  Iracundia  et  amore,  *  by  anger 
against  Appius  and  affection  for  Curio.' 

12.  Proficiscens  Arimino  perhaps  only 
means  '  from  Ariminum.'  Caelius  had  been 
sent  to  Liguria  by  Caesar  early  in  the  civil 
war  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  8.  1 5,  2),  and  probably 
rejoined  his  commander  at  Ariminum. 
Where  Cicero  received  his  visit  does  not 
appear.  On  the  tense  of  das  and  agis, 
cp.  Ep.  69,  3,  note. 


cc 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS  [PART  HI- 


386 

das  ad  Caesarem  et  mirificum  civem  agis,  amici  officium  neg^^^^^^^^ 
neque  mihi  consuluisti.  Neque  haec  dice,  quod  ^iffidam  hmc 
Causae,  sed  crede  mlhi,  perire  satius  est  ^--.^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
.i  timor  vestrae  crudelitatis  non  esset,  eiecti  lam  pridem  iiinc 
XZsr^^c  nunc  praeter  faeneratores  paucos  nee  homo 
ni^rdo  quisquam  est  nisi  Pompeianus.     Equidem  lam  effec, 

rnTalU  plls  et,  qui  antea  noster  ^^it,  ^^^^^^^^ 
«Cur  hoc?'  inquis.     Immo  reliqua  exspectate ;  vos  inv  tos  vin 
cere  coegero     Geran.  alterum  me  Catonem  :  vos  dorm^s  neque 
.alhurm'hi  videmini  intellegere,  quam  nos  Pateamus  e^ 
simus  imbeciUi.   Atque  hoc  nuUius  praemu  ^^^'^^Xt^^Zt 
apud  me  plurimum  solet  valere,  dolons  atque  mdgmtatiscausa^ 
Q^ufd  istic'facitis?  proelium  exspectatis  quod  fi-^— ^ 
Vestras  copias  non  novi ;  nostri  valde  depugnare  et  facile  algere 
15  et  esurire  consuerunt. 


1  Et  mirificum  civem  agis/ and  in 
playing  the  part  of  an  excellent  citizen,  by 
trving  to  effect  a  pacification. 

2  Diffidam:   cp.  Ep.  28.  7,  note,  for 

the  m^od.^  Caesar's  friends.  Caelius  was 
offended  because  Trebonius  received  the 
•  praetura  urbana '  v^hile  he  only  had  the 
.  ^regrina.'  Cp.  Dion  Cass.  4».  "  J  ^ell. 
2.68:  LivyEpit.  III. 

4.  Vestrae  crudelitatis, '  of  the  cruelty 
of  Ponipey  and  his  friends.' 

Hinc.  *  from  Rome.'  or  '  from  Italy. 

r  Faeneratores.  The  great  capital- 
ists, who  were  pleased  by  Caesar's  measures 
for  the  maintenance  of  public  credit.  Intr. 
to  Part  III,  §§  8 ;  12  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  i , 
Mommsen  4.  2,  379  38o. 

7.  Plebs,  'the  rabble.'  ^  Cp.  Ep.  8,  ii 
*  miscra  ac  ieiuna  plebecula.' 

Populus, '  the  sounder  part  of  the  popu- 
lation.' The  words  can  hardly  be  explained 
here  is  on  p.  238, 1.  4.  note. 

Esset.    On  the  tense,  cp.  Madv.  3»3- 

8.  Reliqua,    «the  sequel'  of  my  con- 

"vos  invitos  vincere  coegero, 'I  shall 
compel  you  to  conquer  against  your  will, 


a  sneer  at  the  mismanagement  of  the  Pom- 

^^'10!*  Guam  nos  pateamus,  *  how  ex- 
posed wi  are.'  Cp.  De  Off.  I.  21,  73 
» minus  multa  patent  in  eorum  vita  quae 
fortuna  feriat.'  Caelius  perhaps  meant  that 
Pompey  should  land  in  Italy  instead  of  con- 
tinuing the  struggle  in  Greece. 

II  Quod  apud  me,  foil.  The  neuter 
seems  rather  irregular,  but  cp.  t-p.  O.  3 
•id;'  also  Madv.  315  *>.^  , 

12.  Indignitatis,    «indignation.       Cp., 

however,  Ep.  71,  3»  ^^^^'    , 

IX.  Istic,  i.e.  MnEpirus. 

Ouod  firmissimum  habet,  $c.  Caesar. 
•  On  the  result  of  which  Caesar  may  rely 
with  the  greatest  confidence.'  This  use  of 
•firmus'  seems  peculiar,  but  cP-Ep-^^,  4, 
note  on  'firmissimum  habere.  Wesenb. 
doubts  whether  these  words  can  bear  such  a 
meaning,  and  prints^  the  MS.  reading  quod 
firmissimum  t  haec' 

14.  Valde      depugnare,       to     fight 

**Tlcile=Mibenter.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  47-49.  for  instances  of  the  en- 
durance of  Caesar's  soldiers. 


EP.77.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IX.  9.        387 


\ 


77.    DOLABELLA  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  IX.  9). 
From  Caesar's  camp  in  Epirus,  May,  (?)  48  b.c.  (706  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  can  give  you  good  accounts  of  your  family.  I  hope  you  will  believe  that  in 
exhorting  you  to  be  neutral  in  this  war,  I  am  and  have  been  only  influenced  by  friend- 
ship. 2.  You  see  that  Pompey  has  done  nothing  worthy  of  his  fame  and  resources ; 
I  hope  you  will  set  some  limit  to  your  devotion  to  him.  3.  You  had  better  retire  to 
some  neutral  city,  where  I  should  join  you.  Caesar  will,  I  am  sure,  receive  any 
requests  from  you  with  favour,  and  I  will  plead  your  cause  with  him.  I  hope  you 
will  secure  the  safe  return  of  my  messenger. 

DOLABELLA  S.  D.  CICERONL 

1  S.  V.  g.  V.  et  TulUa  nostra  recte  v.  Terentia  minus  belle  habuit, 
sed  certum  scio  iam  convaluisse  earn.  Praeterea  rectissime  sunt 
apud  te  omnia.  Etsi  nullo  tempore  in  suspitionem  tibi  debui 
venire  partium  causa  potius  quam  tua  tibi  suadere,  ut  te  aut  cum 
Caesare  nobiscumque  coniungeres  aut  certe  in  otium  referres,  5 
praecipue  nunc  iam  inclinata  victoria,  ne  possum  quidem  in  ullam 
aliam  incidere  opinionem  nisi  in  eam,  in  qua  scilicet  tibi  suadere 
videar,  quod  pie  tacere  non  possim  :  tu  autem,  mi  Cicero,  sic  haec 
accipies,  ut,  sive  probabuntur  tibi  sive  non  probabuntur,  ab  Op- 
timo certe  animo  ac  deditissimo  tibi  et  cogitata  et  scripta  esse  10 


For  notices  of  Dolabella,  cp.  Intr.  to 
Parts  II,  §  26 ;  IV,  §  5  ;  V,  §  3 ;  Epp.  35, 
I  and  2;  42,  I.  He  supported  Caesar  ac- 
tively in  the  civil  war.  The  date  of  this 
letter  is  taken  from  Baiter. 

1.  S.  V.  g.  v  =  *  si  vales  gaudeo ;  valeo.' 
Minus  belle  habuit,  *  has  been  unwell.' 

Cp.  Ep.  53,  I ;  and  '  recte  hoc  par  habet ' 
Ep.  34,  3.  'Se  habere'  is  also  used  in 
similar  passages.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  37»  I 
•  Atticam  .  .  belle  se  habere.* 

2.  Certum,  adverbial:  cp.  Pro  Scauro 
15,  34  *sive  patricius  sive  plebeius  esset 
— nondum  enim  certum  constituerat.' 

3.  Apud  te,  'in  your  home.'  Dolabella 
would  have  later  news  of  Cicero's  family 
than  Cicero  himself  as  Italy  was  held  by 
Caesar's  friends. 

6.  Inclinata,  'half  won.'    Cp.  Ep.  21, 

Id   .  .  aliam    incidere    opinionem. 

C 


Hofm.  hesitates  between  'come  to  any  other 
opinion '  and  *  meet  with  any  other  repu- 
tation.' Siipfle  adopts  the  last,  which  is 
supported  by  Ad  Fam.  8.  10,  2  *  in  cam 
opinionem  Cassius  veniebat  .  .  finxisse  hel- 
ium.* Wesenb.  agrees  with  Siipfle,  and 
makes  the  words  = '  in  ullam  aliam  suspiti- 
onem  tibi  venire.*  Mr.  Jeans  agrees  in 
substance  with  Siipfle,  and  remarks  that  the 
apodosis  begins  with  '  praecipue  nunc* 

7.  In  qua  scilicet,  foil.  These  words 
are  very  curious ;  *  scilicet  ut  videar  *  would 
be  more  regular  *  than  of  being  thought  to 
recommend  what  I  cannot  with  propriety 
omit  to  mention.'  Wesenb.  omits  *  in  * 
before  'qua.*  On  the  conj.  'videar/  cp. 
Ep.  5,  8.  '  Scilicet '  = '  to  be  sure,'  *  I  mean,' 
•  that  is.'     See  Epp.  12,  4  ;  38,  7. 

9.  Ab  Optimo  .  .  animo.  The  prepo- 
sition seems  superfluous ;  but  cp.  Madv. 
255,  Obs.  I. 


C2 


388 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  III. 


f 


iudices.    Animadvertis  Cn.  Pompeium  nee  nominis  sui  nee  rerum  2 
gestarum  gloria  neque  etiam  regum  ae  nationum  elientelis,  quas 
ostentare  erebro  solebat,  esse  tutum,  et  hoe  etiam,  quod  infimo 
cuique  contigit,  illi   non  posse   eontingere,  ut  honeste   effugere 

5  possit,  pulso  Italia,  amissis  Hispaniis,  eapto  exereitu  veterano, 
cireumvallato  nune  denique  ;  quod  neseio  an  nulli  umquam  nostro 
aceiderit  imperatori.  Quam  ob  rem,  quid  aut  ille  sperare  possit 
aut  tu,  animum  adverte  pro  tua  prudentia ;  sie  enim  faeillime 
quod  tibi  utilissimum  erit  eonsilii  eapies.     lUud  autem  a  te  peto, 

10  ut,  si  iam  ille  evitaverit  hoe  perieulum  et  se  abdiderit  in  elassem, 
tu  tuis  rebus  eonsulas  et  aliquando  tibi  potius  quam  euivis  sis 
amieus  :  satis  faetum  est  iam  a  te  vel  offieio  vel  familiaritati,  satis 
faetum  etiam  partibus  et  ei  rei  publieae,  quam  tu  probabas. 
Reliquum  est  tit,  ubi  nune  est  res  publiea,  ibi  simus  potius  quam,  3 

15  dum  illam  veterem  sequamur,  simus  in  nulla.  Qua  re  velim, 
mi  iueundissime  Cieero,  si  forte  Pompeius  pulsus  his  quoque  loeis 
rursus  alias  regiones  petere  eogatur,  ut  tu  te  vel  Athenas  vel  in 
quamvis  quietam  reeipias  civitatem ;  quod  si  eris  faeturus,  velim 
mihi  seribas,  ut  ego,  si  ullo  modo  potero,  ad  te  advolem.     Quae- 

20  cumque  de  tua  dignitate  ab  imperatore  erunt  impetranda,  qua  est 


1.  Animadvertis,  'you  must  be  aware.' 

Metzg. 

2.  Neque  etiam,  'nor  yet.*  For  its 
force  after  nee,  cp.  Caes.  Bell.^  Civ.  I.  5 
•nee  .  .  sui  periculi  deprecandi  .  .  neque 
etiam  extremi  iuris  .  .  retinendi.* 

Regum  et  nationum  elientelis,  q). 
Appendix  7,  and  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  3-4. 

3.  Ostentare,  'to  boast  of.'     Forcell. 
Neque  .  .  esse  tutum,  *  cannot  look  for 

safety  to.'     Cp.  De  Dom.  42,  109  'reli- 
gionibus  tuta.* 

5.  Italia.  For  the  omission  of  a  prepo- 
sition, cp.  §  3  •  bis  quoque  locis ; '  also  Ep. 
63,  4  ;  Mftdv.  262. 

Capto  exereitu  veterano,  i.e.  the 
army  of  Afranius  and  Pelreius  in  Spain. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  8. 

6.  Cireumvallato.  dat.  agreeing  with 
*  illi.'     For  the  facts,  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III, 

Quod  neseio  an  nulli,  foil.,  'which 
perhaps  has  happened  to  no  general  of  ours.* 
Cp.  Madv.  453.  And  on  nostro  impera- 
tori =*e  nostris  imperatoribus,'  Cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  96  'paucos  suos  ex  fuga  nactus,* 
and  Madv.  284,  Obs.  7. 

8.  Animum  adverte, 'consider.'   With 

the  whole  clause,  cp.  De  Nat.  Deor.  3.  37, 


89  *non   ne   animadvertis  .  .  quam  multi 
votis  vim  tempestatis  effugerint.' 

9.  Quod  .  .  eonsilii  eapies.  On  the 
gen.,  cp.  Ep.  75,  I,  note;  on  the  omis- 
sion of  ♦  id,'  Ep.  34,  7,  note. 

10.  Se  abdiderit,  'shall  have  retired.' 

12.  Satis  factum  est,  foil., 'you  have 
satisfied  the  claims  of  duty  and  intimacy/ 
freq.  in  this  sense.     Forcell. 

13.  Ei  rei  publieae,  'that  constitu- 
tion' (Supfle,)  (Hofm.). 

14.  Reliquum  est  ut.  *  Ut '  is  perhaps 
needless.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  15.  21,  5  *  reliquum 
est  tuam  profectionem  amore  prosequar.' 
Baiter  has  inserted  it  from  Lambinus  in 
both  places. 

Res  publiea,  *  the  seat  of  political  life,' 
*  the  government.' 

15.  Dum. .sequamur.  'Dum' =  * while,' 
'  so  long  as,'  '  in  our  devotion  to  the  com- 
monwealth of  the  past.'  Cp.  on  the  mood 
of  •  sequamur,'  Madv.  360,  Obs.  2.  The  in- 
dicative would,  I  think,  be  more  regular. 
Cp.  Ep.  61,  5. 

16.  His  quoque  locis:  cp.  §  2 'Italia.' 
This  shews  that  Dolabella  was  now  with 
Caesar. 

20.  De  tua  dignitate,  'about  main- 
taining   you    in   a    proper   position.'      On 


EP.  78.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    XL  4. 


389 


humanitate  Caesar,  faeillimum  erit  ab  eo  tibi  ipsi  impetrare ;  et 
meas  tamen  preees  apud  eum  non  minimum  auetoritatis  habi- 
turas  puto.  Erit  tuae  quoque  fidei  et  humanitatis  curare,  ut  is 
tabellarius,  quem  ad  te  misi,  reverti  possit  ad  me  et  a  te  mihi 
litteras  referat  5 


78.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  XI.  4}. 
Camp  near  Dyrrhachium,  June  or  July,  48  b.c.  (706  a.u.c.) 

1.  I  have  received  three  letters  from  you.  I  hope  you  will  aid  my  family  in  their 
difficulties  I  have  had  nothing  to  write  about,  as  I  do  not  approve  of  our  measures, 
and  take  no  part  in  directing  them.  Would  that  I  had  conferred  with  you  in  person 
before  leaving  Italy  1 

2.  Isidorus  will  tell  you  the  news  ;  the  rest  of  our  task  seems  equally  easy.  I  hope 
you  will  attend  to  what  especially  interests  me.  I  am  far  from  well ;  if  I  get  better 
I  shall  join  Pompey,  who  is  very  sanguine.  Brutus  is  doing  what  he  can  for  us. 
Consider  well  what  should  be  done  about  the  '  second  payment.' 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1      Aeeepi  ab  Isidoro  litteras  et  postea  datas  binas :  ex  proximis 
cognovi  praedia  non  venisse ;  videbis  ergo,  ut  sustentetur  per  te. 


the  meaning  of  '  dignitas,'  cp.  Epp.  29.  5 ; 
47,  I ;  64,  2,  notes. 

Qua  est  humanitate,  descriptive  abl., 

*  considering  Caesar's  courtesy.'     Cp.  Madv. 
446. 

1.  Ipsi,  'by  yourself.' 

Impetrare,  sc.  *ea:'  for  the  omission 
of  which,  cp.  note  on  '  quod '  in  the  pre- 
ceding section. 

Et  meas  tamen,  foil.,  'however,  I  think 
that  my  entreaties  will  have  much  weight 
with  him.'  On  'tamen'  in  such  passages, 
cp.  Ep.  29,  21,  note. 

2.  Non  minimum  = 'maximum.'  For- 
cell. 

3.  Erit  tuae  quoque  fidei,  foil, 'more- 
over your  honour  and  good  feeling  will 
bid  you  take  care  that  my  messenger  is 
allowed  to  return  to  me,*  instead  of  being 
detained  by  Pompey 's  partisans.  On  the  gen. 
•fidei,'  cp.  Madv.  282,  Obs.  2.    ' Quoque '  = 

•  on  your  part,'  as  a  return  for  my  services. 
Siipfle. 

June  or  July.  The  first  portion  of  this 
letter  seems  to  have  been  written  before,  the 


second  after  Caesar's  defeat  before  Petra,  on 
which  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  il.  Now 
Caesar  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  49)  says  that  the  corn 
was  beginning  to  ripen  before  that  disaster, 
and  (lb.  81)  that  the  harvest  in  Thessaly 
was  nearly  ripe  when  he  reached  Metropolis. 
Cicero  seems  to  have  remained  at  Dyr- 
rhachium after  Caesar's  departure  from  the 
neighbourhood  of  that  place.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  III,  §  10. 

6.  Isidoro.  Isidorus  seems  to  have  been 
a  slave  or  freedman  of  Atticus.  He  is  only 
mentioned  in  this  letter. 

Binas.  Distributive  numerals  are  gene- 
rally used  with  plural  substantives  denoting 
compound  objects,  which  can  be  repeated 
and  counted.  Cp.  Madv.  76  c.  But  of  one 
letter  '  unae  litterae,'  not  •  singulae,'  is  said. 
Cp.  Ep.  45,  I,  note;  also  Ep.  79,  3,  note, 

7.  Praedia.  Some  estates  which  Cicero 
had  wished  to  sell  for  the  benefit  of  Tullia 
and  Terentia.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  14,  6. 

Videbis  ='curabis.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Ep. 
70,  7,  note. 

Ut  sustentetur,  sc.  TuUia  (Boot),  'be 
supported.' 


390 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  III. 


De  Frusinati,  si   modo   futuri  sumus,  erit  mihi   res  opportuna. 

Meas  litteras  quod  requiris,  impedior  inopia  rerum,  quas  nullas 

habeo  litteris  dignas,  quippe  cui  nee  quae  accidunt  nee  quae 

aguntur  ullo  modo  probentur.    Utinam  coram  tecum  olim  potius 
5  quam  per  epistolas !  Hie  tua,  ut  possum,  tueor  apud  hos.    Cetera 

Celer.     Ipse  fugi  adhuc  omne  munus,  eo  magis,  quod  ita  nihil 

poterat  agi,  ut  mihi  et  meis  rebus  aptum  esset. 

Quid  sit  gestum  novi,  quaeris  :  ex  Isidoro  scire  poteris  ;  reliqua  2 

non  videntur  esse  difficiliora.   Tu  id  velim,  quod  scis  me  maxime 
10  velle,  cures,  ut  scribis,  ut  facis.     Me  conficit  sollicitudo,  ex  qua 

etiam  summa  infirmitas  corporis  ;  qua  levata  ero  una  cum  eo,  qui 


1.  De  Frusinati,  *  about  the  property 
near  Frusino,'  which  was  a  town  situated  on 
a  feeder  of  the  Trerus,  about  15  miles  S.E. 
of  Anagnia.  Cicero  had  sold  this  land,  re- 
serving power  to  repurchase  it  apparently, 
which  he  now  seems  to  have  been  anxious 
to  do.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  11.  13,  4.     Manut. 

Si  modo  futuri  sumus,  'if  lam  still  to 
exist.'  ♦  Futuri '  =  *  victuri.'  Forcell.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  6.  3,  4  '  si  non  ero  sensu  omnino 
carebo.'  Wesenb.  suggests  '  salvi  futuri,' 
but  does  not  adopt  it  in  his  text. 

2.  Meas  litteras  quod  requiris,  'as 
to  your  wanting  letters  from  me.'  *You 
are  surprised  at  my  writing  so  seldom,  but.* 
Metzg.  'Requirere'  =  'tomiss.'  Cp.Ep.  15, 
8.  On  •  quod  requiris'  cp.  Ep.  8,  14,  note  ; 
and  on  *meas*  in  this  sense,  Epp.  72,  I  ; 
77,  2,  notes. 

Quas  nullas  :   cp.  Ep.  77,  2,  note  on 

*  nostro.' 

3.  Q_uippe  cui  . .  probentur,  *as  I  am 
not  at  all  satisfied  either  with  what  is  going 
on  or  with  the  measures  taken.*  The  indi- 
catives are  used  after  the  indefinite  pronoun 

*  quae ; '  the  conj.  •  probentur '  as  giving  a 
reason.  Cp.  Madv.  366,  Obs.  2,  and 
362  a. 

Accidunt  casu  ;  aguntur,  *  ex  consilio 
et  voluntate  Pompeii.*     Manut. 

4.  Utinam  coram  tecum,  sc. 'delibe- 
ravissem.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  11.  3,  i  *si  tecum 
olim  coram  potius  quam  per  litteras  .  .  deli- 
beravissem.'  Cicero  probably  thought  that 
Atticus  would  have  dissuaded  him  strongly 
from  leaving  Italy. 

5.  Tua,  *your  estates.*  Atticus'  pro- 
perty in  Epirus  has  often  been  mentioned  in 
Cicero's  letters  ;  e  g.  6.  i  ;  16,  6. 

Apud  hos,  sc.  Pompeianos. 
Cetera    Celer,  sc.  *dicet.'     He  was  a 
freedman  of  Atticus.     Cp.  Ep.  68,  4. 

6.  Omne  munus, 'any  office.'    Wieland. 


Ita  nihil  .  .  aptum  esset,  'because  no 
duties  were  open  to  me,  suited  to  myself  and 
to  my  interests.'  Either  he  was  not  offered 
a  high  enough  command,  which  would  de- 
grade himself,  or  he  feared  by  accepting  one 
to  irritate  Caesar,  and  so  injure  his  pro- 
spects. 

§  2.  With  this  section  either  the  letter  is 
resumed  after  a  long  interval,  or  a  new  one 
begins. 

8.  Quid  sit  gestum  novi  .  .  scire 
poteris.  Cicero  here  refers  probably  to  a 
defeat  of  Caesar  near  Dyrrhachium,  described 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  66-72.  After  that  affair 
Caesar  marched  into  the  interior,  and 
Pompey  followed  him,  while  sickness  de- 
tained Cicero  near  Dyrrhachium  (cp.  Plut. 
Cic.  39).  This  accounts  for  Cicero's  lan- 
guage below,  ero  una  cum  eo,  foil.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  10. 

Reliqua,  *  the  rest  of  our  task.'  Cicero 
does  not  say  if  he  shares  the  general  con- 
fidence expressed  by  videntur.  On  *re- 
hqua,'  cp.  Ep.  76,  2,  note. 

9.  Id  ..  quod  scis  me  maxime  velle. 
Probably  that  he  would  take  care  of 
Terentia  and  Tullia. 

10.  Ut  scribis,  ut  facis,  'as  you  write 
that  you  do,  and  really  do.'  Cp.  Tac.  Dial, 
de  Orat.  23  '  ut  potestis  ut  facitis.' 

Ex  qua  etiam,  foil.,  'and  great  bodily 
weakness  arising  from  it.*  Wesenb.  suggests 
the  insertion  of  '  est  *  after  '  corporis.' 

Sollicitudo.  Anxiety  either  (i)  as 
to  the  results  of  Pompey 's  excessive  confi- 
dence— cp.  Ep.  88,  2 — or  (2)  as  to  the 
probable  behaviour  of  Pompey  and  his  sup- 
porters after  decisive  success :  the  last  is 
Manutius'  suggestion. 

11.  Qua  levata,  'but  when  this  has  been 
alleviated.'  'Levatus'  might  also  be  used. 
Forcell. 

Cum  eo,  Pompeio. 


EP.  78.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XL  4. 


391 


negotium  gerit  estque  in  spe  magna.  Brutus  amicus ;  in  causa 
versatur  acriter.  Hactenus  fuit  quod  caute  a  me  scribi  posset. 
Vale.  De  pensione  altera,  oro  te,  omni  cura  considera,  quid 
faciendum  sit,  ut  scripsi  iis  litteris,  quas  Pollex  tulit. 


1.  Negotium  gerit,  *is  actively  en- 
gaged.* 

Brutus.  M.  lunius  Brutus,  now  with 
Pompey.     Cp.  Plut.  Brut.  4. 

Amicus,  sc.  'mihi  est.' 

In  causa,  foil.  '  is  serving  our  party  with 
energy.*     Billerb. 

2.  Versatur  ='agit.'    Forcell. 
Hactenus  fuit  .  .  .  posset,  'only  thus 

much  can  I  write  without  imprudence.'  On 
the  tense  of  'posset,'  cp.  Ep.  I,  i,  note  ;  and 
on  the  mood,  Ep.  ai,  3,  note.     Cicero  was 


probably  a  good  deal  threatened  by  violent 
partisans  of  Pompey.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III, 
§  10;  Ep.  80,  a. 

3.  De  pensione  altera,  'about  the 
payment  of  the  second  instalment '  of  Tul- 
lia's  portion  to  Dolabella.  Boot,  on  Ad 
Att.  II.  3,  I  ;  cp.  II.  2,  a. 

4.  lis  litteris,  perhaps  Ad  Att.  II.  3. 
Man. 

Pollex,  7l  slave  whom  Cicero  employed 
as  a  messenger.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  14,  6;  Ad 
Att.  8.  5,  I. 


PART  IV. 


Cicero  under  the  Government  of  Caesar. 
October,  (?)  48  to  March  15,  44  b.c. 


INTRODUCTION. 


/ 


/ 


48-47    B.C. 

§  I.  After  his  landing  in  Italy,  Cicero  remained  for  some  months  at 
Brundisium,  where  he  heard  ^  of  the  fate  of  several  of  the  leaders  of  his 
party.  He  was  disquieted  by  many  troubles ;  it  was  with  some  difficulty 
that  he  obtained^  leave  to  remain  in  Italy  from  Antony,  Caesar's  repre- 
sentative ;  his  brother  and  nephew,  who  had  gone  to  make  their  peace 
with  Caesar  in  Asia,  seem  to  have  calumniated^  him;  his  daughter's 
marriage  was  unhappy*,  and  he  had  some  difficulty  in  paying  her  dowry; 
while  he  was  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Terentia  ^  to 
whose  extravagance  he  attributed,  in  great  measure,  his  existing  em- 
barrassments. Above  all,  however,  he  was  seriously  alarmed  by  the 
aspect  of  public  affairs.  He  had  returned  to  Italy  under  the  impression 
that  the  war  was  virtually  at  an  end*;  but  Caesar's  delay  at  Alexandria"^, 
and  the  reports  which  were  circulated  of  the  growing  strength  of  the 
optimates  in  Africa^  dispelled  this  hope,  and  he  accused  himself  of 
precipitation — especially  as  a  proclamation  of  Antony,  which  gave  him 
leave  by  name  to  remain  in  Italy,  would  mark  him  out  for  the  suspicion 
of  the  optimates  in  case  of  their  ultimate  success  ®. 

Harassed  by  these  anxieties,  he  remained  at  Brundisium  till  the  Sep- 
tember of  47  B.C.,  when  Caesar ^°  landed  at  Tarentum  after  his  victories 

*  Ad  Att.  II.  6,  5  and  6.  «  lb.  II.  9,  I.  »  lb.  ii.  9,  2  ;  II.  lo,  i. 

*  lb.  II.  23,  3;  II.  24.  I  :  cp.  II.  2,  2.  5  Ad  Att.  11.  16,  5  ;  ir.  24.  3;  cp.  Ad 

Fam.  4.  14,  3.  6  Ad  Fam.  15.  15,  2.  ^  Below,  §  3  ;  Ad  Fam.  15.  15,  2  ; 

Ad  Att.  II.  16,  I.  8  Ad  Att.  II.  10,  2  ;   il.  12,  3.  »  lb.  11.  7,  2. 

"  Ad  Fam.  14.  22;  Plut.  Cic.  39. 


9, 

ll 


394  INTRODUCTION 

over  Ptolemy  and  Phamaces.  Cicero  hastened  to  meet  him,  was  kindly 
received,  and  seems  to  have  got  leave  to  fix  his  residence  wherever  he 
chose.  He  probably  spent  the  rest  of  the  year '  in  Rome,  or  at  some  of 
his  villas  in  the  neighbourhood. 

§  2.  His  letters  from  Brundisium  are  perhaps  more  depressed  in  tone 
than  any  others;  and  as  Abeken^  remarks,  this  is  probably  to  be  ac- 
counted for  by  his  feeling  more  self-reproach  than  he  had  felt  at  the 
time  of  his  exile  in  58  b.c.  Then  he  found  some  relief  in  attackmg 
others  for  their  perfidy ;  now  he  could  only  blame  himself.  His  two 
principal  correspondents  were  Atticus  and  Terentia.  Perhaps  he  hardly 
ventured  to  write  to  any  less  intimate  friends.  He  expressed  ^  however, 
to  C.  Cassius  his  discontent  at  the  prolongation  of  the  war. 

His  brother  Quintus  had  made  *,  though  in  rather  ambiguous  terms, 
an  apology  for  his  hostility.  Afterwards,  however,  when  Caesar  seemed 
inclined  to  pardon  Marcus,  Quintus  warmly  congratulated «  his  brother ; 
and  a  good  understanding  seems  to  have  been  re-established  between 
the  brothers— at  least  outwardly,  though  Marcus  had  reason  to  find  fault 

again  subsequently®. 

§  3     Caesar,  after  the  battle   of  Pharsalus,  pardoned  many  of  his 
opponents,  including  M.  Brutus  ^     He  then  with  a  small  force  followed 
Pompey«,  and  received  in  Asia  the  submission  of  C.  Cassius,  who  had 
commanded  a  squadron  in  the  Ionian  sea  at  the  time  of  the  decisive 
battle,  and  had  made  partially  successful  attacks  on  the  naval  forces 
which  were  being  organized  for  Caesar  at  Messana  and  Vibo  \     Caesar 
did  not  overtake  Pompey,  and  the  latter  having  reached  the  roadstead 
of  Alexandria  with  a  few  ships,  was  treacherously  murdered  there  on 
Sept.  28^«  by  order  of  the  young  king  Ptolem/s  advisers.     Caesar  re- 
ceived the  news  of  the  crime  with  horror,  and  hastened  to  Alexandna, 
where  he  arrived  early  in  October".     He  secured  two  rival  claimants 
for  the  throne  of  Egypt,  Ptolemy  and  his  sister  Cleopatra ;  but  had  to 
wage  a  long  and  doubtful  struggle  with  Arsinoe  '\  younger  sister  of 
Ptolemy,  who  was  supported  by  the  royal  army  and  by  the  populace 
of  Alexandria.     So  embarrassing  was  Caesar's  position,  that  he  released 
Ptolemy  in  the  hope  that  he  might  act  as  mediator ;  but  the  young  king 
took  the  lead  among  Caesar's  enemies.     Mithridates  of  Pergamus,  how- 
ever,  advanced  to  Caesar's  support  from  Asia  with  a  considerable  force^^ ; 

i  Ad  Att.  12.  I  ;  Ad  Fam.  14.  20.  «  p.  318.  'Ad  F^m^  ^S-  IS- 

*  Ad  Att.  II.  13. 2.  »  lb.  II.  23. 2.  «  lb.  12  5. 1.  /;^"-  f^^ 

Civ.  3.  08 :  cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  6,  10  ;  Plut.  Caes.  46.  '  ^^^^' ^^"-  ^'^'  t  n°  '  cV  ^ 

•  Tb  3.  loi,  cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  88.  ^°  lb.  104  ;  Plut.  Pomp.  79  5  ^eH.  2.  53  ; 

Plinv  H   N   a7    2-  Ad  Att   II    6   (>.  "  Plut.  Pomp.  80;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  106; 

Sv/Epit   ii'2':     '  "^  "  Livy  EpVil2  ;  Bell.  Alex.  1-25.'  «  Bell.  Alex.  26-32. 


TO  THE  FOURTH  PART. 


395 


Ptolemy's  army  was  routed  on  March  27,  and  the  young  king  himself 
drowned  in  trying  to  escaped  Resistance  now  ceased.  Caesar  made 
Cleopatra  queen  of  Egypt,  detained  Arsinoe  as  a  prisoner,  and  departed 
in  July*  for  Asia,  where  the  successes  of  Phamaces  demanded  his  pre- 
sence. That  prince,  son  of  the  famous  Mithridates,  had  defeated  ^  Cn. 
Domitius  Calvinus,  whom  Caesar  had  left  in  charge  of  Asia  Minor. 
But  Caesar  obtained  a  decisive  success  on  August  2  at  Zela  in  Pontus, 
and  after  making  provision  for  the  government  of  Asia,  landed  in  Sep- 
tember at  Tarentum  *. 

§  4.  In  Illyricum  the  fortune  of  war  had  been  variable.  After  the 
battle  of  Pharsalus,  Caesar  had  left  Q.  Cornificius  there  with  two  legions, 
and  that  army  was  subsequently  re-inforced  by  Cicero's  old  enemy, 
A.  Gabinius.  The  latter  suffered  some  reverses  at  the  hands  of  the 
Dalmatians,  and  afterwards  died  of  fatigue  and  vexation.  M.  Octavius, 
who  commanded  a  naval  force  in  the  Adriatic  for  the  optimates,  at- 
tempted subsequently,  in  conjunction  with  the  natives,  to  occupy  the 
province,  but  was  bafl3ed  by  the  energy  of  P.  Vatinius  *,  who  fitted  out 
a  naval  force  hastily  at  Brundisium  and  defeated  Octavius.  Thus  the 
province  remained  in  the  hands  of  Cornificius,  and  Octavius  sailed  to 
Africa,  whither  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  optimates  had  already  betaken 
themselves. 

Among  them  were  Cn.  Pompeius  the  younger,  Metellus  Scipio,  Afra- 
nius,  Petreius,  Faustus  Sulla,  and  Labienus.  Cato,  too,  carried  a  body 
of  troops  by  sea  from  Corcyra  to  Cyrene,  and  thence  led  them  by  a  toil- 
some march  to  the  province  of  Africa  ^  At  his  suggestion,  Cn.  Pom- 
peius retired  to  Mauretania,  and  thence  to  the  Balearic  islands  and  to 
Spain,  to  take  advantage  of  the  disaffection  which  had  been  caused  there 
by  the  misgovernment  and  dissensions  of  Caesar's  officers ''. 

§  5.  Italy  had  been  disturbed  during  these  months.  When  the  news 
of  Pompey's  death  reached  Rome,  the  senate  voted  that  Caesar,  em- 
powered to  deal  according  to  his  own  pleasure  with  members  of  the 
conquered  party,  and  to  make  peace  and  warfcn  his  own  authority, 
should  be  named  dictator  for  a  year,  and  should  have  power  to  name 
the  curule  magistrates  for  several  years  in  advance  ^  M.  Antonius,  who 
had  landed  with  some  troops  for  the  defence  of  Italy,  was  named  his 
master  of  the  horse  rather  irregularly,  for  it  was  usual  for  the  dictator  to 

*  Bell.  Alex.  31-32  :  cp.  65  ;  Fasti  MafF.  ap.  Mommsen,  C.  I.  L.  i.  304.  ^  Bell.  Alex. 
33-41.  »  lb.  65  ;  Plut.  Caes.  50 ;  Livy  Epit.  112.  *  Bell.  Alex.  74-78  :  cp.  Ad 

Fam.  14.  20  and  22  ;  Plut.  Cic.  39;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  91.  Caesar  used  the  celebrated 
words  'veni  vidi  vici'  with  regard  to  this  victory.  Cp.  Plut.  Caes.  50 ;  with  Livy  Epit.  113, 
and  Suet.  lul.  37.  «  Bell.  Alex.  42-47.  «  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  87;  Bell.  Afric.  13; 

Plut.  Cat.  56;  Lucan  Phars.  9.  587,  foil.  '  Bcil.  Afric.  22-23;  Bell.  Hisp.  I ;  Bell. 

Alex.  48-64,  '  Dion  Cassius  42.  20. 


I 


I 


ll1 


,„6  INTRODUCTION 

name  his  own  master  of  the  horse,  and  there  was  no  time  to  send  to 
Caesar  at  Alexandria'.  Antony  was  thus  again  entrusted  wth  the  govern- 
ment of  Italy  ^  as  in  49  bx.  He  seems  to  have  abstamed  f-rn  J  «  o 
cruelty,  and  treated  Cicero  in  particular  with  much  cons.deraUon  ,  but 
the  measures  of  defence  which  he  had  to  adopt  were  probably  burden- 
somTto  several  towns,  and,  if  we  may  believe  Cicero,  his  hcent.ousness 
and  arrogance  caused  general  disgust*. 

No  ordinary  curule  magistrates  were  elected  for  the  ye"  47  b.c  tdl 
towards  its  close.  P.  Dolabella,  now  tribune',  raised  an  ag.tat.on  m 
favour  of  an  abolition  of  debts,  which  threatened  to  become  senous,  bu 
was  checked  by  Antony,  who  introduced  a  body  of  troops  into  the  capital 
Ind  lughtered  800  of  the  rioters.  The  agitation  was  not,  however, 
completely  appeased  till  the  return  of  Caesar  from  the  East  . 

A  mutinous'  spirit,  also,  prevailed  among  the  veterans  quartered  m 
Campania',  and  the  efforts  of  Caesar's  officers  to  quell  it  ^«^^  "le  by 
out"  r  Caesar  met  the  mutineers  probably  in  October,  and  when  they 
clamoured  for  a  discharge  granted  it  at  once.  They  were  confounded 
and  asked  permission  to  remain  in  his  service,  which  he  granted  with 

TorTetf;  months  of  the  year,  Q.  Fufius  Calenus,  and  P.  Vatinius, 
were  elected  consuls  ^     Caesar  shewed  himself  anxious  to  win  over  as 
Tany  of  the  optimates  as  possible;  he  named  C.  Cj-  one  of  h. 
legates;  entrusted  Cisalpine  Gaul  to  the  government  of  M.  B.utus,  and 
Greece  to  that  of  Ser.  Sulpicius  Rufus  ". 

46-45  B.C. 

I  6.  During  this  year  and  the  next  there  was  comparatively  little  con- 
nection between  the  personal  history  of  Cicero  and  the  course  of  public 
Events,  and  he  employed  himself  principally  in  the  composition"  of 
philosophical  and  rhetorical  treatises.  ,    ,.    r  u-    r  •     ^cW  m 

^  He  used  his  influence,  however,  eagerly  on  behalf  of  his  friends  m 
the  vanquished  party,  and  for  their  sake  and  his  own  kept  up  as  good  an 
understanding  I  he  could  with  various  friends  of  ^';^^^ 
with  Hirtius,  Dolabella,  and  Cornificius.     Partly  perhaps  to  quiet  his 

Caesar  named  Antony  his  master  of  the  horse  and  sent  h^     to  It    y^    L     g^.^3^4  ^^ 
Plutarch.  '  Philipp.  1.  c. ;  Plut.  Ant   9.  ^^  ^tt.  07.  I     ^^J^^  ^^^^ 

2    2^   t;o  *  Philipp.  2.  25,  62;  Pint.  Ant.  9.  "e  xia    g 

o  enab?e-him  to  hold  thTt  office  :  cp.  Dion  Cassms  4.    29.  «Bell.  Alex.  6,  .  cp^^^^ 

^"-  "•  ^'^  V  ''c:^\^    '"  "«'Xp'-^BerCiv^V.  92  94';  Plot.  Caes.  5^  Suet. 
Civ.  2.  92  ;  Dion  Ca/sms  42   33^  PP    ^„        ^^^  6  6,  10  ;  4-  4,  ^  ;  15-  I5>  3- 

lul.  70.  '  Dion  CasMus  42.  55-  ,,  ^  13 ;  6.  8,  I  ;  6.  14,  i ;  6.  12.  i. 

"  lb.  4-  3'  3    9-  I'  2  ;  9.  I»'  3- 
"  lb.  6.  12.  2;  9.  16,  2;  9.  18,  I  and  3. 


TO  THE  FOURTH  PART, 


397 


own  uneasy  feelings  he  vindicated  in  various  letters  *  the  policy  he  had 
pursued  before  the  civil  war,  which  he  represented  as  having  been  one  of 
conciliation — and  his  determination  to  retire  from  the  struggle  after  a 
decisive  battle. 

Many  of  his  letters  were  written  to  console  friends  living  in  exile,  and 
to  hold  out  hopes  to  them  of  a  speedy  return  to  their  country.  Such 
were  those  to  Caecina,  Torquatus,  and  Plancius^  He  expressed  his 
gratitude  in  the  senate  for  the  pardon  of  M.  Marcellus^  and  subse- 
quently pleaded  with  much  independence  for  that  of  Q.  Ligarius  *,  who 
was  accused  before  Caesar  of  having  shewn  peculiar  hostility  to  him  in 
Africa.  Next  year  he  defended  Deiotarus  of  Galatia,  accused  of  having 
plotted  against  the  life  of  Caesar  ®. 

His  expressions  of  opinion  on  public  affairs  in  the  letters  of  this  time 
are  very  guarded,  and  he  seems  to  have  been  moved  by  conflicting  feel- 
ings; on  the  one  hand^  by  regret  for  the  fall  of  the  old  constitution, 
and  for  the  loss  of  his  old  influential  position ;  on  the  other  \  by  an 
involuntary  admiration  of  Caesar's  magnanimity.  His  dislike  *  of  some 
of  Caesar's  most  prominent  adherents  remained  unchanged,  and  may 
have  contributed  to  dissuade  him  from  mixing  in  public  affairs.  He 
had  little  desire  ^  however,  for  the  triumph  either  of  the  optimates  in 
Africa,  or  of  the  sons  of  Pompey  in  Spain;  his  hasty  abandonment 
of  his  party  in  the  autumn  of  48  B.C.  would  not  have  been  forgiven 
in  either  case.  Caesar's  victory  at  Thapsus  relieved  him  from  this  ap- 
prehension for  a  time ;  and  he  seems  to  have  spent  the  last  half  of  46 
in  comparative  cheerfulness '®. 

§  7.  His  family  troubles,  however,  continued.  Towards  the  close  of 
this  year,  or  at  the  beginning  of  the  next,  he  thought  it  advisable  to 
divorce  Terentia".  What  grounds  for  displeasure  she  had  given  him 
besides  her  alleged  extravagance  it  is  hard  to  say.  His  letters  to  her 
during  the  previous  year  had  been  short  and  rather  cold  ^^. 

Cicero  was  still  much  in  want  of  money ;  and  to  relieve  himself  from 
his  difficulties,  married  his  young  and  wealthy  ward,  Publilia^^.  She 
seems  to  have  been  jealous  of  TuUia,  and  to  have  received  little  affection 
from  her  husband. 

The  severest  blow  which  he  suffered  was  the  death  "  of  his  daughter 


1  Ad  Fam.  6.  6,  5  ;  7.  3,  3 ;  15.  15,  i ;  Ad  Att.  il.  6,  2.  *  Ad  Fam.  6.  1-8  ; 

4.  14  and  15.  »  lb.  4.  4,  4  ;  Pro  Marcello.  *  Ad  Fam.  6.  14 ;  Ad  Att.  13. 

19,  2 ;  Pro  Ligario.  *  Ad  Fam.  9.  12,  2 ;  Pro  Deiot.  *  Ad  Fam.  4.  14,  I ; 

4.  6,  2.  ''  lb.  4.  4,  4 ;  6.  6,  10.  »  lb.  4.  4,  5  ;   12.  18,  2.  "  Ad  Att. 

II.  7,  3;  II.  12,  3.  "  lb.  12.  4,  I ;  12.  6,  2;  Ad  Fam.  9.  17  and  18.  "  Plut. 

Cic.  41  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  18.  "  Ad  Fam.  14.  20-24.  ^  lb.  4   14; 

Plut.  Cic.  41.  "  Plut.  Cic.  1.  c. ;  Ad  Fam.  6.  18,  5  ;  4.  5»  ^- 


39» 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FOURTH  PART. 


399 


I 


early  in  45  b.c.  Her  unhappy  marriage  with  Dolabella  had  been  ended 
by  a  divorce ^  and  shortly  afterwards  she  gave  birth  to  a  child,  but  did 
not  long  survive.  Her  father  was  long  inconsolable ;  her  society '  had 
been  his  principal  comfort,  and  neither  philosophy  ^  nor  the  consolatory 
letters  *  of  friends  could  give  him  much  relief.  He  cherished  for  some 
time  a  wish  to  build  a  shrine '^  in  her  honour,  but  does  not  appear  to 
have  carried  it  out.  The  society  of  his  young  wife  was  now  more  than 
ever  distasteful  to  him  \  he  refused*  to  see  her  with  much  harshness,  and 
presently  divorced  her. 

His  son  Marcus  seems  to  have  been  restless,  and  to  have  wished  either 
to  take  service  under  Caesar  in  Spain  "^,  or  to  live  separately  from  his 
father  at  Rome.  Finally,  however,  he  acceded  to  his  father's  suggestion, 
that  he  should  go  to  study  at  Athens  ^  for  which  place  he  set  out  in 
March,  45  b.c.  The  youth  seems  to  have  complained  of  his  father's 
parsimony^;  probably  without  good  grounds.  Cicero's  brother  had 
already  paid  court  to  Caesar  by  allowing  his  son  to  become  a  Lupercus", 
and  to  attend  Caesar  on  his  Spanish  campaign. 

§  8.  About  this  time  Cicero  seems  to  have  thought  of  sending  to 
Caesar  a  letter  " — probably  on  the  state  of  the  commonwealth,  but  was 
dissuaded  from  doing  so  by  Caesar's  friends,  who  doubted  the  accepta- 
bility of  his  recommendations.  He  also  wrote  some  complimentary  but 
independent  remarks  on  Caesar's  *  Anticato/  which  were  sent  to  Caesar 
with  the  approval  of  Oppius  and  Balbus. 

At  the  very  end  of  the  year  45  b.c.  Cicero  received  a  visit  from 
Caesar  at  his  villa  near  Puteoli,  of  which  he  has  given  a  lively  account^'. 
He  seems  to  have  enjoyed  the  interview,  but  not  to  have  been  anxious 
for  its  repetition. 

§  9.  During  Caesar's  stay  in  Italy  after  the  defeat  of  Pharnaces  he 
quelled,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  the  mutinous  spirit  of  his 
veterans,  and  re-established  tranquillity  in  the  capital.  He  also  filled 
up  the  ranks  of  the  senate '',  which  had  been  greatly  thinned  by  the 
civil  war;  increased  the  number  of  the  praetors  from  eight  to  ten"; 
and    added    one    member  to   each   of  the   great  priestly  colleges". 


*  Ad  Att.  II.  2.^,  3.  '  lb.  12.  15;  Ad  Fam.  4.  6,  2.  '  Ad  Att.  12. 

14,  3.  *  lb.  12.  13,  I  ;  12.  14,  3  and  4  ;  13.  20,  i.     Caesar,  Sulpicius,  Lucceius 

(Ad  Fam.  5.  13),  and  M.  Brutus  were  among  those  who  wrote  to  him.  *  *  Fanum.* 

He  would  thus  escape  the  penalties  for  excessive  expenditure  on  sepulchral  monuments :  cp. 
Ad  Att.  12.  36,  I ;  12.  12,  I.  •  lb.  12.  32,  i  ;  Plut.  Cic.  41.  "^  Ad  Att. 

12.  7,  I.  »  lb.  12.  24,  I.  •  lb.  12.  7,  I ;  12.  32.  2. 

"  lb.  12.  5,  1 ;  12.  7,  I.  "  lb.  13.  27,  I ;  13.  31,  3 ;  13.  50,  i. 

"  lb.  13.  52.  "  Suet.  lul.  41 :  Dion  Cassius  42.  51.  "  Dion  Cassius  1.  c. 

"  lb. 


He  then  went  to  Lilybaeum\  and  after  spending  some  days  there, 
sailed  for  Africa  on  Dec.  25.  After  three  days  he  landed  at  Adru- 
metum*,  and  pitched  his  camp  at  Ruspina  on  the  first  day  of  the 
new  year^ 

§  10.  Caesar  was  consul  for  the  third  time  at  the  beginning  of 
this  year,  with  M.  Aemilius  Lepidus  as  his  colleague.  As  both  were 
patricians,  this  was  a  violation  of  the  'Leges  Liciniae  Sextiae*.' 
Towards  the  close  of  the  year  Caesar  was  perhaps  dictator  for  the 
third  time,  with  Lepidus  for  his  master  of  the  horse.  Cp.  Appendix 
10,  4. 

Caesar's  force  was  for  some  time  small,  composed  in  great  measure 
of  raw  recruits,  and  in  cavalry  especially  inferior  to  the  enemy''.  The 
optimates  could  bring  into  the  field  70,000  regular  infantry,  composed, 
indeed,  in  great  measure  of  hasty  levies  and  emancipated  slaves,  with  an 
immense  number  of  cavalry  and  light  troops,  and  several  elephants 
furnished  by  their  ally  Juba.  Nor  were  capable  officers  wanting  in 
their  ranks;  Afranius,  Petreius,  and  Labienus  had  all  served  with 
distinction;  and  the  resolute  endurance  of  Cato  had  been  recently 
attested^.  But  the  chief  command  fell,  according  to  constitutional 
rules,  to  Scipio,  who  was  incapable  and  obstinate  %•  Juba,  proud  of 
his  victory  over  Curio,  set  up  pretensions  which  it  was  embarrassing 
either  to  admit  or  to  resist®;  the  provincials  were  harassed  by  op- 
pression"; and  the  Gaetulians  and  Mauretanians "  retained  a  kindly 
remembrance  of  Marius,  which  disposed  them  to  regard  with  favour 
the  representative  of  his  party. 

Still,  for  some  time  Caesar's  position  was  difficult.  In  an  engage- 
ment fought  soon  after  his  landing,  the  advantage  remained  with  his 
enemies  ^^  and  he  was  obliged  to  remain  nearly  inactive  for  more  than 
two  months.  Gradually,  however,  his  position  improved  as  reinforce- 
ments came  in  from  Sicily";  and  a  diversion  made  in  his  favour  by 
P.  Sittius,  a  Roman  adventurer,  and  by  Bocchus  of  Mauretania", 
compelled  Juba  to  withdraw  for  a  time  to  protect  his  own  dominions. 
The  provincials,  too,  as  far  as  they  dared,  shewed  their  good  will  to 
Caesar  ^^ 

At  last,  early  in  April,  he  felt  strong  enough  to  risk  a  general  battle. 

»  Bell.  Afric.  1-2  ;  Cic.  de  Divin.  2.  24,  52 ;  Plut.  Caes.  52.  *  Bell.  Afric.  3. 

•  lb.  6.                             *  Livy  6.  35  and  42.  «  Bell.  Afric.  i ;  3;  5;  10. 

«  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  8 ;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  2.  26,  alib.  "^  Supra,  §  4. 

"  Bell.  Afric.  4  ;  Plut.  Cat.  Min.  57.  •  Plut.  Cat.  I.  c. ;  Bell.  Afric.  57  ; 

Ad  Att.  II.  7,  3.                                  "  Bell.  Afric.  26.  "  lb.  35. 

"  lb.  13-17.  "  lb.  34.  "  lb.  25. 
"  lb.  26;  33. 


400 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FOURTH  PART. 


401 


The  armies  met  near  Thapsus  \  and  Caesar  obtained  a  decisive  victory. 
His  orders  to  give  quarter  were  disobeyed,  and  the  slaughter  was  very 

great. 

Soon  after  the  battle  Cato  killed  himself  ^  at  Utica,  and  the  leaders  of 
the  defeated  party  perished  almost  without  exception  by  their  own  hands 
or  by  those  of  the  enemy.  Scipio,  Petreius,  Juba,  Afranius,  and  Faustus 
Sulla,  none  of  them  long  survived  Cato  ^  Labienus  fled  to  Spain,  and 
there  co-operated  with  the  sons  of  Pompey  *. 

§  II.  Caesar,  having  speedily  made  such  arrangements  in  Africa 
as  seemed  most  necessary  ^  and  having  reduced  Numidia  to  the  form 
of  a  province  \  sailed  for  Sardinia  on  June  1 3  \  and  thence  to  Italy. 
He  entered  Rome  on  July  26. 

In  August  he  celebrated  four  splendid  triumphs'  for  his  victories 
in  Gaul,'Egypt,  Pontus,  and  Africa.  Representations  of  the  deaths 
of  Scipio  and  Cato  were  carried  in  the  procession,  which  gave  much 
offence.  The  triumphs  were  accompanied  or  followed  by  liberal 
grants «  of  money  and  food  to  the  soldiers  and  people,  and  by 
street  improvements  on  a  great  scale ;  among  which  were  the  laying 
out  of  the  Forum  lulium,  and  the  erection  of  a  temple  to  Venus 
Genitrix^^  Caesar  also  allotted  lands  to  his  veterans  as  he  had 
promised,  but  these  were  not  contiguous,  and  thus  there  was  less  in- 
terference with  existing  rights  of  possession "  than  had  been  usual  in 

such  cases. 

For  an  account  of  the  honours  now  voted  to  Caesar,  of  his  legislation, 
and  of  his  amendment  of  the  Calendar,  see  Appendices  8-10.  Owing 
to  the  amendment  of  the  Calendar,  the  nominal  and  real  dates  correspond 
from  the  beginning  of  45  b.c. 

§  12.  Towards  the  close  of  46  B.C.  Caesar  started  for  Spain  ^^^  where 
the  sons  of  Pompey,  aided  by  Labienus,  had  gained  great  strength.  The 
war  was  obstinately  maintained  for  nearly  three  months,  and  was  decided 
by  a  desperate  battle  fought  at  Munda  (in  Baetica)  on  March  17,  45  b.c.*^ 
Cn.  Pompeius  and  Labienus  died  in  the  battle,  or  soon  afterwards ;  but 
Sextus  Pompeius  escaped,  and  maintained  himself  in  Spain  till  Caesar*s 


1  On  April  6.     Bell.  Afric.  79-85  ;  Mommsen,  4.  2,  445-  ^  ^        Bell  Afnc.  88  .  Plu 
Cat.  Min.  70.  ^  Bell.  Afric.  91-96  ;  Livy  Epit.  114;  Ad  Fam.  9.  18    2  Bell 

Hisp  ^i.  '^  Bell.  Afric.  90,  foil. ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  14.  .      'Bell.  Afnc  97 

Mb  98     Ad  Fam.  9.  7.  ^-  "  Veil.  2.  56;  Suet.  lul.  37;  W  Epjt   115;  Plut 

Caes   «56  ;  App.  Belh  C  v.  2.  loi ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  19.  .      '  ^uet.  lul.  38  ;  App 

Bell  Civ   2   102  ^»  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  102  :  Dion  Cassius  43.  22  :  Suet.  lul  44 

"  Suet.  iul.  38  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  94  ;  Dion  Cassius  42.  54.  ''  Bell  Hisp.  2  ;  App 

Bell  Civ.  2.  103  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  3^.  "  Bell.  Hisp.  29-31 ;  Livy  Epit.  115  ; 

Dion  Cassius  43.  37  and  38. 


deaths  C.  Asinius  Pollio  remained  as  Caesar's  legate  in  the  Farther 
Spain  ^.  C.  Octavius,  afterwards  emperor,  attended  his  great  uncle 
Caesar  in  this  campaign '. 

Caesar  was  detained  in  Spain  till  late  in  the  summer  * ;  returned  to 
Italy  in  September,  and  entered  Rome  in  triumph  in  October®.  Two 
of  his  legates,  Q.  Fabius  and  Q.  Pedius,  triumphed  ®  shortly  afterwards 
for  successes  in  Spain.  Fabius  was  elected  consul  for  the  last  months 
of  this  year  with  C.  Trebonius'^;  but  Fabius  died  while  in  office,  and 
was  succeeded  for  one  day  only  by  C.  Caninius  Rebilus,  a  piece  of 
scrupulous  formality  which  occasioned  much  amusement  ®. 

The  distribution  of  lands  to  the  veterans  continued  during  this  year '. 
Caesar's  triumphal  festivities  were  marked  by  one  incident  which  seems 
to  have  made  a  painful  impression ;  a  knight  named  D.  Laberius,  known 
as  a  writer  of  farces,  was  obliged  to  represent  a  character  in  one  of  his 
own  ^®  pieces  on  the  stage. 

The  election  of  consuls  for  44  b.c  was  marked,  according  to  Cicero, 
by  perfidy  to  Dolabella  ^^,  who  had  been  led  by  Caesar  to  hope  for  the 
consulship,  but  for  whom  Caesar  substituted  himself.  Dolabella's  elec- 
tion would  have  been  a  violation  of  the  '  Leges  Annales  ^^,'  but  Cicero 
does  not  notice  this. 

44  B.C. 

§  13.  The  earliest  months  of  this  year  were  employed  by  Caesar, 
now  consul  for  the  fifth  time  and  dictator  for  the  fourth,  in  preparations 
for  an  expedition  against  the  Parthians  ^^.  He  had  formed  a  considerable 
camp  in  Macedonia^*,  and  had  sent  the  young  Octavius  to  ApoUonia, 
probably  that  he  might  become  acquainted  with  the  soldiers,  while  pur- 
suing his  studies. 

Meanwhile  the  conspiracy  was  being  formed  which  proved  fatal  to 
Caesar.  Both  the  old  parties  in  the  State  were  represented  among  the 
conspirators.  C.  Cassius  and  M.  Brutus  had  both  served  under  Pom- 
pey ^^;  D.  Brutus  and  C.  Trebonius  had  been  active  on  behalf  of 
Caesar  ^^     Seneca  remarks  ^^,  'Divum  lulium  plures  amici  confecerunt 

^  Bell.  Hisp.    32;    39;    Livy  Epit.    115;    Plut.  Caes.   56;    App.  Bell.   Civ.   3.   105. 
^  Dion  Cassius  45.  10.  ^  lb.  43.  41 ;  Suet.  Oct.  8  ;  Veil.  2.  59.  *  Ad 

Att,  13.  45,  1.  5  Livy  Epit.  116;  Veil.  2.  56.  ®  Acta  Triumph.  Capit. 

ap.  Mommsen,  Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  I.  461  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  42.  '*  Suet.  Iul.  80; 

Dion  Cassius  43.  46.  *  Dion  Cassius  1.  c. ;  Ad  Fam.  7.  30,  I ;  Suet.  Iul.  76. 

•  Ad  Fam.  13.  4.  "  Suet.  Iul.  39  ;  Macrob.  Sat.  2.  7;  Ad  Fam.  12.  18,  2. 

"  Philipp.  2.  32,  79.  12  App  Bell  q;^^  ^.  88.  »»  lb.  a.  no ; 

3.  24  ;  Plut.  Caes.  58  ;  Suet.  Iul.  44;  Dion  Cassius  43.  51.  "  App.  Bell.  Civ. 

2.  no  ;  3.  9;  Plut.  Brut.  22  ;  Livy  Epit.  117  ;  Veil.  2.  59.  "  Supra,  §  3. 

"  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  8.  "  De  Ira  3.  30,  4  and  5. 

D  d 


ll 


i< 


I 


^Q2  INTRODUCTION 

quam  inimici.'  Two  feelings  probably  animated  the  Caesarian  members 
of  the  conspiracy :  jealousy  of  such  of  their  comrades  as  enjoyed  a 
larger  measure  of  their  leader's  favour,  and  apprehension  that  Caesar 
might  assume  the  title  of  king.  The  increasing  haughtiness  of  his 
demeanour  strengthened  suspicion ;  and  the  royal  title  was  to  the 
Romans  of  this  period  associated  with  oriental  despotism '.  M.  Brutus 
probably  believed  that  he  was  acting  in  the  public  interest.  C.  Cassius 
is  said  to  have  been  jealous  of  the  favour  shewn  to  M.  Brutus  by  Caesar. 
Both  the  two  last-mentioned  conspirators  held  office  under  Caesar  as 
praetors  when  they  conspired  against  him  K 

§  14.  Early  in  the  year  Caesar's  statue'  on  the  Rostra  was  decorated 
by  some  officious  friend  with  a  laurel  crown  bound  with  a  ribbon.     The 
tribunes  Flavus  and  MaruUus  removed  the  crown,  and  though  Caesar 
took  no  measures  against  them  he  was  annoyed.     Somewhat  later  «.as 
he  was  returning  on  Jan.  26  from  celebrating  the  '  Feriae  Latinae,  he 
was  greeted  as  king  by  some  of  the  crowd  who  met  him.     He  made 
the  adroit  reply,  '  non  Rex  sum  sed  Caesar;'  but  when  the  two  tribunes 
mentioned  above  arrested  the  man  who  had  first  greeted  him  as  king, 
Caesar  was  very  indignant,  and  caused  them  to  be  deposed  and  excluded 
from  the  senate.     On  the  day  of  the  '  Lupercalia  ^'  Feb.  15,  Antony 
offered  Caesar  a  diadem  half  concealed  under  a  laurel  crown,   and 
though  Caesar  refused  it,  his  sincerity  was  doubted.    On  Antony's  pro- 
posal, the  name  of  the  month  Quintilis  was  now  changed  to  lulms 
All  these  occurrences  probably  estranged  the  people's  affections,  and 
confirmed  the  conspirators  in  their  resolution. 

On  some  day  before  the  '  Lupercalia ','  comitia  were  held  for  the 
election  of  a  consul  to  hold  office  after  Caesar  should  have  departed 
for  Parthia.  Dolabella  was  the  candidate  favoured  by  Caesar,  but 
Antony,  who  presided,  adjourned  the  proceedings  after  several  cen- 
turies had  voted,  declaring  as  augur  that  the  day  was  unfavourable. 
This  proceeding,  according  to  Cicero,  was  irregular ». 

It  is  doubtful  if  Caesar  executed  in  this  year  his  intention  of  sending 
numerous  colonists  to  Corinth  and  to  Carthage.  Appian »  assigns  the 
measure  to  Augustus,  but  other  authorities "  to  Julius,  and  the  majority 
of  them  to  this  year. 

>  Ad  Att.  14.  I,  2;  14.  2,  3;  Suet.  lul.  79;  Livy  Epit.  116;  App.  Bell.  Civ  2  108- 
III     Pta  Caes  60 :  61  '  Plut.  C«s.  62  ;  Brut.  7  ;  Ad  Fam.  1 1.  3,  I ;  PhjUpp.  I. 

5  36?App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  112.  »  Plut.  Caes.  61  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ   2.  108;  D,oa 

ci  siuV44  q  *  App.  1.  c. ;  Plut.  1.  c. ;  Suet.  lul.  79 :  Dion  Cassms  44.  10         »  Plat. 

C,r6?t"  Int.  12  ;  C^.  Phili^p.  2.  34.  '  Cens.  de  Die  Nat.  22 :  App.  Bell  C.v^  2 

106 ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  5.  '  Philipp. !!.  3»  »n<l  33-    .  "l".  Pumca 

8.  136.  ">  Suet.  lul.  42  ;  Pint.  Caes.  57 ;  Dion  Cassias  4}.  50. 


TO  THE  FOURTH  PART. 


403 


w 


w 


Caesar  proposed,  apparently,  to  leave  Rome  soon\  His  presence 
was  required  in  the  East,  not  only  to  chastise  the  Parthians,  but  to 
restore  order  in  Syria.  For  Sextus  Caesar,  whom  he  had  entrusted 
with  the  command  of  a  legion  in  that  province,  had  been  killed  in  the 
year  46  b.c.  by  his  soldiers,  at  the  instigation  of  Q.  Caecilius  Bassus*, 
who  presently  got  together  a  numerous  army,  composed  partly  of  the 
mu*mous  troops  of  his  predecessor,  partly  of  new  levies.  The  generals 
sent  against  him  by  Caesar  had  not  been  able  to  suppress  the  rebellion '. 

§  15.  The  senate  was  convened  for  March  15  *,  probably  to  hear  and 
approve  Caesar's  preparations  for  his  expedition,  and  his  provisions  for 
the  government  of  Italy  and  the  provinces  till  his  return.  It  was  reported 
that  a  proposal  would  be  made  on  that  day  to  declare  Caesar  ^  king,  and 
alleged  prophecies  were  ^  circulated,  not  perhaps  for  the  first  time,  that 
the  Parthians  could  only  be  conquered  by  the  Romans  if  the  latter  were 
commanded  by  a  king. 

The  meeting  of  the  senate  took  place  in  a  building  near  the  theatre  ^ 
of  Pompey,  and  consequently  outside  the  walls.  Caesar,  in  spite  of 
omens  *  and  warnings,  was  present,  attended  by  Antony,  who,  however, 
was  drawn  aside  by  Trebonius  ®,  probably  from  fear  of  his  courage  and 
devotion  to  Caesar,  or  from  a  wish  to  spare  needless  bloodshed.  L. 
Tillius  Cimber  presented  ^^  a  petition  to  Caesar  on  behalf  of  his  brother, 
then  in  exile;  and  Caesar's  refusal  to  grant  it  was  the  signal  for  a 
general  attack  upon  him  by  the  conspirators.  He  fell,  pierced  with 
twenty-three  wounds.  Antony  fled  to  his  home,  and  the  senate  broke 
up  in  confusion  ". 

*  App.    Bell.  Civ.    2.    no;    in;    Plut.  Caes.  58;    Dion  Cassius  43.   51;    44.   15. 
'  Livy  Epit.  114 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  77 ;  Dion  Cassius  47.  26.  3  phiHpp.  n. 

13.  32  ;  App.  1.  c;  Dion  Cassius  47.  27.  *  Philipp.  2.  35,  88  ;   Suet.  lul.  80. 

*  Plut.  Caes.  64;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  113  :  cp.  in  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  15.  «  Dion 

Cassius  1.  c. ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  no;  Suet.  lul.  79;  Cic.  de  Divin.  2.  54;  Merivaie  2.  470, 
foil.  '  Plut.  Caes.  66;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  115  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  i6.  «  Suet, 

lul.  81;  Plut.  Caes.  63;  Veil.  2.  57;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  115;  Dion  Cassius  44.  17. 
»  Philipp.  2.  14,  34;  Plut.  Caes.  66;  Ant.  13;  Veil.  2.  58;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  117;  Dion 
Cassius  44.  19.  1»  Plut,;  Dion  Cassius ;  App.  II.  cc.  ;  Veil.  2.  56.  "  Philipp. 

2.  35»  88  ;  Plut.  Caes.  67;  Ant.  14 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  118  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  20. 


D  d    3 


N 


SELECT    LETTERS 


OF 


M.    TULLIUS    CICERO. 


PART   IV. 


79.    To   ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    XI.  5). 
Brundisium,  early  in  November,  48  b.c.  (706  a.u.c.) 

I.  The  reasons  which  have  suggested  this  hasty  return  to  me  have  been  painful  but 
weighty.  You  are  evidently  rather  confounded  by  my  haste.  2.  I  do  not  think 
I  should  do  much  good  by  travelling  to  Rome  in  the  way  you  propose.  3-  Great 
discomfort,  both  of  mind  and  body,  prevents  my  writing  many  letters  ;  I  shall  be  glad 
if  you  will  write  for  me.  4.  Vatinius  and  others  I  have  no  doubt  would  serve  me  if 
they  could.  My  brother  was  lately  at  Patrae,  very  ill-disposed  towards  me.  I  think 
his  son  has  joined  him  there,  and  that  both  have  gone  away,  with  others. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  QUAE  me  causae  moverint,  quam  acerbae,  quam  graves, 
quam  novae,  coegerintque  impetu  magis  quodam  animi  uti 
quam  cogitatione,  non  possum  ad  te  sine  maximo  dolore  scri- 
bere;    fuerunt   quidem    tantae,   ut    id,  quod   vides,   effecerint. 


On  landing  at  Brundisium,  Cicero  seems 
to  have  written  to  his  family  and  to  Atticus, 
and  to  have  received  answers  from  them. 
He  replied  to  Atticus  and  to  Terenlia,  and 
his  answer  to  the  latter  was  dated  November 
4.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  14.  12.  It  is  probable, 
therefore,  that  this  letter  was  written  about 
the  same  time. 

I.  Quae  me  causae  moverint,  'what 
causes  induced  nie '  to  return  to  Italy. 


2.  Novae,  *  strange.*  Cicero  refers,  per- 
haps, partly  to  his  quarrel  with  Quintus, 
(cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  i),  partly  to  the 
threats  (and  violence)  of  the  Pompeians 
at  Corcyra  and  elsewhere.  Cp.  Ep.  78, 
notes. 

Impetu  .  .  uti,  'to  be  guided  by  im- 
pulse rather  than  by  reflection.* 

4.  Id,  quod  vides,  i.e.  *  my  sudden  re- 
turn to  Italy.' 


4o6 


M.   TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


Itaque  nee  quid  ad  te  scribam  de  meis  rebus  nee  quid  a  te 
petam,  reperio.  Rem  et  summam  negotii  vides.  Equidem  ex 
tuis  litteris  intellexi  et  iis,  quas  eommuniter  cum  aliis  serip- 
sisti,  et  iis,  quas  tuo  nomine,  quod  etiam  mea  sponte  videbam, 

5  te  subita  re  quasi  debilitatum  novas  rationes  tuendi  mei  quae- 
rcre.     Quod   seribis    plaeere,   ut   propius   aeeedam  iterque   per  2 
oppida  noetu  faciam,  non  sane  video,  quem  ad  modum  id  fieri 
possit ;  neque  enim  ita  apta  habeo  deversoria,  ut  tota  tempora 
diurna   in   iis   possim   eonsumere,  neque   ad   id,  quod   quaeris, 

10  multum  interest,  utrum   me  homines  in  oppido  videant  an   in 
via.     Sed  tamen  hoc   ipsum,  sicut   aHa,  considerabo   quem   ad 
modum  commodissime  fieri  posse  videatur.     Ego  propter  incre-  3 
dibilem  et  animi  et  corporis  molestiam  conficere  plures  Htteras 
non  potui ;  iis  tantum  reseripsi,  a  quibus  acceperam.     Tu  veHm 

15  et  Basilo  et  quibus  praeterea  videbitur,  etiam  ServiHo  conscribas, 


1.  Itaque  ..reperio,  •  accordingly, since 
what  I  have  done  was  sudden  and  undesigned, 
I  have  no  plans  to  explain  to  you,  nor  do  I 
know  in  what  to  ask  your  assistance.' 

2.  Rem  et  summam  negotii,  'the 
whole  state  of  the  case.' 

3.  Litteris.  For  the  use  of  this  word 
signifying  more  letters  than  one,  cp.  Ep.  62, 
4,  note. 

Quas  eommuniter  .  .  .  scripsisti, 
*  which  you  wrote,  and  addressed  as  from 
several  other  friends  besides.'  It  is  to  be 
presumed  that  Atticus  submitted  his  letter 
to  these  friends  for  their  approval,  and  then 
prefixed  their  names  with  their  leave.  Speci- 
mens of  such  letters  are  to  be  found  Ad 
Fam.  16.  3,  foil. 

4.  Quod  .  .  videbam,  *what  I  needed 
no  assistance  to  be  convinced  of,'  referring 
to  what  immediately  follows. 

5.  Subita  re,  i.e.  'by  my  sudden  re- 
turn.' 

Novas  rationes.  Ever  since  the  battle 
of  Pharsalus,  Atticus  seems  to  have  been 
employing  his  influence  for  Cicero's  protec- 
tion, and  now  the  latter's  return  to  Italy 
would  require  a  change  of  Atticus'  mode  of 
action.  Cp.,  on  Atticus'  exertions,  Ad  Att. 
II.  7,  5;  II.  9.  I. 

6.  Quod  seribis  plaeere:  cp.  Ep.  8. 
14,  note. 

Accedam,  i.e.  to  Rome. 

Iterque  .  .  faciam,  i.e.  to  travel  along 
the  Appian  way  from  Brundisium  to  Rome, 
taking  care  to  pass  through  the  towns  by 
night.  Cicero  remarks  that  he  knew  of  no 
lodgings  where  he  might  pass  the  whole  of 


each  day,  and  so  travel  by  night  only ;  and 
that,  with  a  view  to  the  avoidance  of  pub- 
licity (ad  id  quod  quaeris),  it  would 
make  little  difference  where  he  was  seen,  if 
he  had  to  travel  by  day  at  all.  Manutius 
appears  to  consider  'per  oppida '  =  ' from 
town  to  town  : '  i.e.  Cicero  was  to  spend  the 
days  in  doors,  and  only  travel  by  night. 

8.  Deversoria.  Cicero  owned  houses 
in  various  places  which  he  called  by  this 
name,  but  he  can  hardly  have  had  such 
lodgings  all  along  the  road  from  Rome  to 
Brundisium.  He  probably  here  refers  to 
inns,  or  to  friends'  houses. 

II.  Hoc  ipsum,  sicut  alia,  'this  plan, 
like  others  you  have  suggested.' 

13.  Corporis  molestiam.  The  air  of 
Brundisium  seems  to  have  affected  Cicero's 
health.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  11.  22,  2. 

Plures  Htteras,  'many  letters.'  The 
Latin  word  sometimes  corresponds  to  the 
English  plural,  evgn  without  a  distributive 
numeral.  Mad  v.  52;  cp.  sup.  §  i,  note, 
and  Ep.  62,  4,  note. 

15.  Basilo.  L.  Minucius  Basilus,  who 
had  served  under  Caesar  in  Gaul  (Caes.  Bell. 
Gall.  6.  29),  and  seems  to  have  remained 
faithful  to  him  during  the  civil  war,  ulti- 
mately joined  the  conspiracy  against  him, 
and  was  afterwards  murdered  by  his  own 
slaves  for  his  cruelty  (Ad  Fam.  6.  15  :  cp. 
App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  113  ;  3.  98). 

Quibus  praeterea  videbitur.sc. ' scri- 
bendum  esse.* 

Etiam  Servilio.  These  words  would 
come  more  naturally  before  *  et  quibus,'  but 
Cicero  may   have  forgotten  Servilius,  and 


EP.80.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   XI.6.  4°? 

ut  tibi  videbitur,  meo  nomine.  Quod  tanto  ititervallo  nihil 
omnino  ad  vos  scrips!,  his  litteris  profecto  intelleges  rem  m.h. 
4  deesse,  de  qua  scribam,  non  voluntatem.  Quod  de  Vatm^o 
quaeris,  neque  illius  neque  cuiusquam  mihi  praeterea  offic.um 
deesset,  si  reperire  possent,  qua  in  re  me  iuvarent  Qumtus  5 
aversissimo  a  me  animo  Patris  fuit ;  eodem  Corcyra  films  venit. 
Inde  profectos  eos  una  cum  ceteris  arbitror. 


80.    To  ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.   XI.   6). 

Brundisium,  Nov.  27,  4*^  b.c.  (706  a.u.c.) 

,    The  anxiety  which  I  see  you  feel  on  my  behalf  increases  my  trouble,  but  I  am 
glad  to  learn  that  you  and  others  approve  my  conduct.     .    I  do  not  regret  havjng 
feft  the  seat  of  war,  but  wish  I  had  retired  to  some  place  out  of  Italy.     3-  ^ J^^"  *^ 
Caesar  is  disposed  to  treat  me  with  great  consideration;   pray  tell  Pansa  and  other 
Wend    of  Caesar  that  I  have  acted  by  their  advice.    4-  TulUa's  health  causes  me 
1    at  anxiew     5.  I  never  doubted  what  Pompey's  end  would  be,  but  must  lamen 
tuch  a  "el  for  such  a  man.    6.  For  others  who  have  fallen  I  have  less  p.ty.     7- 
hear  that  my  brother  has  gone  to  Asia  to  sue  for  pardon.    Write  to  me  whenever  you 
have  anything  to  say. 


not  cared  to  correct  his  omission.  P.  Servi- 
lius Isauricus  is  mentioned  with  respect  m 
the  Philippics.  Cp.  ii.  8,  19;  11.  10,  25; 
12.  2,  c,.  Cp.,  also,  Ep.  9,  10,  note.  He 
was  now  Caesar's  colleague  as  consul. 

1.  Ut    tibi    videbitur,    'as  you    shall 

think  proper.'  ,     /^     .  ♦ 

Meo  nomine, 'as  from  me.      Cp.    tuo 

nomine'  in  §  I. 

2.  His  litteris.  We  might  have  ex- 
pected 'ex  his  litteris.'  But  the  simple 
ablative  is  sometimes  used  after  *  verba  intel- 
ligendi.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  i.  6  b.  1  *  ea  te  et 
litteris    multorum    .    .    cognosse   arbitror. 

Boot. 

Rem  mihi  deesse:  cp.  §  i,  and  note 

on  '  itaque.' 

3.  De  Vatinio.  Atticus  had  apparently 
asked  how  Vatinius,  governor  of  Brundisium 
for  Caesar  (cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  lOo),  be- 
haved  to  Cicero.  On  the  previous  relations 
of  Cicero  and  Vatinius,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II, 

§§    2;     10.  r  f  •        J 

4.  Cuiusquam.   Probably '  of  any  friend 

of  Caesar.' 

5.  Si  reperire  .  .  iuvarent.  Perhaps 
Caesar's  absence  made  his  officers  unwilling 
to   act    without    special    instructions.      Or 


Cicero  may  be  speaking  ironically.     *  They 
would  serve  me  if  they  only  knew  how. 

Quintus  .  .  .  fuit.  Perhaps  Quintus. 
who  was  hot-tempered,  was  annoyed  by  his 
brother's  vacillation,  and  would  have  pre- 
ferred that  his  brother  should  either  never 
have  gone  to  Pompey's  camp,  or  should  not 
have  despaired  so  soon. 

6.  Aversissimo  .  .  .  animo  .  .  .  fuit, 
•expressed  his  discontent  with  me  loudly 
(Wiel.)  when  I  last  heard  of  him. 

Patris.  The  unfriendly  language  used 
by  Quintus  there,  is  mentioned  again  Ad 
Att.  II.  16,  4.  Patrae  was  a  city  in  the 
west  of  Achaia.  Mr.  Jeans'  translation  im- 
plies an  opinion  that  Marcus  Cicero  accom- 
panied his  brother  there  from  Corcyra.  and 
Drumann.  6,  238,  note  41,  refers  to  Ad 
Fam.  13.  17,  I  in  support  of  this  opinion. 

Filius.  The  younger  Quintus,  appa- 
rently. 

Venit  =  'ivit.'     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  i.  10    illo 

si  veneris.* 

7.  Profectos  eos.  'That  they  have 
gone  to  Asia'  to  sue  for  pardon  from 
Caesar.     Cp.  Ep.  80,  7. 

Cum  ceteris,  i.e.  'with  the  other  re- 
pentant Pompeians.* 


4o8 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL.  DIGIT. 
SoUicitum  esse  te  cum  de  tuis  communibusque  fortunis,  turn  i 
maxime  de  me  ac  de  dolore  meo  sentio;  qui  quidem  meus  dolor 
non    modo  non   minuitur,  cum   socium   sibi   adiungit   dolorem 
tuum,  sed  etiam   augetur.     Omnino   pro  tua   prudent.a  sentis, 
5  qua  consolatione  levari   maxime  possim ;   probas   enim   meum 
consilium  negasque  mihi  quicquam  tali  tempore  potius  facien- 
dum  fuisse.    Addis    etiam— quod   etsi    mihi  levius    est   quam 
tuum   iudicium,  tamen    non    est  leve— ceteris   quoque,  id   est, 
qui  pondus  habeant,  factum  nostrum  probari.     Id  si  ita  puta- 
10  rem,  levius  dolerem.     '  Crede '  inquis  '  mihi.'     Credo   equidem,  2 
sed   scio,  quam  cupias   minui  dolorem   meum.     Me  discessisse 
ab   armis   numquam    paenituit :   tanta    erat  in   illis  crudelitas, 
tanta  cum  barbaris  gentibus  coniunctio  ut  non  nominatim,  sed 
generatim  proscriptio   esset  informata,  ut  iam   omnium  ludicio 
i.constitutum   esset    omnium  vestrum    bona  praedam   esse   illius 
"  victoriae.     '  Vestrum '   plane  dico ;   numquam   enim  de  te  ipso 
nisi  crudelissime  cogitatum  est.    Qua   re  voluntatis  me   meae 
numquam  paenitebit ;  consilii  paenitet.     In  oppido  aliquo  mal- 
lem  resedisse,  quoad  arcesserer :  minus  sermonis  subissem,  minus 
loaccepissem    doloris ;    ipsum   hoc    me    non    angeret.     Brundisu 
iacere    in   omnes   partes    est    molestum.     Propius   accedere,  ut 
suades,  quo  modo  sine  lictoribus,  quos  populus  dedit,  possum  ? 


3.  Cum  socium  ...  tuum.  On  the 
accus.  of  adjectives  as  predicates,  cp.  Ep.  33, 
2,  note  ;  Madv.  227  a.  ^ 

9.  Id  si  ita  putarem,  sc.  '  esse.'  Cp. 
Ep.  71,  2.  Or  is  'ita*  pleonastic?  Cp. 
Zumpt.  L.  G.  748.  ^ 

12.  In  illis,  'among  the  Pompeians. 
In  illustration  of  the  following  passage,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§7;  10;  also  Epp.  61, 
4;  62,  2;  63,  3,  and  Ad  Att.  II.  7,  3» 
where  he  says  of  the  war  in  Africa,  '  iudi- 
cio  hoc  sum  usus,  non  esse  barbaris  auxiliis 
fallacissimae  gentis  rem  publicam  defenden- 

dam.' 

13.  Ut  non  nominatim  ..  informata, 

•  that  a  proscription  had  been  planned,  not 
against  individuals,  but  against  whole  classes.* 

14.  Generatim  =  •universim,  genera- 
liter  '  (Forcell.)  ;  '  informata '  = '  mente  con- 
cepta'  (Boot).     Cp.  Ep.  i,  2. 

Omnium  iudicio,  'in  the  opmion  of 
all '  the  Pompeians. 

15.  Illius  victoriae, 'of  the  victory  of 


Pompey.* 

16.  Vestrum,  '  of  you  who  remained  in 

Italy.' 

Plane,  'expressly.'     Nagelsb.  86,  235. 

17.  Voluntatis,  'of  my  wish  to  retire 
from  the  struggle.' 

18.  Consilii,  *  of  the  way  in  which  I 
have  carried  out  my  wish.' 

In  oppido  aliquo,  '  in  some  town  out 
of  Italy,'  apparently,  from  the  context. 

19.  Quoad  arcesserer, 'until  I  was  sent 
for  by  Caesar,'  '  until  I  had  leave  to  return.' 

Minus  sermonis  subissem,  'I  should 
in  that  case  have  been  subjtcted  to  less 
criticism.'  On  the  omission  of  a  clause  with 
*  si,'  cp.  Madv.  347  c.  ^ 

20.  Ipsum  hoc,  'my  present  trouble, 
i.e.  self-reproach  for  having  acted  unwisely. 

Boot.  , 

21.  In  omnes  partes  =  ' omnino.  For- 
cell. 

22.  Sine  lictoribus.  Cicero  had  not 
entered  Rome  (i.e.  the  '  urbs')  since  leaving 


EP.80.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XL  6.  409 

qui  mihi  incolumi  adimi  non  possunt ;  quos  ego  nunc  paulisper 
cum   bacillis  in   turbam  conieci  ad  oppidum  accedens,  ne  quis 

3  impetus  militum  fieret.  t  Recipio  tempore  me  domo.  Te  nunc 
ad  oppidum  et  quoniam  his  placeret  modo  propius  accedere,  ut 
hac  de  re  considerarent :  credo  fore  auctores.  Sic  emm  reci-  5 
piunt,  Caesari  non  modo  de  conservanda,  sed  etiam  de  augenda 
mea  dignitate  curae  fore,  meque  hortantur,  ut  magno  ammo 
Sim,  ut  omnia  summa  sperem :  ea  spondent,  confirmant,  quae 
quidem  mihi  exploratiora  essent,  si  remansissem.  Sed  ingero 
praeterita.  Vide,  quaeso,  igitur  ea,  quae  restant,  et  explora  10 
cum  istis,  et  si  putabis  opus  esse  et  si  istis  placebit,  quo  magis 
factum  nostrum  Caesar  probet  quasi  de  suorum  sententia  factum, 
adhibeantur  Trebonius,  Pansa,  si  qui  alii,  scribantque  ad  Cae- 
sarem  me,  quicquid  fecerim,  de  sua  sententia  fecisse. 

4  Tulliae   meae  morbus  et  imbecillitas  corporis  me  exanimat,  15 
quam  tibi  intellego  magnae  curae  esse,  quod  est  mihi  gratissi- 


Cilicia,  and  consequently,  not  having  for- 
feited his  '  imperium.'  he  was  still  attended 
by  the  lictors  whose  presence  had  so  much 
embarrassed  him.     Cp.  Ep.  46. 

Quos  populus  dedit.  Cicero  had  prob- 
ably been  invested  with  'Imperium'  by  a  Lex 
Curiata,  and  may  here  refer  to  that  fact.  He 
had  received  his  commission  to  govern  Cili- 
cia  from  the  senate.    Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  17. 

1.  Incolumi,  'while  I  retain  my  poli- 
tical rights.*  Cp.  Ep.  16,  2.  In  this  case 
Cicero  means  his  '  imperium.*     Hofm. 

2.  Cum  bacillis,  'with  their  staves.' 
Opposed  to  •  fasces,'  as  single  staves  to  a 
bundle.     Forcell.     Cp.  De  Leg.  Agr.  2.  34, 

93. 

In  turbam  conieci,  'caused  to  mingle 
with  the  crowd.*  A  rare  sense  of  the  word; 
'  se  coniicere'  is  comn.on.  Forcell.  says 
•  coniicere  '  sometimes—- '  agere.' 

Oppidum,  Brundisium. 

3.  Militum,  of  the  garrison,  which  might 
be  oflfended  at  the  sight  of  a  Pompeian  sur- 
rounded by  the  ensigns  of  office. 

The  words  from  recipio  to  considera- 
*  rent  are  evidently  corrupt.  The  sense 
seems  to  be,  that  Cicero  would  resume  the 
attendance  of  his  lictors  at  a  proper  time, 
and  wished  to  know  what  Oppius  and  some 
one  else  thought  of  the  propriety  of  his 
drawing  nearer  to  Rome.  Billerb.,  Boot. 
Wesenb.  suggests  in  a  note  '  Recipio  tem- 
pore me  ad  Romam.  Tu  nunc  ad  Balbum 
et  ad  Oppium,  quoniam  iis  placet  me  pro- 
pius accedere  .  .  .  considerent ; '   or,  '  [Re- 


cipio me  domo.]  Tu  nunc  ad  Oppium 
et  *  *  *  quoniam  iis  placeret  me  .  .  .  con- 
siderarent' ut  exciderit  aliquid  unde  penderet 

*  quoniam  .  .  .  consid.* 

6.  De  augenda  .  .  dignitate.  Prob- 
ably by  granting  him  a  triumph.  Cp. 
Hofm.  on  '  praeterita  '  below. 

9.  Si  remansissem, 'if  I  had  remained 
in    Italy,'    instead    of   joining   Pompey    in 

Epirus. 

Ingero  praeterita,  'I  force  past  events 
on  you,'  'trouble  you  with  matters  for 
which  the  time  is  past.'  The  verb  is  very 
rare  in  Cicero.    ForcelL  gives  as  equivalents, 

*  inmittere,  iniicere  praesertim  hostilem  im- 
petuni  et  crebram  .  .  alicuius  rei  commemo- 
rationem.* 

10.  Vide  .  .  ea  quae  restant,  'con- 
sider what  I  can  still  effect.*     Boot,  Hofm. 

11.  Cum  istis.  Apparently  with  the 
persons  referred  to  in  the  obscure  passage  at 
the  opening  of  this  section. 

13.  Trebonius  :  cp.  Ep.  54,  7.  note. 
Pansa  :  cp.  Ep.  34,  7,  note  ;  also  Intr.  to 

Part  V,  and  several  letters  in  that  part. 

14.  Fecerim.  On  the  tense,  cp.  Ep. 
71,  3,  note. 

15.  Tulliae  .  .  morbus:  cp.  Ad  tam. 
14.  9.  She  was  now  ill  at  Rome,  but  seems 
to  have  recovered  before  the  spring  of  the 
next  year. 

Exanimat,  'tei rifles.' 
9,   I    «adventus  Philotimi 
omnes  qui  mecum  erant. 
and  Hor.  Carm.  2.  17,  I. 


Cp.  Ad  Att.  10. 
.  .  exanimavit 
Also  Ep.  69,  I, 


51 


410 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


mum.    De  Pompeii    exitu   mihi  dubium   numquam  fuit ;  tanta  5 
enim  desperatio  rerum  eius  omnium  regum  et  populorum  animos 
occuparat,  ut,  quocumque  venisset,  hoc  putarem  futurum.     Non 
possum  eius    casum  non    dolere ;    hominem  enim   integrum    et 

5  castum  et  gravem  cognovi.     De  Fannio  consoler  te  ?  perniciosa  6 
loquebatur  de  mansione  tua  ;  L.  vero  Lentulus  Hortensii  domum 
sibi    et  Caesaris   hortos    et  Baias   desponderat.     Omnino   haec 
eodem  modo  ex  hac  parte  fiunt,  nisi  quod  illud  erat  infinitum ; 
omnes   enim,  qui  in  Italia   manserant,  hostium   numero   habe- 

10  bantur.     Sed  velim  haec  aliquando  solutiore  animo.     Quintum  7 
fratrem  audio   profectum   in  Asiam,  ut   deprecaretur ;    de  filio 
nihil  audivi.     Sed  quaere  ex  Diochare,  Caesaris  liberto,  quem 
ego  non  vidi^  qui  istas  Alexandreas  litteras  attulit.     Is  dicitur 
vidisse  [an]  euntem,  an  iam  in  Asia.     Tuas  litteras,  prout  res 


I.  De  Pompeii  exitu.  Pompey  was 
murdered  off  Alexandria,  Sept.  28,  48  B.C., 
the  day  before  his  58th  birthday.     Cp.  Veil, 

2-  53»  4- 

3.  Hoc,  'what  has  happened.'  Cicero 
often  uses  the  pronoun  in  this  sense. 

Non  possum,  foil.  Cicero's  regret  is 
rather  coldly  expressed ;  partly,  perhaps, 
owing  to  his  view  of  Pompey *s  conduct 
before  and  during  the  civil  war,  partly  to 
complaints  of  longer  standing.  Cp.  Ep. 
54,  3  and  7. 

5.  De  Fannio.  This  Fannius  is  per- 
haps identical  with  one  mentioned  Ad  Att. 
7.  15,  2,  and  8.  15,  3,  as  commissioned  to 
occupy  Sicily  for  the  Pompeians.  He  seems 
to  have  died  in  or  soon  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalus. 

Perniciosa  .  .  .  tua,  *  he  held  very 
threatening  language  about  your  stay  in  Italy.' 

6.  L.  Lentulus.  The  consul  of  49  b.c. 
He  was  put  to  death  at  Alexandria  by  the 
Egyptian  government  shortly  after  the  mur- 
der of  Pompey.    Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  104. 

Hortensii.  The  younger  Hortensius  is 
referred  to,  about  whom  cp.  Ep,  74,  5. 

7.  Hortos,  some  gardens  near  Rome, 
probably. 

Baias,  *an  estate  at  Baiae.'  Such  pro- 
perties were  sometimes  called  simply  by  the 
name  of  the  place  near  which  they  were 
situated.  Cp.  Phiiipp.  2,  19,48,  Misenum; 
also  Ep.  71,  10. 

Desponderat,  'had  bargained  for,* 'had 
made  his  own  by  anticipation,'  as  his  share 
of  the  spoil. 

Haec,  'such  confiscations.'  Cp.  Phiiipp. 
a.  25  and  26,  on  the  exactions  of  the  Cae- 
sarians. 


8.  Ex  hac  parte,  *  on  the  victorious 
side.' 

Illud,  'what  the  Pompeians  threaten- 
ed,' 

Erat.  On  the  mood  and  tense,  cp.  Ep. 
9,  7,  note. 

9.  Habebantur,  'were  esteemed,'  and 
would  have  been  treated.  On  the  facts,  cp. 
Ep.  61,  4,  alib. 

10.  Solutiore  animo,  sc.  '  disseramus.* 

11.  In  Asiam  :  cp.  §  4  of  the  preceding 
letter.  Quintus,  apparently,  did  not  know 
how  Caesar  had  hastened  to  Alexandria. 

Ut  deprecaretur,  sc.  'iram  Caesaris.' 
We  should  expect  '  deprecetur.'  But  the 
ambiguity  of  the  Latin  past  tense  profec- 
tum, which  might  mean  either  'went,*  or 
'  has  gone,'  leads  to  this  irregularity,  even 
where,  as  here,  it  means  'has  gone.*  Cp. 
Zumpt,  L.  G.  514,  note  i. 

Filio.  The  younger  Quintus.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  II.  7,  7  'Quintum  filium  vidi  qui 
Sami  vidissent,  patrem  Sicyone — quorum 
deprecatio  est  facilis.' 

12.  Ex  Diochare.  '  Diocharinae  epi- 
stolae'  are  mentioned  Ad  Att.  13.  45,  i. 

13.  Istas  Alexandreas  litteras,  'that 
letter  from  Alexandria,'  On  this  use  of  the 
adjective,  cp.  Ad  Att.  8,  13,  l  'nuntiis 
Brundisinis.'  Cicero  elsewhere  uses  the 
form  •  Alexandrinus,'  and  hence  Boot  and 
Baiter  substitute  *  Alexandrea '  for  the  read- 
ing in  the  text,  which  is,  apparently,  that  of 
the  best  MS.  Caesar  seems  to  have  sent  a 
letter  from  Alexandria  by  the  hand  of  Dio- 
chares,  which  Atticus  had  seen  or  mentioned 
to  Cicero,  '  istas.* 

14.  Vidisse,  sc, 'Qi  filium.' 
Euntem,  'on  his  way  to  Asia.' 


EP.  8 1 .]        EPISTOLA RUM  AD  A  TTICUM  XL  9. 


411 


postulat,  exspecto ;  quas  velim  cures  quam  primum  ad  me  per- 
ferendas.     IIII.  K.  Decembr. 


81.    To   ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    XI.    9). 
Brundisium,  Jan.  3,  47  b.c.  (707  a.u.c.) 

I .  You  are  quite  right  in  saying  that  I  have  been  hasty,  and  the  leave  granted  me 
to  remain  in  Italy  prevents  my  retiring  elsewhere.  I  can  only  blame  myself  for  my 
devotion  to  a  hopeless  cause.  2.  I  did  as  my  nearest  friends  wished  :  how  has  my 
brother  repaid  me  I  I  learned  that  he  had  been  writing  letters  full  of  abuse  of  me, 
and  opened  some  which  quite  bore  out  what  I  had  heard.  I  send  them  to  you ; 
forward  them  or  not  as  you  choose.  Pomponia  has  his  seal.  3.  I  hope  you  will 
attend  to  Tullia's  wants ;  she  has  no  other  protector.  I  write  on  my  birthday,  an 
unhappy  anniversary ! 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Ego  vero  et  incaute,  ut  scribis,  et  celerius,  quam  oportuit, 
feci  nee  in  ulla  sum  spe,  quippe  qui  exceptionibus  edictorum 
retinear ;  quae  si  non  essent  sedulitate  effectae  et  benevolentia  5 
tua,  liceret  mihi  abire  in  solitudines  aliquas :  nunc  ne  id  quidem 
licet.  Quid  autem  me  iuvat,  quod  ante  initum  tribunatum 
veni,  si    ipsum,  quod    veni,  nihil    iuvat?   iam  quid  sperem   ab 


An, 'or  perhaps.'  Nearly  =  'aut.'  Boot, 
Hofm. 

Tuas  litteras,  'a  letter  from  you.*  On 
this  use  of  a  possessive  pronoun,  see  Ep.  72} 
I,  note. 

3.  Ego  vero, 'yes,  I.*  'Vero,'  though 
at  the  beginning  of  a  letter,  has  its  usual 
force  of  a  corroborative  reply,  as  'ut  scribis' 
shews.     Cp.  Ep,  99,  I. 

4.  Feci,  'acted,'  in  returning  to  Italy. 

Exceptionibus  edictorum,  'the  excep- 
tions made  in  my  favour  in  various  edicts,' 
i.e.  the  permission  to  remain  in  Italy  granted 
by  them,  Cp.  Ad  Att.  li.  7,  2  *ille  (Anto- 
nius)  edixit  ita  ut  me  exciperet  et  Laelium 
nominatim.'  This  annoyed  Cicero ;  he 
would  have  preferred  to  have  had  the  per- 
mission granted  in  general  terms,  and  not  to 
have  been  mentioned  by  name, 

5.  Retinear,  'am  detained  here.*  To 
leave    Italy  again  would    have    seemed   to 


slight  Caesar's  clemency,     Cp.  '  ne  id  qui- 
dem licet,'  below,  and  Ad  Att.  11.  7,  2. 

7.  Ante  initum  tribunatum,  '  before 
the  present  tribunes  came  into  office,*  which 
they  did  on  Dec.  10.  Atticus  may  have 
congratulated  Cicero  on  having  returned 
to  Italy  before  that  date,  because  the  new 
tribunes  had  carried,  apparently,  a  law 
against  absentees.  Cp.  lege,  below,  Cicero 
affects  to  believe  that  this  law  might  be 
enforced  against  him  retrospectively.  In 
substance,  from  Wieland. 

8.  Ipsum,  quod  veni,  '  my  having 
returned  at  all,'  without  reference  to  the 
date.  There  is  something  tautologous  in 
this,  or  rather,  perhaps,  a  false  antithesis. 
We  should  expect  words  meaning,  *  If  I  am 
no  better  off  than  those  who  have  remained 
abroad,* 

Iam,  'moreover.'     Cp.  Ep.  5,  2. 
Ab  eo,  'from  Antony,'  most  probably; 
some  say  *  from  Dolabella.' 


41^ 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


eo,  qui  mihi  amicus  numquam  fuit,  cum  iam  lege  etiam  sim 
confectus  et  oppressus  ?  quoftdiQ  iam  Balbi  ad  me  litterae  langui- 
diores,  multaeque  multorum  ad  ilium,  fortasse  contra  me.  Meo 
vitio   pereo;    nihil  mihi  maH  casus   attulit ;   omnia  culpa  con- 

5  tracta  sunt.     Ego  enim,  cum  genus  belli  viderem,  imparata  et 
infirma  omnia  contra  paratissimos,  statueram,  quid  facerem,  ce- 
peramque  consilium  non  tam  forte  quam  mihi  praeter  ceteros 
concedendum.     Cessi    meis   vel   potius   parui,  ex  quibus   unus  2 
qua  mente  fuerit,  is,  quem  tu  mihi  commendas,  cognosces  ex 

lo  ipsius  litteris,  quas  ad  te  et  ad  alios  misit,  quas  ego  numquam 
aperuissem,  nisi  res  acta  sic  esset :  delatus  est  ad  me  fasciculus ; 
solvi,  si  quid  ad  me  esset  litterarum  :  nihil  erat ;  epistola  Vatinio 
et  Ligurio  altera  ;  iussi  ad  eos  deferri  ;  illi  ad  me  statim  ardentes 
dolore  venerunt,  scelus  hominis  clamantes  ;  epistolas  mihi  legerunt 

15  plenas  omnium  in  me  probrorum.    Hie  Ligurius  furere  :  se  enim 


1.  Lege  etiam,  *by  a  law,  as  well  as  by 
Antony's  proclamation.'     It  may  have  been 
proposed   by  the   new   tribunes,  of  whom 
Dolabella  was  one.    Manut.  Without  know- 
ing its  terms  it  is  impossible  to  explain  this 
passage.     It  may  have  forbidden  any  who 
had  served  in  Pompey's  army  to  return  to 
Rome ;  in  which  case  Cicero,  by  the  words 
ipsum    quod  veui    nihil    iuvat,   would 
mean  that  his  position  was  as  bad  at  Brun- 
disium  as  it  would   have  been   if  he  had 
stayed  in  Greece.     Or  the  law  may  merely 
have  excluded  such  persons  from  Italy,  in 
which  case  Cicero  must  be  affecting  to  fear 
that  it  might  be  retrospective,  in  contradic- 
tion to  what  he  implies  in  *  retinear '  above. 
He  writes  in  depression  and  vexation,  and 
his  words  should  not  be  too  closely  criti- 
cised.    He  had  little  reason  to  fear  Dola- 
bella, if  it  was  true,  as  he  had  written  to 
Antony,  that  Caesar  had  signified  to  Dola- 
bella his  wish  that  Cicero  should  return  to 
Italy.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  II.  7,  2. 

2.  Balbi :  cp.  Epp.  27,  2  ;  44,6,  notes. 
Languidiores,  '  more  lukewarm.' 

3.  Ad  ilium,  *  to  Caesar.'  Boot.  How 
Cicero  learned  that  so  many  letters  were 
written  to  Caesar,  we  cannot  tell.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  II.  7,  5;  II.  8,  i;  Manut.  suggests 
that  the  bearers  would  embark  at  Brun- 
disium  where  Cicero  was. 

Meo  vitio,  'by  my  own  fault.'  Cp.  the 
next  sentence. 

5.  Genus  belli,  'the  nature  of  the  con- 
test.*    Cp.  Pro  Leg.  Man.  3-7. 

Imparata  .  .  paratissimos,  'that  our 


forces  were  weak  and  unready  in  all  re- 
spects, and  those  of  our  enemy  admirably 
prepared.' 

6.  Statueram,  quid  facerem  :  cp. 
Madv.  356,  Obs.  2,  *  1  had  settled  what  to  do.* 

7.  Mihi  .  .  concedendum.  Because 
he  had  opposed  violent  measures,  and  was 
under  no  special  obligations  to  Pompey. 

8.  Unus,  his  brother  Quinius.  See 
below. 

9.  Commendas.  In  one  of  his  letters, 
apparently.  Atticus  might  fear  more  for 
Quintus  than  for  his  brother.  See  below  in 
this  section. 

11.  Sic,  'as  I  am  going  to  tell  you.* 
Fasciculus,  'a  packet  of  letters.'     Cp. 

Ep.  31.  7. 

12.  Solvi,  si  quid,  *l  broke  it  open, 
(to  see)  whether.*  For  a  similar  ellipse,  see 
Ep.  98,  4.  The  conj.  of  *  possum  *  with  an 
infinitive  is  most  common  in  this  construc- 
tion.    Cp.  Madv.  451  d. 

Epistola,  sc.  'missa  erat,*  «there  was  a 
letter  for  Vatinius.* 

13.  Ligurio  *A.  Ligurius,  Caesaris 
familiaris,  mortuus  est,  bonus  homo  et  nobis 
amicus*  Ad  Fam.  16.  18,  3:   cp.  Ad  Q^F. 

3-  7,  a- 

14.  Scelus  hominis  clamantes,  'ex- 
claiming, "what  shameful  conduct.'*'  On 
the  accus.,  cp.  Ep.  67,  3,  note.  *  Homo'  is 
here  used  depreciatingly.     Cp.  De  Offic.  3. 

6,  31. 

15.  Hie, 'hereupon.*   Common  in  Cicero 

in  this  sense. 

Furere,  hist.  inf.     Madv.  392. 


EP.  81.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XI,  9.  413 

scire  summo  ilium  in  odio  fuisse  Caesari ;  hunc  tamen  non  modo 
favisse,  sed  etiam  tantam  illi  pecuniam  dedisse  honoris  mei  causa. 
Hoc  ego  dolore  accepto  volui  scire,  quid  scripsisset  ad  ceteros ; 
ipsi  enim  illi  putavi  perniciosum  fore,  si  eius  hoc  tantum  scelus 
percrebruisset.  Cognovi  eiusdem  generis,  ad  te  misi ;  quas  si  5 
putabis  illi  ipsi  utile  esse  reddi,  reddes ;  nil  me  laedet.  Nam, 
quod  resignatae  sunt,  habet,  opinor,  eius  signum  Pomponia.  Hac 
ille  acerbitate  initio  navigationis  cum  usus  esset,  tanto  me  dolore 
adfecit,  ut  postea  iacuerim,  neque  nunc  tam  pro  se  quam  contra 
3  me  laborare  dicitur.  Ita  omnibus  rebus  urgeor,  quas  sustinere  vix  10 
possum  vel  plane  nullo  modo  possum  ;  quibus  in  miseriis  una  est 
pro  omnibus,  quod  istam  miseram  patrimonio,  fortuna  omni 
spoliatam  relinquam  :  qua  re  te,  ut  poUiceris,  videre  plane  velim ; 
alium  enim,  cui  illam  commendem,  habeo  neminem,  quoniam 
matri  quoque  eadem  intellexi  esse  parata,  quae  mihi.     Sed,  si  15 


1.  Scire,  orat.  obliq.  Madv.  403,  and 
Obs.  2. 

Ilium,  i.e.  Quintus. 
Hunc,  i.e.  Caesar. 

2.  Favisse,  'had  shewn  regard  for  him,* 
by  appointing  him  his  legate  in  Gaul.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  II,  §11. 

Tantum  . .  pecuniam  dedissercp.  Ep. 

29,  18,  note. 

Honoris  mei  causa,  *  as  a  compliment 

to  me.* 

3.  Quid  scripsisset,  sc.  Quintus. 

4.  Ipsi  .   .  illi,  Quinto. 

5.  Percrebruisset, '  should  have  become 
generally  known.'  On  the  plup.,  depending 
on  putavi  fore,  cp.  Ep.  56,  5,  note. 

Cognovi  .  .  generis,  sc.  'epistolas 
esse.' 

6.  Illi  .  .  utile,  'to  Quintus'  own 
advantage.* 

Reddi,  'should  be  delivered  to  those  to 
whom  they  are  addressed.' 

Reddes  :  cp.  p.  80,  note  on  1.  2. 

Nam  :  cp.  Ep.  9,  3,  note.  '  Never  mind 
their  having  been  opened,  for.* 

7.  Qiiod  resignatae  sunt,  *asto  their 
having  had  their  seals  broken,'  which  would 
of  course  surprise  the  recipients.  On '  quod,' 
cp.  Ep.  8.  14,  note. 

Habet..  Pomponia.  Pomponia,  wife 
of  Quintus,  had  apparently  been  entrusted 
with  his  seal,  and  seems  to  have  been  at 
Rome,  so  that  Atticus  might  borrow  the 
seal  and  reseal  the  letters.  See  the  remarks 
of  Merivale  on  this  curious  incident,  in  a 
note  to  his  translation  of  Abeken,  p.  321. 


Hac  .  .  acerbitate,  'the  same  bitter- 
ness of  feeling.' 

8.  Initio  navigationis,  *  at  the  begin- 
ning of  our  voyage'  from  Corcyra.  Ablat. 
of  the  date,  cp.  Ep.  8,  1 1,  note.  The  two 
brothers  apparently  sailed  in  company  for 
some  time,  perhaps  to  Patrae,  and  then 
parted,  Quintus  for  Asia,  Marcus  for  Italy. 

Cp.  Ep.  79,  4.  ^      T  1. 

9.  Ut  postea  iacuerim,  'that  I  nave 
been  quite  out  of  spirits  ever  since.'  On  the 
force  of  the  tense,  cp.  Madv.  382,  Obs.  i ; 
and  on  this  meaning  of  '  iacere,'  Ad  Fam. 
9.  20,  3  '  cura  . .  ut  valeas  ne  ego  te  iacente 
bona  tua  comedim.* 

11.  Vel  =  ' vel  potius.'  Nagelsb.  84,  233. 
Una  est  pro  omnibus,  *  grieves  me  as 

much  as  all  the  rest  put  together.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  2.5,1'  Cato  .  .  qui  mihi  unus  est  pro 
centum  millibus.'  .  ' 

12.  Istam    miseram,  i.e.  Tullia.     Mh 
her    troubles,    cp.    Epp.    71,   9 ;    78,    I  ;,. 
80,  4. 

Patrimonio.  Cicero  feared,  or  pre- 
tended to  fear,  that  Caesar  might  confiscate 
his  property  and  Terentia's,  thus  depriving 
Tullia  of  her  'patrimonium,'  while  Dolabella 
was  embarrassed  and  unable  to  do  much  for 

her. 

13.  Relinquam,  i.e.  '  at  my  death.* 
Videre  =  •  convenire'  (Forcell.),  *to  have 

an  interview  with  you  here.* 

14.  Illam,  i.e.  Tullia. 

15.  Matri.  Severity  to  women  had  been 
little  practised  in  the  Roman  revolutions, 
though  an  instance  may  be  found  in  the 


isi 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


414 

me  non  offendes,  satis  tamen  habeto  commendatam  patruumque 
in  ea,  quantum  poteris,  mitigate.  Haec  ad  te  die  natali  meo 
scripsi,  quo  utinam  susceptus  non  essem  aut  ne  quid  ex  eadem 
matre  postea  natum  esset !    Plura  scribere  fletu  prohibeor. 


82.    To   ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.   XI.    12). 
Brundisium,  March  8,  47  b.c.  (707  a.u.c.) 

I  I  have  always  told  Caesar  that  I  left  Italy  because  I  found  men's  criticisms 
intolerable,  a.  and  wrote  lately  to  assure  him  that  Quintus  had  had  no  mfluence  on 
mv  movements.  3.  I  shall  hold  similar  language  if  I  meet  Caesar.  I  am  ve^^ 
Tnxirs  about  the  state  of  affairs  in  Africa  and  Spain,  and  so  I  tWnk  are  you,  though 
vou  are  unwilling  to  alarm  me.  4-  Write  to  Antony  on  my  behalf,  .f  you  thmk  rt 
desirable  I  am  ashamed  of  Dolabella.  Write  to  me  even  if  you  have  nothmg  to  say. 
1  have  accepted  Galeo's  bequest. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
5      Cephalic  mihi  a  te  litteras  reddidit  a.  d.  Vlli.  Idus  Mart,  ves- 1 
pere      Eo  autem   die   mane   tabellarios  miseram,  quibus  ad  te 
dederam  litteras :  tuis  tamen  lectis  litteris  putavi  aliquid  rescn- 
bendum  esse,  maxime,  quod  ostendis  te  pendere  animi,  quamnam 
rationem  sim  Caesari  allaturus  profectionis  meae  tum,  cum  ex 


treatment  of  Licinia,  wife  of  C.  Gracchus. 
Cp.  Plut.  C.  Gracchus,  17.  Cicero's  fears 
were  hardly  justified,  even  leaving  Caesar's 
clemency  out  of  consideration. 

Si  me  non  offendes.  Graevius  (ap. 
Boot)  supposes  that  Cicero  hints  at  suicide ; 
but  Boot,  that  he  merely  alludes  to  an 
intention  of  leaving  Brundisium. 

1.  Habeto  .  .  mitigato.  Accordmg 
to  Madv.  109  and  384,  these  are  futures. 

Patruumque,  i.e.  the  elder  Quintus. 

2.  In    ea,   «towards   her.'     Cp.  Madv. 

230,  In,  b,  Obs.  1.  ^       .. 

Mitigato, 'appease.'     Forcell. 

Die  natali  meo,  the  third  of  January. 
It  was  his  fifty-ninth  birthday.     Cp.  Intr.  to 

Part  I,  §  I. 

5.  Scripsi,  'I  have  written. 

Utinam  .  .  non.  « Ne  Ms  much  more 
common,  but  perhaps  '  non'  is  considered  as 
forming  one  verb  with  'susceptus  essem. 
Cp.  Madv.  351  b,  Obs.  I. 

Susceptus,  'raised  from  the  ground  by 
his  father,  in  token  of  recognition.  'Sublatus 
is  also  used  in  this  sense. 


Aut  ne  quid  .  .  natum  esset,  'or  that 
no  other  offspring  had  been  born  afterwards 
of  the  same  mother.'  An  outburst  of  vexa- 
tion against  his  brother. 

5.  Cephalio,  a  letter  carrier  in  the  ser- 
vice of  Atticus.     Cp.  Ep.  68,  2. 

Mihi . .  litteras  reddidit  .  .  dederam 
litteras.  'Dare'  is  used  of  letters  either 
with  the  nom.  of  the  writer  and  dat.  of 
the  bearer,  or  with  the  nom.  of  the  bearer 
and  dat.  of  the  receiver.  The  letter  of  his 
own  to  which  Cicero  refers  is  Ad  Att.  11,  n. 

8.  Te  pendere  animi,  'that  you  are 
very  anxious.'      On  this  genitive,  cp.  Madv. 

296  b,  Obs.  3. 

9.  Rationem  .  .  allaturus.  *  Adferre 
rationem  '  is  a  common  phrase.     Cp.  De 

Fin.  5.  10,  27.  . .  • 

Profectionis  meae  .  .  discesserim, 
•  of  my  departure,  I  mean  when  I  left  Italy- 
The  adverb  '  tum  '  is  apparently  joined  wim 
a  substantive,  but  the  expression  is  a  concise 
one  for  '  quae  tum  facta  est.*  Cp.  Madv. 
301  c,  Obs.  2. 


EP.82.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XI.  12.  4^5 

Italia  discesserim.    Nihil  opus   est   mihi   nova   ratione ;    saepe 
enim  ad  eum  scripsi  multisque  mandavi  me  non  potuisse,  cum 
cupissem,  sermones  hominum  sustinere,  multaque  in   eam  sen- 
tentiam.     Nihil  enim  erat,  quod  minus  eum  vellem  existimare, 
quam  me  tanta  de  re  non  meo  consilio  usum  esse.     Posteaque,  5 
cum  mihi  litterae  a  Balbo  Cornelio  minore  missae  essent  ilium 
existimare  Quintum  fratrem  lituum  meae  profectionis  fuisse — ita 
enim  scripsit — ,  qui  nondum  cognossem,  quae   de  me  Quintus 
scripsisset  ad  multos,  etsi  multa  praesens  in  praesentem  acerbe 
dixerat  et  fecerat,  tamen  nihilo  minus  his  verbis  ad  Caesarem  10 
scripsi : 
2      '  De  Quinto  fratre  meo  non  minus  laboro  quam  de  me  ipso,  sed 
eum  tibi  commendare  hoc  meo  tempore  non  audeo ;  illud  dum- 
taxat  tamen  audebo  petere  abs  te,  quod  te  oro,  ne  quid  existimes 
ab  illo  factum  esse,  quo  minus  mea  in  te  officia  constarent  minusve  15 
te  diligerem,  potiusque  semper  ilium  auctorem  nostrae  coniunc- 
tionis  fuisse  meique  itineris  comitem,  non  ducem  :  qua  re  ceteris 
in  rebus  tantum  ei  tribues,  quantum  humanitas  tua  amicitiaque 


1.  Nova  ratione,  '  of  any  new  plan  *  or 
•  mode  of  defence.' 

2.  Scripsi  multisque  mandavi,  *  I 
wrote  and  charged  many  friends  to  write.* 

Cum  cupissem,  'though  I  had  been 
anxious  to  do  so.' 

3.  Sermones  hominum,  'what  people 
said  of  my  conduct.*     See  Ep.  59,  i. 

Multaque  in  eam  sententiam,  '  and 
much  more  to  the  same  effect.' 

4.  Nihil  enim  ..  usum  esse, 'the  last 
thing  I  could  wish  Caesar  to  think  would 
be  that  I  did  not  act  independently.'  Cicero 
has  just  said  that  he  assured  Caesar  that  he 
was  influenced  by  the  opinion  of  his  party, 
but  apparently  he  feared  that  his  brother 
might  be  charged  with  having  induced  him 
to  leave  Italy. 

6.  Balbo,  cp.  Ep.  55,  4,  note. 
Ilium,  sc.  Caesarem.     For  the  omission 

of  words  meaning  '  to  the  effect  that  *  after 
missae  essent,  see  Ep.  74>  4>  note. 

7.  Lituum  .  .  fuisse,  'had  given  the 
signal  for  my  departure.'  The  words  are 
probably  a  quotation  from  Balbus  or  from 
Caesar.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  12,  3,  where  T. 
Ampius  Balbus  is  said  to  have  been  called 
*  tuba  civilis  belli.' 

8.  Qui  nondum  cognossem  ..  scrip- 
si, *I  wrote  as  follows  to  Caesar,  not  know- 
ing how  Quintus  had  written  of  me.*   From 


etsi  to  nihilo  minus  inclusive  seems  to 
be  parenthetical,  and  tamen  pleonastic. 
The  general  drift  seems  to  be,  that  Cicero 
was  not  induced  to  desert  his  brother's 
interest  by  the  latter's  violent  language,  but 
might  have  been  more  affected  by  a  know- 
ledge of  his  letter. 

13.  Hoc  meo  tempore,  '  in  my  present 
unhappy  position.'  Cp.  Epp.  i,  4;  29,  8, 
note. 

14.  Quod  te  oro.  'Quod'  is  here  a 
relative,  illud  being  its  antecedent.  The 
sentence  is  rather  pleonastic.  Cp.  id  te  .  . 
rogo  below.  On  the  accus.  '  quod,*  cp. 
Madv.  228  b,  Obs.  i. 

15.  Quo  minus  . .  constarent,'  to  pre- 
vent my  services  to  you  continuing  without 
interruption.*  Forcell.  gives  '  permanere  *  as 
a  synonym  for  '  constare.*  On  the  construc- 
tion, cp.  Madv.  375,  b. 

16.  Potiusque,  'but  rather.'  Cp.Madv. 
433,  Obs.  2. 

Nostrae  coniunctionis,  '  of  an  union 
between  you  and  me.* 

17.  Meique  .  .  non  ducem,  '  and  that 
when  I  left  Italy  he  was  my  companion  and 
not  my  leader.' 

Ceteris  in  rebus, '  in  all  other  respects* 
(Wiel.),  i.e.  without  considering  his  sup- 
posed influence  upon  me. 

18.  Tribues  :  cp.  Ep.  11,  3,  note. 


4i6 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV.         \ 


vestra  postulat ;  ego  ei  ne  quid  apud  te  obsim,  id  te  vehementer 
etiam  atque  etiam  rogo/ 

Qua  re,  si  quis  congressus  fuerit  mihi  cum  Caesare,  etsi  non  3 
dubito,  quin  is  lenis  in  ilium  futurus  sit  idque  iam  declaraverit, 

5  ego  tamen  is  ero,  qui  semper  fui.  Sed,  ut  video,  multo  magis  est 
nobis  laborandum  de  Africa,  quam  quidem  tu  scribis  confirmari 
quotidie  magis  ad  condicionis  spem  quam  victoriae.  Quod  utinam 
ita  esset !  sed  longe  aliter  esse  intellego,  teque  ipsum  ita  existi- 
mare  arbitror,  aliter  autem  scribere,  non  fallendi,  sed  confirmandi 

10  mei  causa,  praesertim  cum  adiungatur  ad  Africam  etiam  Hispania. 
Quod  me  admones,  ut  scribam  ad  Antonium  et  ad  ceteros,  si  quid  * 
videbitur  tibi  opus  esse,  velim  facias  id,  quod  saepe  fecisti ;  nihil 
enim  mihi  venit  in  mentem,  quod  scribendum  putem.     Quod  me 
audis  erectiorem  esse  animo,  quid  putas,  cum  videas  accessisse  ad 

15  superiores  aegritudines  praeclaras  generi  actiones  ?  Tu  tamen 
velim  ne  intermittas,  quod  eius  facere  poteris,  scribere  ad  me, 
etiam  si  rem,  de  qua  scribas,  non  habebis ;  semper  enim  adferunt 
aliquid  mihi  tuae  litterae.  Galeonis  hereditatem  crevi ;  puto  enim 


1.  Ego  ei  .  .  obsim,  *that  he  may  not 
suffer  for  my  behaviour/ 

2.  Etiam  atque  etiam,  •repeatedly,' 
hence  *  pressingly,'  •  earnestly.'     Forcell. 

3.  Congressus, 'interview.' 

Etsi  non  dubito  .  .  fui,  'though  I  do 
not  doubt  that  Caesar  is  kindly  disposed  to 
my  brother  I  shall  continue  to  intercede  for 
him,  and  not  try  to  lay  the  blame  of  my 
mistake  on  him.' 

5.  Sed  ut  video  .  .  de  Africa,  *!  see 
that  we  ought  to  be  far  more  anxious  about 
Africa  '  than  about  Caesar's  reception  of  us. 
The  republicans  were  collecting  large  forces 
in  Africa,  and  if  they  prevailed  against 
Caesar,  Cicero's  hasty  return  to  Italy  would 
disgrace  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  victors,  and 
perhaps  expose  him  to  danger.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  IV,  §  4,  on  the  facts. 

6.  Quam  confirmari,  foil.,*  which  you 
say  is  gaining  strength,  but  after  such  a 
fashion  as  to  give  more  hopes  of  a  treaty 
(Nagelsb.  64,  173)  than  of  a  victory.'  Cp. 
Ep.  100,  2  'si  armis  aut  condicione  po- 
sitis,*  foil. 

8.  Longe  aliter  esse,  sc.  *  id.'  On 
the  adverb  as  pred.,  cp.  Ep.  4,  I.  Cicero 
feared  the  triumph  of  such  men  as  Labienus 
and  the  sons  of  Pompey,  and  thought  that 
Atticus  was  cherishing  vain  hopes  of  a  settle- 


ment by  negotiation.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV, 

§  6. 

9.  Confirmandi,  *  of  encouraging.' 
*Confirmare'  =  'solari.'  Forcell.  On  the 
sense,  cp.  Ep.  80,  2. 

10.  Praesertim  cum  refers  to  the  main 
drift  of  the  sentence  '  te  ita  existiniare,'  foil. 

Hispania.  Disaffection  had  been  caused 
in  Spain  by  the  misconduct  of  Caesar's  lieu- 
tenant, Q.  Cassius  Longinus.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Parts  III,  §  13;  IV,  §4. 

12.  Id  quod  saepe  fecisti,  i  e.  written 
letters  in  my  name.     Cp.  Ep.  79,  3. 

14.  Quid  putas,  •  what  do  you  think  of 
the  probability  of  such  a  rumour  V 

15.  Praeclaras  generi  actiones.  Ci- 
cero refers  to  Dolabella's  attacks  upon  'the 
public  credit.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  5  : 
Dion  Cassius  42,  29-32. 

16.  Quod  eius,  foil.  On  the  construc- 
tion, cp.  Madv.  284. 

18.  Galeonis.  Galeo  seems  to  be  only 
mentioned  here. 

Crevi,  *  have  decided  to  accept.'  After 
a  will  had  been  read  a  certain  time  was 
allowed  in  most  cases  for  the  heir  named  in 
it  to  decide  if  he  would  accept  the  inherit- 
ance. If  it  was  much  encumbered  he  might 
be  unwilling  to  do  so.  Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq. 
sub  voc.  •  Heres,'  p.  599. 


EP.  83.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XV.  15.     417 

cretionem   simplicem  fuisse,  quoniam   ad  me   nulla  missa   est. 
VIII.  Idus  Martias. 


83.    To  C.   CASSIUS    (AD   FAM.   XV.  15). 

BrUNDISIUM,  47  B.C.  (707  A.U.C.) 

I.  We  both  agreed  that  the  issue  of  a  single  pitched  battle  should  decide  our 
conduct,  2.  but  our  calculations  have  been  baffled  by  the  delay  in  Caesars  move- 
ments, which  has  resulted  from  the  hostility  of  the  Alexandrians  and  of  Pharnaces, 
and  from  the  obstinacy  of  his  Roman  enemies.  3.  Our  decision  was  the  same;  our 
position  has  bten  different ;  you  have  been  with  Caesar,  I  have  been  a  witness  of  the 
misery  of  Italy  and  of  its  capital.  4.  Write  me  word  of  all  that  you  see  and  anticipate. 
Would  that  I  had  obeyed  your  advice  two  years  ago ! 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  C.  CASSIO. 

1  Etsi  uterque  nostrum  spe  pacis  et  odio  civilis  sanguinis  abesse 
a  belli  pertinacia  voluit,  tamen,  quoniam  eius  consilii  princeps 
ego  fuisse  videor,  plus  fortasse  tibi  praestare  ipse  debeo  quam  a  5 
te  exspectare :  etsi,  ut  saepe  soleo  mecum  recordari,  sermo  fami- 
liaris  meus  tecum  et  item  mecum  tuus  adduxit  utrumque  nostrum 
ad  id  consilium,  ut  uno  proelio  putaremus,  si  non  totam  causam, 
at  certe  nostrum  iudicium  definiri  convenire.  Neque  quisquam 
hanc  nostram  sententiani  vere  umquam  reprehendit  praeter  eos,  10 
qui  arbitrantur  melius  esse  deleri  omnino  rem  publicam  quam 


I.  Cretionem  simplicem, 'an  accep- 
tance and  nothing  more.'  Cicero  means  that 
he  got  nothing  by  the  bequest.  Boot, 
Siipfle,  Rein,  Privatrecht,  829,  note. 

N  u  1 1  a,  sc.  •  hereditas.*  Forcell.  and  Wiel., 
however,  with  whom  Mr.  Parry  and  Mr. 
Jeans  agree,  follow  Manutius  in  thinking 
that  the  words  mean  '  I  think  I  am  sole  heir, 
for  I  have  received  no  notice  from  other 
claimants.'  In  that  case  '  cretio  *  meaning 
'  a  formal  declaration  to  accept*  (on  the  part 
of  another  'heres')  must  be  supplied  with 

*  missa  est.' 

3.  Uterque  nostrum.  On  the  different 
use  of  *  nostrum '  and  *  nostri,'  cp.  Madv. 
297  c,  Obs. 

Abesse  .  .  pertinacia,  'to  keep  away 
from  a  war  to  be  waged  with  obstinacy,' 

*  from  an  obstinate  perseverance  in  war.' 
After  Pharsalus  both  sides  would  fight  ob- 
stinately, and  there  would  be  little  mercy 


shewn.  Hofm.  On  the  movements  of  Cas- 
sius and  Cicero  after  the  battle,  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  IV,  §  3.  Cicero  had  been  the  first  of 
the  two  to  decide  on  neutrality. 

5.  Plus  . .  praestare,  'to  furnish  more' 
in  the  way  of  advice — which,  however,  in 
§  4,  Cicero  asks  of  Cassius. 

6.  Etsi,  'however,'  Cp.  Epp.  36,  3; 
71,  9,  notes. 

Sermo  .  .  mecum  tuus,  *  my  remarks 
to  you  and  yours  to  me  in  friendly  inter- 
course.' 

8.  Ad  id  consilium  ut ..  putaremus, 
*  to  this  conclusion,  that  we  thought.'  For 
similar  pleonasms,  cp.  Madv.  481  b. 

Si  non  totam  .  .  iudicium,  *if  not  the 
who'e  quarrel,  at  least  our  own  judgment ' 
what  to  do. 

10.  Vere,  'really.' 

Eos  qui  .  .  manere.  The  violent 
Pompeians. 


E  e 


4i8 


M,  TULLll  CICERO  NTS 


[part  IV. 


imminutam  et  debilitatam  manere :  ego  autem  ex  interitu  eius 
nullam  spem   scilicet  mihi    proponebam,  ex  reliquiis    magnam. 
Sed  ea  sunt  consecuta,  ut  magis  mirum  sit  accidere  ilia  potuisse,  2 
quam    nos    non    vidisse  ea  futura  nee,  homines   cum   essemus, 

5divinare  potuisse.  Equidem  fateor  meam  coniecturam  banc 
fuisse,  ut  illo  quasi  quodam  fatali  proelio  facto  et  victores  com- 
muni  saluti  consuli  vellent  et  victi  suae,  utrumque  autem  positum 
esse  arbitrarer  in  celeritate  victoris :  quae  si  fuisset,  eandem  cle- 
mentiam  experta  esset  Africa,  quam  cognovit  Asia,  quam  etiam 

lo  Achaia  te,  ut  opinor,  ipso  legato  ac  deprecatore ;  amissis  autem 
temporibus,  quae  plurimum  valent,  praesertim  in  bellis  civilibus, 
interpositus  annus  alios  induxit,  ut  victoriam  sperarent,  alios, 
ut  ipsum  vinci  contemnerent.  Atque  horum  malorum  omnium 
culpam  fortuna  sustinet :  quis  enim  aut  Alexandrini  belli  tantam 

15  moram  huic  bello  adiunctum  iri  aut  nescio  quem  istum  Pharnacem 
Asiae  terrorem  illaturum  putaret  ?     Nos  tamen  in  consilio  pari  3 


2.  Scilicet,  •naturally,'  «of  course.'  Cp. 
Ep.  12,  4. 

3.  Sed  ea  .  .  potuisse,  'our  conduct 
then  was  reasonable  ;  but  subsequent  events 
have  prevented  our  enjoying  the  full  benefit 
of  our  prudence;  and  no  one  could  have  fore- 
seen the  turn  things  have  taken.'  Cicero  re- 
fers to  the  prolongation  of  the  war  in  Egypt 
and  Pontus.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  3. 

4.  Homines  cum  essemus,  'as  we 
were  but  men.'  *  Homo  *  here  implies  *  im- 
becillitatem  et  peccandi  facilitatem,*  as  in 
passages  quoted  by  Forcell. 

5.  Meam  coniecturam  .  .  ut  .  .  vel- 
lent. On  this  use  of  '  ut '  in  explaining 
substantives,  cp.  Ep.  13,  3,  note.  *  My  con- 
jecture was  that  the  conquerors  were  will- 
ing.' A  condensed  expression  for  'ut  putarem 
velle.'  Hofm.  The  usual  construction  fol- 
lows in  '  ut  arbitrarer,'  on  which  cp.  note 
on  §  I. 

6.  Et  victores  .  .  suae,  'that  the  con- 
querors would  shew  their  care  for  the 
general  interest  by  offering  easy  terms,  and 
the  conquered  for  their  own  by  laying  down 
their  arms.' 

7.  Utrumque  .  .  positum  .  .  victoris, 
•but  thought  that  the  fulfilment  of  both 
these  hopes  depended  on  Caesar's  following 
up  his  advantages  with  speed.' 

8.  Quae  si  fuisset,  sc.  *  celeritas,'  'and 
if  he  had  done  so.' 

9.  Africa  .  .  Asia  .  .  Achaia.  These 
words  refer  to  the  Pompeian  refugees  in  the 
three  countries  mentioned,  some  of  whom 


had  been  forgiven  by  Caesar.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
II.  14,  I  *Achaici  deprecatores  ..  quibus 
non  erat  ignotum,  etiam  qnihis  erai;'  lb. 
II.  20,  2  'omnino  dicitur  (Caesar)  nemini 
negate.' 

Etiam,  i.e.  because  Achaia  had  been  the 
scene  of  actual  war.     Hofm. 

10.  Te  .  .  legato,  foil.,  'with  you  for 
their  representative  and  spokesman,*  abl.  abs. 

11.  Temporibus  =  ruv  Kaipwv,  'the 
proper  times  for  action.'  Cp.  Pro  Muren. 
21,  43  'amisso  iam  tempore.* 

12.  Interpositus  annus,  'the  year 
which  has  intervened'  since  the  battle  of 
Pharsalus,  which  was  fought  Aug.  9,  48  B.C. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  II. 

Induxit,  'beguiled,*  a  common  sense  of 
the  word. 

13.  Ipsum  vinci,  'defeat  itself.'  Cp. 
Ep.  47,  2  ;  Nagelsb.  33,  104. 

14.  Fortuna  :  cp.  the  beginning  of  this 
section. 

Alexandrini  ..  moram:  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  IV,  §  3.  On  the  genit.  'belli/  cp.  Ep. 
27,  3,  note. 

15.  Pharnacem:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV, 
§  3,  and  Caes.  Bell.  Alex.  35-41. 

16.  Putaret,  almost  =  ' putasset :  *  cp. 
Ep.  63,  2  '  quaereretur,'  and  Zumpt,  L.  G. 
52c,  note  2. 

In  consilio  pari,  'though  our  plans 
were  the  same.'  Cicero  rather  misrepre- 
sents what  had  happened,  perhaps.  For 
except  from  this  passage  we  should  not 
suppose  that  Cassius  decided  to  lay  down 


EP.  83.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X  V,  15.      419 

casu  dissimili  usi  sumus :  tu  enim  eam  partem  petisti,  ut  et  con- 
siliis  interesses  et,  quod  maxime  curam  levat,  futura  animo 
prospicere  posses ;  ego,  qui  festinavi,  ut  Caesarem  in  Italia 
viderem— sic  enim  arbitrabamur — eumque  multis  honestissimis 
viris  conservatis  redeuntem  ad  pacem  currentem,  ut  aiunt,  inci-  5 
tarem,  ab  illo  longissime  et  absum  et  afui.  Versor  autem  in 
gemitu  Italiae  et  in  urbis  miserrimis  querelis,  quibus  aliquid  opis 
fortasse  ego  pro  mea,  tu  pro  tua,  pro  sua  quisque  parte  ferre 
4  potuisset,  si  auctor  adfuisset.  Qua  re  velim  pro  tua  perpetua 
erga  me  benevolentia  scribas  ad  me,  quid  videas,  quid  sentias,  10 
quid  exspectandum,  quid  agendum  nobis  existimes.  Magni  erunt 
mihi  tuae  litterae ;  atque  utinam  primis  illis,  quas  Luceria 
miseras,  paruissem!  sine  ulla  enim  molestia  dignitatem  meam 
retinuissem. 


his  arms  on  hearing  the  nev/s  of  Pharsalus. 
His  submission  at  the  Hellespont  (cp.  p.  394) 
may  have  been  the  result  of  a  momentary 
impulse. 

I.  Casu  dissimili,  foil.,  'have  met 
with  a  different  fate.' 

Eam  partem  petisti,  *you  joined  a 
party  [in  which].'  Cp.  Ep.  129,  2  'cum 
vero  non  liceret  mihi  nullius  partis  esse.' 

Utet  consiliis  interesses,  'where you 
could  take  part  in  deliberations.' 

Ut  .  .  prospicere  posses.  Cassius  per- 
haps attended  Caesar  diriDg  the  war  of 
Alexandria,  and  certainly  acted  as  his  legate 
at  some  time  between  48  and  46  B.C.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  II.  15,  2  ;  Ep.  91,  10. 

4.  Sic  enim  arbitrabamur,  sc.  'fore,' 
•  for  we  thought  he  would  soon  be  there,'  as 
not  fdreseeing  the  Alexandrine  war,  and  that 
with  Pharnaces. 

Multis  .  .  conservatis:  cp.  §  2.  Cicero 
refers  to  Caesar's  clemency  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalus.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  3  ;  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  98.  M.  Brutus  and  C.  Cassius 
were  among  those  whom  he  spared. 

5.  Currentem..  incitarem,  'spur  him 
though  already  willing.'  A  proverbial  ex- 
pression. Cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  I.  I,  45  I  Philipp.  3. 
8,  19  ;  De  Orat.  2.  44,  186.  Cicero  tries  to 
make  out  that  his  conduct  had  been  more 


patriotic  than  that  of  Cassius. 

6.  Versor  autem,  *  while  I  am  sur- 
rounded by.' 

7.  Gemitu  .  .  querelis.  These  com- 
plaints  were  probably  caused,  partly  by  the 
licentious  conduct  of  Antony,  partly  by  the 
quarrels  of  Trebellius  and  Dolabella.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  5. 

9.  Si  auctor  adfuisset,  *had  one  been 
present  to  give  us  the  protection  of  his 
name,'  i.e.  Caesar.     Hofm. 

10.  Quid  videas.  quid  sentias,  *what 
your  views  and  feelings  are  on  our  pro- 
spects.' 

11.  Nobis,  dat.  of  the  agent.  Cp.  Madv. 
250  b. 

12.  Luceria.  Pompey's  head-quarters 
were  at  Luceria  for  some  time  before  he  left 
Italy  in  49  B.C.  Cp.  Epp.  49  ;  54,  4-5. 
Cassius  seems  to  have  been  there  with  him, 
and  to  have  warned  Cicero  in  the  letter 
here  referred  to,  'primis  illis,'  not  to 
leave  Italy. 

13.  Dignitatem  .  .  retinuissem.  He 
could  probably  have  maintained  an  honour- 
able neutrality,  or  if  he  had  wished  to  ap- 
pear in  the  senate  might  have  held  a  good 
position  there,  and  have  obtained  a  triumph. 
Cp.  Epp.  54,  6;  67,  i;  73,  2.  On  the 
meaning  of  '  dignitas,'  cp.  Ep.  47,  i,  note. 


E  e  a 


420 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


84.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  XII.  i). 
Near  Arpinum,  May  (?)  25,  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

I  I  hope  to  be  at  the  appointed  place  on  the  28th.  I  would  gladly  see  TuUia  and 
Attica  at  once ;  remember  me  to  the  latter,  and  to  Pilia.  2.  I  have  just  received  your 
letter,  and  am  sorry  to  hear  of  Attica  s  feverish  attack.  I  shall,  however,  visit  you  on 
the  day  on  which  you  expect  me. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Undecimo  die  postquam  a  te  discesseram,  hoc  litterularum  1 
exaravi  egrediens  e  villa  ante  lucem,  atque  eo  die  cogitabam  in 
Anagnino,  postero  autem  in  Tusculano  ;  ibi  unum  diem.  V.  Ka- 
lend.  igitur  ad  constitutum ;  atque  utinam  continue  ad  complexum 
5  meae  Tulliae,  ad  osculum  Atticae  possim  currere !  quod  quidem 
ipsum  scribe,  quaeso,  ad  me,  ut,  dum  consisto  in  Tusculano, 
sciam,  quid  garriat,  sin  rusticatur,  quid  scribat  ad  te,  eique 
interea  aut  scribes  salutem  aut   nuntiabis,  itemque  Piliae.    Et 


May.  I  had  followed  Baiter  (with 
whom  Schutz  and  Billerb.  agree)  in  giving 
this  date.  But  as  no  month  is  mentioned 
in  the  letter,  and  as  Ep.  85  seems  not  to 
have  been  written  later  than  April  (see  the 
introductory  note  on  it),  I  now  think  that 
the  present  letter  may  belong  to  an  earlier 
month,  perhaps  March. 

I.  Undecimo  die  postquam.  For  this 
and  similar  modes  of  expressing  dates,  cp. 
Madv.  276,  Obs.  6. 

Hoc  litterularum.  The  subst.  seems 
to  be  only  here  used  in  this  sense  by  Cicero. 
On  the  gen.,  cp.  Ep.  75,  i,  note. 

a.  Exaravi,  epistolary:  cp.  Ep.  I,  i, 
note.  The  word  occurs  again  Ad  Att.  13. 
38,  I.  It  means,  'scratched  on  the  waxed 
tablets.*  Mr.  Tyrrell,  however,  Intr.  p.  Iv, 
thinks  that  the  word  might  be  applied  to 
a  letter  written  with  pen  and  ink. 

Egrediens,  'on   leaving,'   «just   before 

leaving.' 

E  villa,  probably  at  Arpinum,  which 
would  suit  the  following  dates. 

In  Anagnino,  sc.  '  manere.'  Such  el- 
lipses are  common  in  letters.  Cp.  Ep.  106, 
4.  One  of  Cicero's  numerous  villas  appa- 
rently was  at  Anagnia,  the  old  chief  town 
of  the  Hernici. 

3.  V.  Kalend.  Boot  remarks  *  cuius 
mensis  Kalendae  fuerint  non  liquet.' 

4.  Ad  constitutum, sc.  «eram  venturus. 
*  Constitutum '  often   stands  alone,  and  its 
sense  must  be  determined  by  the  context. 


Sometimes  (cp.  Ad  Att.  11.  16,  2)  «consti- 
tutum '  is  a  substantive,  when  *  ad  const.' 
would  mean  *  by  appointment.'  According 
to  Boot  on  the  passage  last  quoted,  it  means 
•anything  settled,'  whether  time,  place,^or 
business.  Here  he  says  '  ad  constitutum '  = 
'  in  locum  ubi  tecum  constitui ' — which 
makes  very  good  sense.  Forcell.  explains 
it  '  ad  constitutam  diem.* 

Atque  utinam  .  .  currere.  Perhaps 
the  place  where  Cicero  and  Atticus  were  to 
meet  was  unhealthy  or  otherwise  inconve- 
nient for  the  family  of  Atticus. 

5.  Q.uod  quidem  ipsum,  'as  to  this 
very  thing.'  Grammatically  these  words 
refer  to  'osculum  Atticae,*  but  in  sub- 
stance to  Attica  herself.  She  was  now  4  or 
5  years  old.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  5,  4,  and  Ap- 
pendix 3,  §  7. 

7.  Qjiid    garriat,  *what   she   prattles 

about.' 

Sin  rusticatur,  'or  if  she  is  in  the 
country,'  Atticus  apparently  being  at  Rome. 
'  Rusticari,*  = '  ruri  degere.'     Forcell. 

Quid  scribat,  Attica  must  have  been 
carefully  educated,  or  she  might  dictate  her 
letters,  as  her  elders  did  generally. 

8.  Interea,  'on  the  strength  of  this 
letter,  before  I  hear  from  you  again.' 

Scribes,  'write'  if  she  is  away;  nun- 
tiabis, 'tell  her'  if  she  is  with  you.  On 
the  ■2nd  pers.  fut.  ind.  in  this  sense,  cp.  Ep. 
II,  3,  note. 

Piliae  :  cp.  Ep.  31,  7,  alib. 


/1 


EP.  84.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XII,  i.  421 

tamen,  etsi  continuo  congressuri  sumus,  scribes  ad  me,  si  quid 

habebis. 

Cum  complicarem  banc  epistolam,  noctuabundus  ad  me  venit 
cum  epistola  tua  tabellarius,  qua  lecta  de  Atticae  febricula  scilicet 
valde  dolui.  Reliqua,  quae  exspectabam,  ex  tuis  litteris  cognovi  5 
omnia ;  sed  quod  scribis  '  igniculum  matutinum  yepovriKov,"  ycpov 
TiK(oTepov  est  memoriola  vacillare :  ego  enim  IIII.  Kal.  Axio  de- 
deram,  tibi  III.,  Quinto,  quo  die  venissem,  id  est  prid.  Kal.  Hoc 
igitur  habebis,  novi  nihil.  Quid  ergo  opus  erat  epistola  ?  Quid  ? 
cum  coram  sumus  et  garrimus  quicquid  in  buccam  ?  Est  profecto  10 
quiddam  Atdxr?,  quae  habet,  etiam  si  nihil  subest,  collocutione 
ipsa  suavitatem. 


I.  Tamen,  etsi,  'yet  even,  although,* 
often  written  'tametsi,*  but  defended  by 
Boot  in  this  place. 

3.  This  section  is  a  postscript. 
Complicarem,  'was  fastening  up*  for 

despatch.     Cp.  note  C  on  Part  I. 

Noctuabundus.  This  word  only  occurs 
here,  and  presents  a  difficulty  :  for  such 
words  are  generally  derived  from  verbs,  and 
we  know  of  no  verb  '  noctuare.'  Boot 
accordingly  suspects  the  word.  But  perhaps 
Cicero  was  deceived  by  a  false  analogy.  Cp. 
Ep.  38,  3.  He  did  not  often  form  such 
words  from  verbs  of  the  first  conjugation, 
though  we  find  '  volutabundus*  in  a  fragment 
of  de  Rep.  II,  41,  68.  The  meaning  of 
such  words  is  equivalent  to  that  of  a  present 
active.  Cp.  Madv.  115  g,  here  'travelling 
all  night.'  '  Noctu  vagans.*  Forcell. ;  qui 
de  multa  nocte  ambulasset,  Manut. 

4.  De  Atticae  febricula,  'about  At- 
tica's slight  attack  of  fever.'  The  word  is 
rare.  Atticus  seems  to  have  mentioned  the 
illness  in  the  letter  just  referred  to.  It  was 
tedious.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  6,  4. 

Scilicet  :  cp.  Ep.  12,  4,  note. 

5.  Reliqua  .  .  omnia,  'all  the  other 
news  I  was  waiting  for.'  What  Cicero  refers 
to  we  cannot  tell. 

6.  Igniculum  .  .  y^povTiKov,  'that  to 
want  a  little  fire  in  the  morning  is  a  sign  of 
old  age.'  Cicero  had  probably  asked  At- 
ticus to  have  a  little  fire  made  for  him  in  the 
morning  when  he  should  stay  with  him. 
*  This,*  Atticus  said,  '  is  a  sign  of  old  age.' 
Cicero  rose  early  (cp.  §  l),  and  the  Calendar 
was  really  about  two  months  in  advance  of 
the  true  season.  Cp.  Appendix  8.  The 
word  ytpovTiKov  occurs  Plat.  I^egg.  761  C. 

7€/)OVT(/fwT€/>oi' ..  vacillare,  'it  is 
a  surer  sign  of  old  age  that  one's  poor 
memory  should  falter.' 


7.  Memoriola  only  occurs  here  ;  it  i« 
used  to  express  pity  and  depreciation.  Cicero 
refers  to  Atticus  having  forgotten  his  engage- 
ment.    See  the  next  words. 

Vacillare  ='dubitare,*  'labare.*  Forcell. 

Ego  enim  .  .  prid.  Kal,  'as  yours 
does,  for  I  had  originally  intended  to  spend 
the  29th  with  Axius,  the  30th  with  you,  and 
the  31st  with  Quintus.*  But  when  I  found 
you  had  mistaken  the  day,  and  were  ex- 
pecting me  on  the  -2  8th,  I  wrote  above  (cp. 
p.  420,  1.  3)  to  say  I  would  be  with  you  on 
the  28th.  Cicero  was  probably  to  visit 
Atticus  in  a  suburban  villa,  as  he  was  to  be 
with  Quintus  on  the  day  he  reached  Rome — 
quo  die  venissem.  These  dates  are  calcu- 
lated on  the  supposition  that  the  month  was 
March  or  May. 

Axio  :  cp.  Ep.  28,  5. 

Dederam,  '  had  assigned  to.'  The  ob- 
ject is  IV.  Kal. 

8.  Hoc  .  .  habebis  .  .  nihil,  'take  this 
retort  and  expect  no  news.'  Hoc  refers  to 
Cicero's  sally  about  his  friend's  bad  me- 
mory. '  Habebis '  is  used  in  the  gladiatorial 
sense.  Boot.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  10,  i  *erit 
hoc  tibi  pro  illo  tuo,* 

9.  Quid  ergo  .  .  epistola?  'if  there 
is  no  news,  why  write?'  Atticus  is  supposed 
to  say. 

Quid  cum,  foil.,  sc.  '  opus  est.*  Cicero 
replies,  '  And  pray  what  is  the  use  of  our 
chattering  when  we  are  together  and  say 
whatever  comes  uppermost  ?' 

10.  Quicquid  in  buccam,  sc.  'venerit. 
Cp.  Ep.  46  ;  Ad  Att.  i.  12,  4. 

Est  profecto  quiddam  XfffXV*  't*lk 
has  doubtless  a  certain  value.*  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
13.  44,  2  'est  quiddam  .  .  animum  levari.* 
The  Greek  word  is  quite  classical. 

IT.  Etiam  si  nihil  subest,  'even  if 
there  is  nothing  in  it.* 


4^z 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


85.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  XII.  %\ 
Rome,  April  (?),  46  B.C.  (708  a.u.c.) 

I.  We  hear  various  rumours  about  the  war  in  Africa,  but  on  no  good  authority. 
3  Hirtius  and  other  friends  of  Caesar  are  enjoying  themselves  at  Praeneste,  and 
Balbus  goes  on  with  his  building.  I  hope  you  will  visit  me  directly  after  your 
arrival. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Hie  rumor  est  Statium  Murcum  perisse  naufragio,  Asinium  1 
delatum  vivum  in  manus  militum,  L.  naves  delatas  Uticam  reflatu 
hoc,  Pompeium  non  comparere  nee  in  Baliaribus  omnino  fuisse, 
ut  Paciaecus  adfirmat ;  sed  auctor  nullus  rei  quisquam.     Habes 
5  quae,  dum   tu  abes,  loeuti   sunt.     Ludi  interea  Praeneste :    ibi  2 
Hirtius  et  isti  omnes ;  et  quidem  ludi  dies  VIII.     Quae  eenae  I 


Collocutione  ipsa,  '  by  the  very  act  of 
our  talking  together,'  abl.  caus. 

April.  The  war  in  Africa  was  decided  by  a 
battle  at  Thapsus  on  April  6,  of  which  Cicero 
does  not  seem  to  have  heard.  Hence  this 
letter  can  hardly  have  been  written  later 
than  April.     Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  lo. 

I.  Statium  Murcum.  L.  Statius  Mur- 
cus  was  one  of  Caesar's  officers,  and  is  men- 
tioned Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  15.  The  report 
here  referred  to  was  false,  for  Murcus  after- 
wards commanded  a  force  in  Asia.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  12.  II,  I  ;  Philipp.  ii.  12,  30. 

Asinium.  C.  Asinius  Pollio,  one  of 
Caesar's  officers,  was  celebrated  both  as  a 
poet  and  as  a  historian.  Cp.  Hor.  Carm.  2.1. 
He  did  good  service  in  Sicily  and  Africa  ; 
governed  Baetica  for  Caesar,  and  maintained 
a  doubtful  attitude  there  after  Caesar's  death. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  15  ;  18  and  19  ;  Ad 
Fam.  10.  31-33;  II- 9;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2. 
40  and  46.  He  is  called  'praetonus'  by 
Velleius  (2.  73),  writing  of  44  b.c. 

2.  Militum,  'of  the  forces  holdmg  Africa 
against  Caesar.* 

L.  naves  . .  hoc,  *  that  50  ships  have  been 
carried  [in]to  Utica  by  this  contrary  wind,' 
i.e.  that  which  caused  the  shipwreck. 
Re  flatus  is  a  rare  word.  Utica  was  held 
by  Caesar's  enemies.  Cp.  Bell.  Afric.  22  ; 
87.  Boot  suspects  that  the  real  reading  is 
•  L.  navem.*  *  L."  being  an  abbreviation  of 
the  genitive  of  a  praenomen.   The  best  MS. 


appears  to  have  '  L.  navis  delata  in.*  As 
the  report  seems  to  have  been  false,  there 
is  no  necessity  for  giving  it  a  probable  form. 

3.  Pompeium,  i.e.  Cn.  Pompeius,  the 
eldest  son  of  the  great  Pompey.  On  his  pro- 
ceedings, cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  Hi,  §  10  ;  IV,  §§ 
4  and  12  ;  Auct.  Bell.  Hisp.  i. 

4.  Paciaecus.  L.  lunius  Paciaecus,  a 
Spaniard  of  Baetica,  but  apparently  a  Roman 
citizen,  opposed  the  sons  of  Pompey  in  Spain. 
Cp.  Bell.  Hisp.  3  :  also  Ad  Fam.  6.  18,  2. 

Auctor,  'warrantor,'  'one  to  attest.' 
Forcell. 

5.  Ludi.  Perhaps  these  games  were  in 
honour  of  Fortune,  to  whom  there  was  a 
famous  temple  at  Praeneste.  The  ablative 
of  names  of  towns  in  '  e '  ends  in  '  e.'  Cp, 
Madv.  42.  3  b. 

Praeneste  is  neuter  generally,  but  some- 
times feminine  by  synesis,  *  urbs '  being 
understood.  Cp.  Madv.  41.1;  Verg.  Aen. 
7,  682  ;  8,  561  ;  and  on  the  local  ablative, 
Madv.  273  a. 

6.  Isti  omnes,  '  all  Caesar's  friends,'  i  e. 
who  were  in  Italy. 

Et  quidem  ludi,  *and  games  too.'  Cp. 
Philipp.  2.  21,  51  'id  decrevit  senatus  et 
quidem  incolumis.' 

Dies  octo,  accus.  of  duration  of  time. 
Cp.  Ep.  52,  3,  note. 

Q^ae  cenae  !  quaedeliciae!  'Deli- 
ciae,'  •  luxury.'  On  the  tastes  of  Hirtius 
and  others  of  Caesar's  friends,  cp.  Ep.  87,  3. 


EP.86.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IX,  ^,        423 

quae  delieiae !  Res  interea  fortasse  transacta  est.  O  miros  ho- 
mines !  At  Balbus  aedificat ;  ti  yap  avr^  /xeAct ;  verum  si  quaeris, 
homini  non  reeta,  sed  voluptaria  quaerenti  nonne  ^efiiuiTai ;  tu 
interea  dormis.  lam  explicandum  est  Trpo/BKruia,  si  quid  acturus 
es.  Si  quaeris  quid  putem,  ego  t  fruetum  puto.  Sed  quid  multa?  5 
iam  te  videbo,  et  quidem,  ut  spero,  de  via  reete  ad  me ;  simul 
enim  et  diem  Tyrannioni  eonstituemus  et  si  quid  aliud. 

86.     To  M.  VARRO  (AD  FAM.  IX.  5). 
Rome,  June,  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c) 

I.  I  think  the  7th  will  be  quite  early  enough.  2.  I  do  not  regret  my  past  conduct, 
and  have  no  patience  with  those  who  remain  neutral  themselves  and  censure  me  for 
want  of  vigour.  3.  I  shall  see  you  near  Tusculum  before  the  7th  if  possible;  if  not, 
I  shall  follow  you  to  Cumae. 


1.  Res  .  .  transacta  est,  *  meanwhile,  it 
may  be,  the  issue  of  the  war  has  been  de- 
cided.* 

O  miros  homines!  *  strange  people!* 
Cicero  was  shocked  by  their  apparent  indif- 
ference at  such  a  crisis.  But  probably  they 
had  better  information  as  to  Caesar's  pro- 
spects, or  at  any  rate  felt  more  confidence 
than  the  Roman  public. 

2.  Aedificat,  Ms  building,'  probably  a 
splendid  villa.  Cp.  Ep.  44,  6,  where  *  Balbi 
horti  et  Tusculanum '  are  mentioned  with 
evident  jealousy. 

Tt  yoLp  avirw  H€\€t;  'for  what  does 
ke  care  for  the  state  ?' 

Verum  si  quaeris  .  .  pc^iojrai;  'but 
if  you  ask  my  opinion,  if  a  man  makes  plea- 
sure and  not  duty  his  object  has  he  not  lived 
his  life?*  referring  to  Balbus.  iScjStWat 
seems  to  mean  '  have  had  enough  of  life.* 
Cp.  Ep.  112,  3.  In  the  case  of  a  life  of 
pleasure,  Cicero  hints,  a  little  would  be 
enough. 

3.  Voluptaria=Tf/)7n'd.     Forcell. 

Tu  interea  dormis,  'you  meanwhile 
are  doing  nothing,'  an  allusion  to  the  Epi- 
cureanism of  Atticus.  '  Dormire '  = '  cessare, 
inertem  esse.*     Forcell. 

4.  Iam  explicandum  .  .  acturus  es, 
'  you  must  answer  the  question  before  you 
at  once  if  you  are  to  do  any  good.*  These 
words  are  very  obscure.  They  may  mean 
either  ♦  you  must  make  up  your  mind  which 
party  is  likely  to  prevail  in  Africa  if  you 
intend  to  secure  your  interests  with  either ' 
(Schiitz),  or,  '  you  must  speedily  choose  be- 
tween ease  and  patriotism.'    For  irp60krjfia 


in  a  similar  sense,  cp.  Ep.  45,  2. 

5.  Ego  fruetum  puto.  Instead  of 
*  fruetum,'  some  word  meaning  '  settled '  is 
wanted,  referring  to  the  struggle  in  Africa. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  2,  4  '  ego  confectum  exis- 
timo.*  Wesenb.  suggests  'ego  transactum 
negotium  puto'  or  'ego  fractum  ilium  puto.* 
Manutius  explains  the  existing  text  as  =*I 
think  enjoyment  preferable.' 

6.  De  via  recte  ad  me,  sc.  •  venien- 
tem,'  '  coming  to  me  at  once  on  your  arrival 
in  Rome,'  or  *  after  your  journey.'  '  Recte,' 
and  more  commonly  '  recta,'  are  used  in  the 
sense  of  *at  once;'  *  via  '  being  understood 
in  the  latter  case.     Cp.  Ep.  25,  3. 

Simul  enim,  foil.,  'for  so  we  shall  be 
able  to  settle  our  important  affairs  the 
sooner.' 

7.  Diem  Tyrannioni,  foil,  'shall  fix 
a  day  for  Tyrannio,*  i.e.  apparently  for  his 
treatise  to  be  read.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  6,  2  : 
from  a  comparison  of  which  passage  with 
Servius  de  Accentibus  20,  Boot  infers  that 
Tyrannio's  book  was  on  accents.  For  an 
account  of  Tyrannio,  cp.  p.  177,  note  on 
1.  17. 

Et  si  quid  aliud,  sc.  'agendum  erit, 
agenms,'  the  verb  being  supplied  from  *  eon- 
stituemus.* 

VARRO  (M.  Terentius),  after  the  close 
of  the  Spanish  campaign  in  49  b.c,  went  to 
Greece,  and  was  at  Dyrrhachium  during  the 
battle  of  Pharsalus  (De  Divin.  i.  33,  68). 
He  was  pardoned  by  Caesar,  and  entrusted 
with  the  formation  of  a  public  library  at 
Rome  (Suet.  lul.  44)  ;  was  proscribed  by 


4'H 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV; 


CICERO  VARRONI. 
Mihi  vero  ad  Nonas  bene  maturum  videtur  fore,  neque  solum  i 
propter  rei  publicae,  sed  etiam  propter  anni  tempus  :  qua  re  istum 
diem  probo ;  itaque  eundem  ipse  sequar.     Consilii  nostri,  ne  si  2 
eos  quidem,  qui  id  secuti  non  sunt,  non  paeniteret,  nobis  paeni- 

6  tendum  putarem ;  secuti  enim  sumus  non  spem,  sed  officium ; 
reliquimus  autem  non  officium,  sed  desperationem :  ita  verecun- 
diores  fuimus  quam  qui  se  domo  non  commoverunt,  saniores 
quam  qui  amissis  opibus  domum  non  reverterunt.  Sed  nihil 
minus  fero  quam  severitatem  otiosorum  et,  quoquo  modo  se  res 

10  habet,  magis  illos  vereor,  qui  in  bello  occiderunt,  quam  hos  euro, 


the  second  triumvirate  (App.  Bell.  Civ.  4. 

47),  but  managed  to  escape,  and  died  28  B.C., 

aged  88  or  89.    Cp.  Hieron.  in  Euseb.  Chron. 

Olymp.  188;  Clinton.  Fasti  Hell.  28  b.c. 

(ill.  231).— Pliny,  H.  N.  29,  4,  says  that  he 

wrote  in  his  83rd,  or  according  to  some 

MSS.  in  his  88th  year. 

I.  Mihi    vero  ..  fore,  'yes,    I   thmk 

the   Nones    (of  July)  will   be   quite   early 
enough*  for  our  meeting  with  Caesar,     On 
'  vero,'  cp.  Ep.  81,  I,  note.    On  '  ad  Nonas, 
•on  the  Nones,'  cp.Zumpt,  L.  G.  296 ;  Ad 
Att.  13.  45,  2.     It  resembles  the  expression 
'ad  diem.'     Some  such  phrase  as  '  Caesari 
nos  obviam  ire '  should  be  supplied.   On  the 
structure  of  the  proposition,  cp.  Madv.  218 
d.     The  month  referred   to  was   probably 
July.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  1 1,  on  Caesar's 
movements.     It  seems  to  have  been  uncer- 
tain by  what  route  and  when  he  would  return 
from  Africa  (cp.  Ad    Fam.  9.   7,  2),   and 
Varro  had   suggested  that  he    and  Cicero 
should  go  to  Baiae  to  await  Caesar's  arrival 
(cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  2,  5).     Caesar  spent,  how- 
ever, twenty-eight  days  on  his  journey  to 

Rome. 

Neque   solum  .  .  tempus.     The  last 
word  is  used  ambiguously ;  '  on  account  not 
only  of  the  state  of  public  affairs,  but  of  the 
season  of  the  year.'     In  Ad  Fam.  9.  2,  5, 
Cicero  had  told  Varro  that  they  had  better 
delay  visiting  Baiae  till  they  would  be  thought 
to  have  gone  there  for  retirement,  and  not 
for   amusement— '  ploratum,    potius   quam 
natatum.'     The  state  of  public  affairs  for- 
bade them  to  join  the  crowd  of  idlers  during 
the  fashionable  time  ;  and  apparently  Rome 
had  not  yet  become  unhealthy.     The  Ca- 
lendar was   much  in  advance  of  the   real 
season,    so  that  the    Nones    of  July    may 
well  have  fallen  in  spring.     Cp.  Ep.  84,  2, 

3.*  Eundem  ipse  sequar,  'I  shall  abide 


by  the  same  day  myself.'  A  rare  sense  of 
the  verb. 

Consilii  nostri.  'our  decision  not  to 
persevere  in  the  struggle  till  its  end.' 

Ne  si  eos  .  .  paeniteret,  'not  even  if 
those  who  did  not  follow  it  did  not  regret 
theirs  (as  they  do).'  On  words  inserted  be- 
tween '  ne '  and  *  quidem,'  cp.  Madv.  457. 

5.  Secuti    enim   .  .   desperationem, 

•  we  were  guided,  not  by  hope,  but  by  grati- 
tude (in  joining  Pompey)  ;  we  turned  our 
backs,  not  on  duty,  but  on  despair  (in  re- 
turning to  Italy),'  i.e.  we  obeyed  the  call  of 
gratitude  while  there  was  any,  even  if  a 
poor,  hope  of  success  ;  we  abandoned  a  cause 
that  had  become  altogether  desperate.     For 

*  sequi,'  in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  here  used, 

cp.  Ep.  61,  3. 

6.  Verecundiores,  'were  more  sensi- 
tive '  to  the  call  of  honour. 

7.  Qui  se  .  .  non  commoverunt. 
Those  who  never  left  Italy,  such  as  Ser.Sul- 
picius,  P.  Servilius,  L.  Volcatius,  and  others 
are  meant.     Ad  Att.  9.  10,  7  ;  9.  19,  2.    ^ 

Saniores,  Mess   infatuated '  =  <r(u</)/)ov€- 

aT€poi.     Forcell. 

8.  Quam  .  ,  reverterunt,  'than  those 
who  after  the  ruin  of  their  party  did  not 
return  home,'  but  either  stayed  in  Greece  or 
Asia,  or  renewed  the  war  in  Africa. 

9.  Severitatem  otiosorum,  *thc harsh 
judgment  of  those  who  have  remained  neu- 
tral.* Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9. 6,  3  '  crudeliter  enim 
otiosissimi  minabantur. 

Quoquo  modo  se  res  habet,  '  what- 
ever happens '  (Wiel.),  i.e.  even  if  my  anti- 
cipations are  falsified  by  the  event ;  *  how- 
ever things  stand.' 

10.  Illos  vereor,  *feel  respect  for  those,' 

•  feel  shame  at  the  thought  of  those.* 

Quam  hos  euro,  'than  regard  those, 
now  with  us  :'  the  •  otiosi '  just  mentioned. 

*  Curo '  =  *  curae  habeo.'     Forcell. 


EP.  87.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IX.  18.     425 

3  quibus  non  satis  facimus,  quia  vivimus.  Mihi  si  spatium  fuerit 
in  Tusculanum  ante  Nonas  veniendi,  istic  te  videbo ;  si  minus, 
persequar  in  Cumanum  et  ante  te  certiorem  faciam,  ut  lavatio 
parata  sit. 


87.    To  L.  PAETUS  (AD  FAM.  IX.  18). 
Rome  or  Tusculum,  July,  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

'  I.  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  approve  my  imitation  of  Dionysius  in  opening  some- 
thing like  a  school.  2.  I  secure  myself  protectors  by  acting  thus,  and  have  no  reason 
to  envy  any  of  our  leaders,  unless  perhaps  Gate,  whose  death  I  can  imitate  if  the  worst 
happens.  3.  My  employment  improves  my  health  too ;  nor  are  the  entertainments  of 
my  pupils  to  be  despised.  Come  and  see  me.  4.  If  you  are  embarrassed  for  want  of 
money,  I  will  gladly  accept  your  services  as  second  teacher. 

CICERO  S.  D.  PAETO. 

1      Cum  essem  otiosus  in  Tusculano,  propterea  quod  discipulos  5 
obviam  miseram,  ut  eadem  me  quam  maxime  conciliarent  fami- 
liari  suo,  accepi  tuas  litteras  plenissimas   suavitatis,  ex   quibus 
intellexi  probari  tibi  meum  consilium,  quod,  ut  Dionysius  tyran- 


'  I.  Quibus  non  satis  facimus,  foil., 
*  who  are  discontented  with  us  for  surviving,' 
i.e.  who  say  that  we  have  secured  our  lives 
by  flight.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  2,  2,  where  Cicero 
says  that  he  and  Varro  ought  to  avoid  pub- 
licity for  'qui  victoria  se  efferunt  quasi  victos 
nos  intuentur ;  qui  autem  victos  nostros  mo- 
leste  ferunt,  nos  dolent  vivere.* 
Spatium,  'time,'  'leisure.' 

2.  In  Tusculanum.  Varro,  then,  would 
be  at  Tusculum  till  the  Nones,  when  he 
would  leave  for  Cumae.  Cicero  says  that  he 
would  visit  him  at  Tusculum  if  he  had  time ; 
if  not,  that  he  would  follow  him  to  Cumae, 
where,  apparently,  Varro  had  a  villa.  Cicero 
did  not,  however,  go  to  Cumae,  and  Caesar 
does  not  seem  to  have  landed  in  that  neigh- 
bourhood.    Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  6,  I. 

3.  Ut  lavatio  parata  sit,  *so  that  a 
bath  may  be  ready  for  me.'  '  Lavatio '  = 
•  instrumentum  balneare  '  (Forcell.)  would 
include  all  that  a  bather  would  want.  It  is 
a  rare  word  in  Cicero.  He  seems  to  have 
been  fond  of  warm  baths.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9. 
16,  9  'ego  tibi  unum  sumptum  adferam 
quod  balneum  calfacias  oportebit.' 

L.  Papirius  Paetus  was  a  learned  and  witty 
Epicurean,  who  seems  to  have  taken  no  part 


in  politics,  and  to  have  been  wealthy.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  I.  20,  7 ;  Ad  Fam.  9. 16,  7;  9.  20,  i. 
A  comparison  of  the  first  paragraph  of  this 
letter  with  the  last  leaves  some  doubt  if 
it  was  written  at  Rome  or  Tusculum ;  but 
the  latter  is  most  probable.  Caesar  returned 
to  Rome  on  July  26  (Bell.  Afric.  98),  and 
as  Cicero's  'pupils'  had  already  left  him  to 
greet  their  leader  when  this  letter  was  writ- 
ten, its  date  must  probably  be  placed  late 

in  July. 

5.  Otiosus,  'with  nothing  to  do.* 
Discipulos,  i.e.  Hirtius  and  Dolabella, 

whom  he  calls  '  dicendi  discipulos '  Ad  Fam. 

9.  16.  7. 

6.  Obviam,  sc.Caesari  ex  Africa  redeunti. 

Manut. 

Eadem,  so.  'via,'  to  be  supplied   from 

•  obviam.'     Siipfle. 

Conciliarent  familiari  suo,  'might 
recommend  me  to  their  friend,'  i.e.  might 
make  as  favourable  a  report  to  Caesar  of  my 
disposition  as  they  could.     •  Conciliarc '  = 

•  commendare.'  Forcell.  '  Familiaris  '  is 
sometimes  used  as  a  substantive  =  ' neces- 
sarius.'     Forcell.     Cp.  Ad   Fam.   3.   I,   3 

•  est  ex  meis  domesticis  atque  intimis  fami- 
liaribus.* 

8.  Meum    consilium,   quod  .  .  coe- 


\ 


426 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


nus,  cum  Syracusis  pulsus  esset,  Corinthi  dicitur  ludum  aperuisse, 
sic  ego  [sublatis  iudiciis]  amisso  regno  forensi  ludum  quasi  habere 
coeperim.     Quid  quaeris?  me  quoque  delectat  consilium  ;  multa  2 
enim  consequor :  primum,  id  quod  maxime  nunc  opus  est,  munio 

5  me  ad  haec  tempora.  Id  cuius  modi  sit,  nescio  ;  tantum  video, 
nullius  adhuc  consilium  me  huic  anteponere,  nisi  forte  mori  melius 
fuit  •  in  lectulo,  fateor,  sed  non  accidit ;  in  acie  non  fui.  Ceten 
quidem,  Pompeius,  Lentulus  tuus,  Scipio,  Afraniusfoede  penerunt. 
*  At  Cato  praeclare.'     lam  istuc  quidem,  cum  volemus,  licebit ; 

TO  demus  modo  operam  ne  tam  necesse  nobis  sit  quam  illi  fuit ; 


perim.  On  the  conj.,  cp.  Madv.  357  a, 
latter  part.  The  force  of  *  quod  '  is  perhaps 
slightly  different  in  Ep.  47,  3-  Cicero  is 
probably  quoting  what  Paetus  had  said. 

Dionysius  tyrannus.  The  younger 
Dionysius,  after  his  expulsion  from  Syracuse. 
Cicero  appears  to  be  the  earliest  authority 
for  this  story.  It  is  told  in  different  forms 
by  Plutarch,  (Timoleon  14),  and  Justin,  (21. 
5).  Grote  (xi.  217)  expresses  no  opinion 
as  to  its  truth. 

1.  Aperuisse.  ♦  Aperire '  seems  an  un- 
usual word  to  use  with  *  ludus.' 

2.  [Sublatis  iudiciis].  If  these  words 
are  genuine,  they  may  refer  to  a  suspension 
of  the  regular  action  of  the  tribunals  during 
the  civil  war.  Pompey  in  52  B.C.,  and 
Caesar  introduced  considerable  changes  mto 
the  constitution  and  procedure  of  the  courts, 
but  the  date  of  Caesar's  changes  is  uncertain. 
Mommsen  4.  2,  325  and  483-485. 

Amisso  regno  forensi:  cp.  Ep.  I,  i, 
note,  and  Qiiintil.  Inst.  Oral.  10.  i,  112 
'  quare  non  immerito  ab  hominibus  aetatis 
suae  regnare  in  iudiciis  dictus  est  (Cicero).' 

Ludum  .  .  habere, 'to  keep  as  it  were 
a  school.'  His  instruction  of  Hirtius  and 
Dolabella  in  rhetoric  could  only  metaphor- 
ically be  called  keeping  a  school. 

3.  Quid  quaeris  :  cp.  Ep.  7,  6,  note. 
Me  quoque,  •  me  as  well  as  you.'     Cp. 

•  tibi  probari,'  above. 

4.  Primum.  This  first  reason  occupies 
the  remainder  of  the  section. 

Munio  me  ad  haec  tempora,  *! 
secure  myself  with  regard  to  the  dangers  of 
the  times.'  'Ad'  is  used  '  de  consilio  seu 
fine.'  Forcell.  He  denies  that  it  can  have 
the  force  of  '  advtrsus.'  Cicero  means  that 
the  influence  of  his  pupils  would  be  his  pro- 
tection. 

5.  Id    cuius  modi   sit,   *the  value  of 

this  protection.'  , 

Tantum  video,  'thus  much  I  know. 
•  Video '  = '  intelligo.'     Forcell. 


6.  Nullius,    'no    one's,'    among    the 
Pompeians.     Explained  by  '  ceteri  quidem, 
below. 

Adhuc,  common  with  pres.     Forcell. 
Melius   fuit:  cp.  Madv.  348  e,  Obs.  i. 

7.  In  lectulo.  This  may  refer  to  his 
illness  at  Dyrrhachium.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part 
III,  §  10,  and  also  Ep.  71,  7,  note,  for  the 
phrase  '  in  lectulo  mori.'  '  I  wish  a  peaceful 
death  had  spared  me  the  sight  of  what  we 

see,' 

Non  accidit,  '  it  was  not  my  fortune.' 
In   acie,  sc.  Pharsalica.     He  means  that 
he  had  not  shewn  cowardice  in  the  field. 

Ceteri  .  .  perierunt,  'our  other  leaders 
perished  miserably,  and  I  cannot  envy  them.' 
None  of  these  presently  mentioned  died  by 
the  hand  of  an  enemy  in  fair  battle. 

8.  Lentulus  tuus,  according  to  Manut. 
L.  Lentulus  Crus,  consul  of  49  B.C.  On  his 
death,  cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  104  ;  or,  as 
Orell.  P.  Lentulus  Spinther,  Cos.  57  B.C., 
who  appears  to  have  perished  in  the  civil 

war:  Philipp.  I3-  H»  29. 

Scipio:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  10:  Bell. 
Afric.  96;  Livy  Epit.  114. 

Afranius  :  Intr.  1.  c. ;  Bell.  Afric.  95. 

Foede,  'miserably.'  For  there  was  no- 
thing dishonourable  about  the  death  of  any 

of  them. 

9.  At  Cato  praeclare,  sc.  *  mortuus 
est.'     Cp.  Ep.  63,  3,   note  on  'at   Sulla,' 

£       11 

lam  istuc  .  .  licebit,  *I  shall  still  be 
able  to  do  as  he  did  whenever  I  please.' 
•  lam,'  from  its  position  seems  to  be  transi- 
tional ;  •  well '  would  suit  the  sense.  The 
form  •  istic '  for  '  iste '  is  found  in  a  report 
of  a  conversation  with  Matius,  Ep.  105,  I. 
On  the  personal  construction  of  Micere' 
with   neuter   pronouns,  cp.  Madv.   218   a, 

Obs.  3. 

10.  Demus  modo  .  .  agimus,  'only 
let  me  take  care,  as  I  do,  not  to  be  compelled 
to  do  it,  as  he  was.'    Cato's  uncompromising 


EP.87.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IX,  18.      427 

3  id  quod  agimus.  Ergo  hoc  primum.  Sequitur  illud  :  ipse  melior 
fio ;  primum  valetudine,  quam  intermissis  exercitationibus  ami- 
seram ;  deinde  ipsa  ilia,  si  qua  fuit  in  me,  facultas  orationis, 
nisi  me  ad  has  exercitationes  rettulissem,  exaruisset.  Extremum 
illud  est,  quod  tu  nescio  an  primum  putes :  plures  iam  pavones  5 
confeci  quam  tu  pullos  columbinos.  Tu  istic  te  Hateriano  iure 
delectas ;  ego  me  hie  Hirtiano.  Veni  igitur,  si  vir  es,  et  disce 
a  me  TrpoAeyo/meWs,  quas  quaeris :  etsi  sus  Minervam.     Sed  quo 

4  modo,  videro.     Si  aestimationes  tuas  vendere  non  potes  neque 
oUam  denariorum  implere,  Romam  tibi  remigrandum  est :  satius  10 


opposition  to  Caesar  had  left  him  no  choice 
after  defeat ;  Cicero  was  conciliating  some 
members  of  the  victorious  party. 

1.  Ergo  hoc  primum,  sc.  'consequor.' 
Cp.  the  beginning  of  this  section. 

Sequitur  illud,  'next  comes  the  fol- 
lowing advantage.'  On  '  illud,'  cp.  Ep.  5.  3, 
note. 

Ipse  melior  fio  =  *convalesco,'  'I  my- 
self am  getting  better.*     Forcell. 

2.  Primum  valetudine  .  .  .  deinde 
ipsa  ilia.  A  slight,  but  easily  intelligible, 
anacoluthon.  '  Valetudo  *  is  a  neutral  word 
(cp.  Ep.  52,  5);  here  its  meaning  is  fixed 
by  amiseram. 

Intermissis  exercitationibus,  a 
curious  illustration  of  Roman  habits.  The 
declamations  seem  to  have  supplied  the 
place  of  out-of-door  exercise.  Cp.  Philipp. 
2.  17,  42,  where  Cicero  accuses  Antony  of 
practising  declamation  in  order  to  get  rid  of 
the  effects  of  intemperance. 

3.  Deinde  .  .  .  exaruisset,  'secondly, 
whatever  flow  of  oratory  I  could  command 
would  have  been  dried  up.'  The  metaphor- 
ical sense  of 'exaresco'  is  common  in  Cicero. 
Cp.  Brut.  4,  1 6. 

4.  Extremum  .  .  .  est,  *  thirdly  and 
lastly.'  Cicero  varies  his  introductory 
phrases  for  the  three  heads :  *  primum,' 
'  sequitur  illud,'  '  extremum  .  .  est.' 

5.  Nescio  an  :  cp.  Ep.  77,  2,  note. 
Plures  .  .  .  columbinos,  '  I  have  got 

through  more  peacocks  than  you  have  young 
pigeons.'  Peacocks  were  a  notorious  luxury 
at  Rome.     Cp.  Hor.  Sat.  2.  2,  23,  alib. 

6.  Confeci.  * Conficere '  = 'consumere.' 
Forcell. 

Istic,  i.e.  at  or  near  Neapolis.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  9.  15,  3  and  4;  9.  23. 

Hateriano  iure, 'the  law  of  Haterius,' 
who  may  have  been  a  jurisconsult  staying  at 
Neapolis. 

Iure  .  .  .  Hirtiano,  *the  gravy  which 


Hirtius  provides.*  'lus,'  meaning  both  Maw* 
and  'gravy,'  suggests  a  similar  pun,  In  Verr. 
2  Act.  I.  46,  121  '  ius  Verrinum.'  On  the 
luxurious  tastes  of  Hirtius,  cp.  Ad  Fam.  9. 
16,  7>  where  Cicero  calls  him  one  of  his 
teachers  in  the  art  of  dining. 

7.  Si  vir  es,  '  if  you  are  a  man  of  spirit' 
with  a  proper  enthusiasm  for  good  living. 

8.  TrpoXeyo/xivas  sc.  Ocfffis,  'intro- 
ductions '  to  the  higher  culinary  art :  again 
a  word  equally  applicable  to  jurisprudence. 
Orell.,  Onom. 

Quas  quaeris.  Paetus  may  have  asked 
for  some  hints  on  cookery. 

Sus  Minervam,  sc.  *  doceret  si  a  me 
disceres.'  The  proverb  is  found,  De  Orat. 
2.  57,  233;  Acad.  Post.  I.  4,  18. 

Quo  modo,  sc.  'eas  futurum  sit  ut  dis- 
cas.'     Baiter. 

9.  Aestimationes  tuas,  'the  property 
assigned  you  on  a  valuation.'  '  Aestimatio 
pro  re  aestimata.'  Forcell.  Cp.  a  similar 
use  of  'emptio,'  Ad  Att.  I.  5,  7  '  Epiroticam 
emptionem  gaudeo  tibi  placere.'  Caesar's 
measures  for  the  relief  of  debtors  and  for  the 
restoration  of  public  credit  had  forced  a  large 
amount  ot  land  into  the  market  at  once,  and 
there  was  naturally  a  difficulty  in  getting  a 
good  price  for  it.  Cp.  Appendix  9,  i,  i;  Ad 
Fam.  9.  16,  7  *non  eo  sis  consilio  ut  cum 
me  hospitio  recipias  aestimationem  te  ali- 
quam  putes  accipere ;  etiam  haec  levior  est 
plaga  ab  amico  quam  a  debitore  ; '  also  Ep. 
96,  4. 

10.  Ollam  denariorum,  *your  money- 
pot.'  Siipfle  and  Billerb.  The  latter  sees 
an  allusion  to  the  money-pot  of  Euclio  in 
the  Aulularia  of  Plautus. 

Romam  tibi  remigrandum  est,  'you 
must  make  your  way  back  to  Rome,'  where 
plenty  of  friends  will  be  glad  to  give  you  a 
dinner.  '  Remigrare  *  is  a  common  word, 
Forcell. 


a 


428 


M.  TULLII  CICERO NIS 


[part  IV. 


est  hie  cruditate  quam  istic  fame.  Video  te  bona  perdidisse ;  spero 
idem  istuc  familiares  tuos.  Actum  igitur  de  te  est,  nisi  provides. 
Potes  mulo  isto,  quern  tibi  reliquum  dicis  esse,  quoniam  canthe- 
rium  comedisti,  Romam  pervehi.  Sella  tibi  erit  in  ludo  tamquam 
5  hypodidascalo  proxima ;  eam  pulvinus  sequetur. 

88.    To  M.  MARIUS  (AD  FAM.  VII.  3). 
Rome,  July  or  August,  (?)  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

1.  I  often  think  of  our  meeting  three  years  ago ;  we  then  both  of  us  hesitated  what 

1  ought  to  do  with  a  view  both  to  safety  and  to  honour.     I  thought  most  of  the  last, 

2  and  regret  my  choice,  not  so  much  for  the  danger  it  involved,  as  because  of  the 
incapacity  and  ferocity  of  those  whom  I  joined.  I  advised  Pompey  first  to  negotiate 
for  peace,  which  he  declined ;  then  to  avoid  a  pitched  battle,  which  he  might  have 
done  but  for  the  confidence  inspired  by  a  partial  success.  His  subsequent  flight  3. 
relieved  me  from  any  obligation  to  persevere  in  the  struggle ;  and  I  thought  sub- 
mission to  the  conqueror  the  least  bad  of  the  courses  open  to  me.  4-  I  console 
myself  with  my  intellectual  resources,  and  with  reflection  on  my  past  distinctions. 
5.  My  regard  for  you  leads  me  to  explain  myself  to  you  thus  at  length,  6.  that  you 
may  be  able  to  vindicate  my  conduct  when  you  hear  it  severely  criticised. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  M.  MARIO. 

Persaepe  mihi  cogitanti  de  communibus  miseriis,  in  quibus  tot  1 

annos  versamur  et,  ut  video,  versabimur,  solet  in  mentem  venire 

illius  temporis,  quo  proxime  fuimus  una ;  quin  etiam  ipsum  diem 

memoria  teneo :  nam  a.  d.  III.  Idus  Maias,  Lentulo  et  Marcello 

I.  Hie.  'in  this  neighbourhood.'     It  is  dere'  =  'absumere.'     lb.  .   ,    ,    •    , 

not  perhaps  necessary  xo  suppose  that  the  4.  1«  ludo,  «m  my  school  of  rhetoric, 

letter  was  written  at  Rome  on  comparing  Cp.  §  i,  note. 

'Romam  .  .  hie'     A  writer  at  Tusculum  5-  Hypodidascalo.     This  word  is  only 

might  speak  of  Rome  as  'in  this  neighbour-  here  used  by  Cicero,  but  is  found  in  Plato, 

hood,'  as  compared  with  Campania.  Ion  536  A.  ^ 

Cruditate.  so.  *mori,'  'to  die  of  indiges-  Proxima.  «next  my  own. 

lion.' caused  iy  good  living.  Earn    pulvinus    ^e^uetur,   «you   shall 

Istic,  i.e.  '  on  the  Bay  of  Naples.'  presently  receive  a  cushion  too,   as  a  mark 

Bona  perdidisse,  '  have  lost  your  pro-  of  honour, 
perty,'  by  having  to  take  land  at  a  price  ^.    i.-     n^    -kh    •       r*tu 

above  its  real  value.  M.  MARIO.     Of  th.s  M.  Mar.us  httle 

Spero  idem  istuc.  so.  'passos  esse.'  U  is  known.     He  was  a  native  of  Arpinum 

suppose  your  friends  at  Neapolis  are  in  the  rich,   and    rather    infirm    in    health.      He 

same  plight,'  so  that  their  hospitality  cannot  seems   to  have  lived  little  m  Rome.     Cp. 

keep  you    there.     On   '  spero '    with    past  Ad  Q.  F.  2. 10,  3;  Ad  Fam.  7  1. 1  and  5    7.  4. 
tenses  =  'opinor,'  cp.  Forcell..  and  Ep.  I,  4.  6.  Tot  annos     From  Caesar  s  first  con- 

'  Istuc'  on  this  form.  cp.  note  on  §  a.  sulship  ?  (Manut.)  or  from  the  beg.nmng  of 

2.  Nisi  provides,  'unless  you  provide  the  civil  war?  -  a  a    f  *\.. 

for  yourself,' e.g.  by  serving  me  as  my  under  7-  Solet  .  .  una,  'I  am  reminded  of  he 

teacher  ^     "^  last  time  we  met.'     On  the  genit.  after  '  in 

:{.  Quoniam  cantherium  comedisti,  mentem  venire,'  cp.  Madv.  291.  Obs.  3. 
•since   the  expenses  of  your  establishment  9.  A.  d.  m.  Idus  Maias.     May  13,  49 

have  eaten  up  your  hack.'     '  Cantherium,'  B.C.»    According  to  Ep.  74,  4,  Cicero  arrived 

•  a    gelding.'     Forcell.     Comedisti,   '  come-  at  his  villa  at  Pompeii  on  May  1 2th. 


EP.  88.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VII.  3.      4:19 

consulibus,  cum  in  Pompeianum  vesperi  venissem,  tu  mihi  sollicito 
animo  praesto  fuisti ;  sollicitum  autem  te  habebat  cogitatio  cum 
officii,  tum  etiam  periculi  mei :  si  manerem  in  Italia,  verebare  ne 
officio  deessem ;  si  proficiscerer  ad  bellum,  periculum  te  meum 
commovebat.  Quo  tempore  vidisti  profecto  me  quoque  ita  contur-  5 
batum,  ut  non  explicarem,  quid  esset  optimum  factu ;  pudori 
tamen  malui  famaeque  cedere  quam  salutis  meae  rationem  ducere. 
2  Cuius  me  mei  facti  paenituit  non  tam  propter  periculum  meum 
quam  propter  vitia  multa,  quae  ibi  offendi,  quo  veneram  :  primum 
neque  magnas  copias  neque  bellicosas ;  deinde,  extra  ducem  pau-  10 
cosque  praeterea — de  principibus  loquor — ,  reliquos  primum  in 
ipso  bello  rapaces,  deinde  in  oratione  ita  crudeles,  ut  ipsam  vic- 
toriam  horrerem  ;  maximum  autem  aes  alienum  amplissimorum 
virorum.  Quid  quaeris }  nihil  boni  praeter  causam.  Quae  cum 
vidissem,  desperans  victoriam  primum  coepi  suadere  pacem,  cuius  15 
fueram  semper  auctor ;  deinde,  cum  ab  ea  sententia  Pompeius 
valde  abhorreret,  suadere  institui,  ut  bellum  duceret :  hoc  interdum 
probabat  et  in  ea  sententia  videbatur  fore  et  fuisset  fortasse,  nisi 

1.  In  Pompeianum.  *  to  my  villa  at  merous  defects  which  I  found  there,*  i.e.  in 
Pompeii.'     Cp.  Ep.  74.  4;  Appendix  5,  §  i.       Ponipey's  camp. 

M.  Marius  also  seems  to  have  had  a  villa  at  10.  Neque     magnas    copias    neque 

Pompeii.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  7.  4.  bellicosas.    With  the  last  epithet,  cp.  the 

Tu  mihi  .  .  praesto  fuisti,  'you  were  concluding  words  of  this  section.    Pompey's 

there  to  meet  me.'     Cp.  Ep.   16.  7  ;   Pro  army  must  have  been  considerably  increased 

Muren.    20.  42  '  Romae  .  .  amicis  praesto  after  Cicero's   arrival  in   his  camp,  for  at 

fuisti.'  Pharsalus   it   more   than   doubled  Caesar's. 

2.  Sollicitum  .  .  te  habebat.  On  the  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  11;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ. 
double  accus.,  cp.  Ep.  75,  i,  note  'and  your  3.  88-89.  ^^^  accus.  *  copias'  is  governed 
anxiety  arose  from  considering.'  by  'offendi,'  and  so  is  aes  alienum.     The 

Autem,  used   in  the  continuation  of  a  MS.  has  reliqui   for  'reliquos,'  which  in- 

discourse.     Cp.  Ep.  7,  i.  note,  p.  47.  volves  a  slight  break  in  the  construction. 

3.  Officii,  •  my  duty  to  Pompey  and  to  On  the  language  and  hopes  of  Pompey's 
his  party.'  partisans,  cp.  Epp.  80,  2  ;  91,6.     Several  of 

4.  Si  proficiscerer  .  .  commovebat :  them,  e.g.  L.  Lentulus  Crus  (Caes.  Bell.  Civ. 
cp.  Madv.  348  b.  Or  perhaps,  with  Hofm.,  i.  4),  Faustus  Sulla,  Libo,  and  Scipio  (Ad 
we  may  take  the  conditional  clause  as  quali-  Att.  9.  11,  4),  hoped  to  get  rid  of  their 
fying  or  explaining  the  word  'periculum.*  debts  in  the  confusion  caused  by  the  war. 
Hofm.  quotes  De  Divin.  2.  i,  i  'nulla  maior  li.  In  ipso  bello  rapaces,  e.g.  Scipio, 
occurrebat  [res]  quam  si  optimarum  artiuni  who  levied  very  heavy  contributions  in  Asia, 
vias  traderem  meis  civibus.'  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  32. 

5.  Ita  . .  factu,  *so  agitated,  that  I  could  12.  In  oratione,  *  in  their  language.* 
not  decide  which  course  was  the  best.*     On  Hofm. 

the  use  of  the  supine  in  '  u,*  cp.  Madv.  412.  14.  Nihil  boni,  sc.  'inveui,*  to  be  sup- 

6.  Explicarem.    •Explicare'  =  *expedire       plied  from  *  oftendi.' 

rem  intellectu  difficilem.'     Forcell.  15.  Suadere    pacem,    'to    recommend 

Pudori  . .  famaeque  cedere.  'toyieldto  peace.* 

the  claims  of  honour  and  of  public  opinion.*  17.  Ut  bellum  duceret.  *  to  protract  the 

7.  Rationem  ducere:  cp.  Ad  Att.  8.  war.'  Cp.  Ep.  28,  7,  for  this  sense  of 
II  D,  7  '  duxi  meam  rationem.*     •  Habere  *  duco.* 

rationem  '  is  more  common.  18.  In  ea  sententia  .  .  fore,  'to  abide 

9.  Vitia  multa  ..  offendi.    *  the    nu-       by  that  judgment.' 


430 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


I 


quadam  ex  pugna  coepisset  suis  militibus  confidere.  Ex  eo  tempore 
vir  ille  summus  nullus  imperator  fuit :  signa  tirone  et  collecticio 
exercitu  cum  legionibus  robustissimis  contulit ;  victus  turpissime 
amissis  etiam  castris  solus  fugit.     Hunc  ego   mihi   belli  finem  3 

5  feci,  nee  putavi,  cum  integri  pares  non  fuissemus,  fractos  supe- 
riores  fore ;  discessi  ab  eo  bello,  in  quo  aut  in  acie  cadendum  fuit 
aut  in  aliquas  insidias  incidendum  aut  deveniendum  in  victoris 
manus  aut  ad  lubam  confugiendum  aut  capiendus  tamquam  exsilio 
locus  aut  consciscenda  mors  voluntaria  :  certe  nihil  fuit  praeterea, 

lo  si  te  victori  nolles  aut  non  auderes  committere.  Ex  omnibus 
autem  iis,  quae  dixi,  incommodis  nihil  tolerabilius  exsilio,  prae- 
sertim  innocenti^  ubi  nulla  adiuncta  est  turpitudo  ;  addo  etiam, 
cum  ea  urbe  careas,  in  qua  nihil  sit,  quod  videre  possis  sine 
dolore :  ego  cum  meis,  si  quicquam  nunc  cuiusquam  est,  etiam 

15  in  meis  esse  malui.     Quae  acciderunt,  omnia  dixi  futura ;  veni  ^ 


1.  Quadam  ex  pugna.Mn  consequence 
of  a  certain  engagement/  i.e.  that  near 
Dyrrhachium,  alluded  to  in  Ep.  78,  2. 

2.  Nullus  imperator,  'nothing  of  a 
general,'  Cp.  Ep.  48,  i,  where  Pompey  is 
called  dcTTpciTTjjrjTos;  Ep.  59,  l,d(TTpaTT]yi' 
KwraTos.  Tl.is  use  of  '  nullus  '  is  not  quite 
the  same  as  in  Ad  Att.  11.  24,  4  '  Philoti- 
mus  nul  us  venit,*  where  it  =  *non,'  but  is 
found  Tiisc.  Disp.  2.  5,  13  'nullum  .  .  argu- 
mentum.' 

Tirone  et  collecticio  exercitu, 
'having  an  untrained  and  motley  army.' 
Abl.  abs.,  cp.  Madv.  277,  Obs.  2.  *Tiro' 
is  used  as  an  adjective,  Philipp.  Ii.  1 5,  39 
•  non  tarn  veteranos  intuendos  arbitror  quam 
quid  tirones  milites.'  On  the  composition 
of  Pompey 's  forces,  cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  4. 

3.  Robustissimis, 'most  efficient.'  For 
Caesar's  army  was  weak  in  numbers.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  ill,  §  11. 

4.  Hunc  .  .  finem  feci,  *!  made  this 
the  limit  of  my  service.'     Cp.  Ep.  83,  i. 

7.  In  aliquas  insidias  incidendum, 
as  had  been  the  fortune  of  Pompey,  L.  Len- 
tulus  and  others. 

Deveniendum  in  victoris  manus, 
i.e.  by  a  compulsory  surrender,  as  did  M. 
Brutus.  Opposed  to  victori  se  commit- 
tere below,  which  means,  '  to  throw  one's 
self  voluntarily  on  the  victor's  mercy/  as 
did  C.  Cassius,  cp.  p.  394. 

8.  Aut  capiendus  tamquam  exsilio 
locus,  'or  must  choose  some  place,  as  if 
for  a  residence  in  banishment.'  'Tamquam,* 
because  such  self-expatriation  would  not  be 


legal  *  exsilium.*     The  case  of  Marcellus  is 
probably  referred  to.     Cp.  §  5,  note. 

9.  Nihil  fuit  praeterea,  'there  was  no 
course  except  one  of  these.* 

10.  Nolles  .  .  auderes,  conj.  poten- 
tialis.     Hofm.     Boot. 

12.  Ubi  .  .  est  turpitudo.  On  the 
mood,  cp.  Madv.  362  a. 

13.  Cum  ea  urbe  careas.  'Urbe  ca- 
rere,'  in  the  sense  of  exile,  is  common.  Cp. 
Philipp.  1.  2,  6.  *Cum'  =  'in  case/  'in  so 
far  as.'     Wiel. 

14.  Ego  cum  meis,  foil.,  '  I  wished  to 
live  with  my  own  family,  if  one  can  now 
call  anybody  one's  own,  and  also  on  my  own 
property.'  Miiller.  This  seems  to  be  the 
import  of  the  words  as  they  stand,  but  in- 
volves an  untrue  charge  against  Caesar,  who 
had  shewn  no  wish  to  molest  the  relations 
of  his  adversaries.  If  '  et '  were  prefixed  to 
'  si,'  the  sense  would  be  improved,  for  Cicero, 
as  one  who  had  been  in  Pompey's  camp, 
might  naturally  fear  fine  or  confiscation. 
Hofm.  does  not  alter  the  text,  but  makes 
the  words  'si  quicquam'  foil,  refer  to  'etiam 
in  meis.'  Manutius  attaches  quite  a  diflPer- 
ent  sense  to  these  words.  He  makes  'cum* 
mean,  '  in  possession  of,'  expressing  secur- 
ity ;  '  in,'  '  upon,'  as  a  mere  occupant ; 
etiam,  'or  if  it  must  be  so,*  expressing  in- 
dignation. The  first  '  meis '  he  explains  as 
=  '  propinquis  et  amicis.' 

15.  Veni  domum  .  .  .  esset,  *I  came 
home,  not  that  I  hoped  to  find  life  there 
very  satisfactory.'  On  the  meaning  of  nou 
quo  .  .  esset,  cp.  Ep.  28,  7,  note. 


\ 


EP.  88.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VII,  3.     431 

domum,  non  quo  optima  vivendi  condicio  esset,  sed  tamen,  si 
esset  aliqua  forma  rei  publicae,  tamquam  in  patria  ut  essem,  si 
nulla  tamquam  in  exsilio.  Mortem  mihi  cur  consciscerem,  causa 
non  visa  est ;  cur  optarem,  multae  causae ;  vetus  est  enim,  ubi 
non  sis  qui  fueris,  non  esse  cur  velis  vivere.  Sed  tamen  vacare  5 
culpa  magnum  est  solacium,  praesertim  cum  habeam  duas  res, 
quibus  me  sustentem,  optimarum  artium  scientiam  et  maximarum 
rerum   gloriam ;    quarum  altera  mihi  vivo   numquam  eripietur, 

5  altera  ne  mortuo  quidem.  Haec  ad  te  scripsi  verbosius  et  tibi 
molestus  fui,  quod  te  cum  mei,  tum  rei  publicae  cognovi  aman-  10 
tissimum.  Notum  tibi  omne  meum  consilium  esse  volui,  ut 
primum  scires  me  numquam  voluisse  plus  quemquam  posse  quam 
universam  rem  publicam ;  postea  autem  quam  alicuius  culpa 
tantum  valeret  unus,  ut  obsisti  non  posset,  me  voluisse  pacem  ; 
amisso  exercitu  et  eo  duce,  in  quo  spes  fuerat  uno,  me  voluisse  15 
etiam  reliquis  omnibus  ;  postquam  non  potuerim,  mihi  ipsi  finem 
fecisse  belli ;  nunc  autem,  si  haec  civitas  est,  civem  esse  me ;  si 
non,  exsulem  esse  non  incommodiore  loco,  quam  si  Rhodum  fne 

6  aut  Mytilenas  contulissem.     Haec  tecum  coram  malueram  ;  sed 
quia  longius  fiebat,  volui  per  litteras  eadem,  ut  haberes,  quid  20 


I.  Sed  tamen,  foil.,  '  but  that,  if  any- 
thing like  a  free  Commonwealth  was  to 
remain,  I  nu'ght  live  as  in  my  country.'  Cp. 
§  5  '  civem  esse  me.' 

4.  A'etus  est  enim,  sc.  'dictum.*  Cp. 
Pro  Quinct.  17,  55;  Nagelsb.  21,64.  The 
quotation  which  follows  is  thought  to  be 
from  an  old  tragedian,  with  slight  variation. 

5.  Non  esse  cur  =  ' non  esse  causam 
cur.'  Cp.  Forcell.  on  'est  quod;'  Madv. 
372  b.,  Obs.  6. 

7.  Maximarum  rerum  gloriam,  *  dis- 
tinction won  by  the  greatest  exploits.'  Gen. 
poss.  cp.  Ep  4,  2,  note  on  p.  35. 

8.  Altera,  sc.  '  scientia.' 

9.  Altera,  sc,  '  gloria.' 
Verbosius,  'at  considerable  length.'   Cp. 

Ep.  54,  6. 

Tibi  molestus  fui, 'have  thus  troubled 
you.' 

II.  Omne  meum  consilium,  'the 
grounds  of  niy  whole  conduct.' 

12.  Primum,  not  followed  by'deinde' 
or  any  such  word  but  by  a  change  in  the 
form  of  the  sentence.     Hofm. 

Plus  quemquam  posse,  foil., 'that  a 
single  man  should  be  more  powerful  than 
the  State.'  On  the  constr.,  cp.  Ep.  15,  11, 
note. 

13.  Alicuius,  sc.  Pompeii.     Cp.  on  the 


substance  of  this  charge,  Ep.  54,  3. 

14.  Unus,  sc.  Caesar. 
Obsisti,  impers. 

15.  Amisso  exercitu,  i.e.  at  Pharsalus. 
Voluisse  etiam  reliquis,  sc.  *  pacem.* 

Siipfle.  But  does  not  the  contrast  between 
'reliquis  onmibus  '  and  'mihi  ipsi '  suggest 
that  we  should  supply  '  finem  lacere  belli  * 
from  below,  with  Miiller? 

16.  Postquam  non  potuerim,  'now 
that  I  have  failed  in  that.'  The  sequence  of 
the  tense  here  changes,  from  the  historic  to 
the  primary. 

18.  Rhodum.  Rhodes  was  an  agreeable 
island  wiih  a  refined  population.  Its  people, 
however,  refused  an  asylum  to  some  of  the 
fugitives  from  Pharsalus.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ. 
3,  102. 

19.  Mytilenas.  Both  the  singular  and 
plural  forms  of  this  word  are  found  in  Roman 
authors.  Cp.  Hor.  Carm.  1.  7,  i  ;  Epp.  I. 
11,17.  M.  Marcellus  had  gone  to  Mytilene. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  4.  7,  4  ;  But.  71,  250.  Both 
Rhodes  and  (Veil.  2.  18)  Mytilenae  were 
(nominally)  independent  states  (Manut.),  so 
that  a  Roman  could  go  into  exile  at  either. 

Coram,  sc.  '  loqui.' 

Malueram.  On  the  mood,  cp.  Ep.  la, 
3,  note. 

20.  Quia   longius   fiebat,  'as  it  was 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  i\% 


43^ 

diceres,  si  quando  in  vituperatores  meos  incidisses ;  sunt  enim 
qui,  cum  meus  interitus  nihil  fuerit  rei  publicae  profuturus,  cri- 
minis  loco  putent  esse,  quod  vivam,  quibus  ego  certo  scio  non 
videri  satis  multos  perisse :  qui,  si  me  audissent,  quamvis  iniqua 
5  pace,  honeste  tamen  viverent ;  armis  enim  inferiores,  non  causa 
fuissent.  Habes  epistolam  verbosiorem  fortasse,  quam  velles ; 
quod  tibi  ita  videri  putabo,  nisi  mihi  longiorem  remiseris.  Ego, 
si,  quae  volo,  expediero,  brevi  tempore  te,  ut  spero,  videbo. 

89.    To    L.    PARTUS    (AD    FAM.    IX.    17). 
Rome,  August,  (?)  Bait.  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

I.  How  absurd  your  question  was  about  the  towns  and  lands  in  your  neighbour- 
hood. I  ought  rather  to  ask  you  what  will  become  of  us  all,  but  I  see  that  we  ought 
to  be  grateful  for  every  day  that  we  escape  ruin.  2.  My  own  property  seems  to  be 
endangered,  but  I  have  chosen  to  accept  life  as  a  gift,  and  must  be  grateful  to  the 
giver.  He  wishes,  perhaps,  to  rule  with  moderation,  but  is  embarrassed  by  his  con- 
nections, 3.  and  must  fashion  his  policy  according  to  the  demands  of  the  times.  In 
conclusion,  I  have  heard  no  rumours  of  the  danger  you  fear. 

CICERO  PAETO. 
Non  tu  homo  ridiculus  es,  qui,  cum  Balbus  noster  apud  te  fuerit.  1 


getting  too  long,'  i.e.  •  the  interval  before  we 
met ; '  or,  '  as  time  was  going  on,'  I  could 
not  wait  for  a  meeting.  Here  the  construc- 
tion is  impersonal,  but  another  is  admissible. 
Cp.  De  Legg.  I.  7,  22  'non  faciam  longius.' 
On  the  mood,  cp.  Madv.  357  a,  and  on  the 
tense,  lb.  337. 

Eadem,  so.  'tibi  exponere.* 

Ut  haberes  quid  diceres,  'that  you 
might  know  what  to  say.'  On  '  habeo 
quid,'  cp.  Ep.  66,  I,  note. 

1.  In  vituperatores  meos:  cp.  Ep. 
86,  2,  note. 

2.  Cum  meus  interitus,  foil.,  'though 
my  death  would  have  been  of  no  service  to 
the  State.'  On  the  tenses,  cp.  Ep.  10,  2, 
note. 

3.  Quibus  .  .  perisse,  'who,!  know 
for  certain,  do  not  think  that  victims  enough 
have  fallen.' 

4.  Qui  si  me  audissent.  'Pacem 
suadentem,'  cp.  §  2.  Manut.  This  must 
refer  to  those  who  had  fallen,  though  the 
construction  is  harsh.  Cp.  with  the  general 
sense  of  the  passage,  Ep.  94,  2. 

Quamvis  iniqua  pace,  abl.  abs.  (cp. 
§  -2,  note),  'however  hard  the  terms  of 
peace.' 

Armis    enim    .  .   fuissent,   'for  they 


would  have  yielded  to  their  enemy's  supe- 
riority in  arms,  not  in  the  justice  of  his  pre- 
tensions,' and  so  there  would  have  been  no 
discredit  in  their  submission  to  brute  force. 
The  argument  seems  rather  ingenious  than 
convincing. 

6.  Habes  epistolam,  'there  is  a  letter 
for  you.'  Cp.  De  Orat.  2.  88,  361  *  habetis 
sermonem  bene  longum.' 

7.  Quod  tibi  .  .  putabo,  'and  I  shall 
think  you  agree  with  me  as  to  its  tedious- 
ness.*  •Quod'  =  'et  id.'  Cp.  Ep.  26,  i, 
note.  Either  '  quod '  or  '  ita '  seems  super- 
fluous.    Cp.  Zumpt,  L.  G.  748. 

8.  Si  quae  volo  expediero  :  cp.  Ad 
Att.  12.  5,  4.  The  words  seem  to  refer  to 
his  anxiety  about  TuUia's  divorce  ;  perhaps 
also  to  his  own  money  difficulties.  Cp.  Intr. 
to   Part    IV,    §§    I    and    7;    Appendix   5, 

§3- 

9.  Non='nonne.*  Cp.  Pro  Rose.  Com. 
2,  5  '  suarum  perscriptionum  .  .  adversaria 
proferre  non  amentia  est?'  Wesenb.  has 
*  ne.* 

Cum  Balbus  noster  apud  te  fuerit, 
'though  you  have  had  a  visit  from  our  friend 
Balbus.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  19,  where  the 
visit  is  described. 


EP.  89.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IX.  17.     433 

ex  me  quaeras,  quid  de  istis  municipiis  et  agris  futurum  putem  } 
quasi  aut  ego  quicquam  sciam,  quod  iste  nesciat,  aut,  si  quid 
aliquando  scio,  non  ex  isto  soleam  scire.  Immo  vero,  si  me  amas, 
tu  fac  ut  sciam,  quid  de  nobis  futurum  sit ;  habuisti  enim  in  tua 
potestate,  ex  quo  vel  ex  sobrio  vel  certe  ex  ebrio  scire  posses.  Sed  5 
ego  ista,  mi  Paete,  non  quaero :  primum  quia  de  lucro  prope  iam 
quadriennium  vivimus,  si  aut  hoc  lucrum  est  aut  haec  vita,  super- 
stitem  rei  publicae  vivere ;  deinde,  quod  scire  ego  quoque  mihi 
videor,  quid  futurum  sit :  fiet  enim  quodcumque  volent  qui  vale- 
bunt  ;  valebunt  autem  semper  arma.  Satis  igitur  nobis  esse  debet  10 
quicquid  conceditur:  hoc  si  qui  pati  non  potuit,  mori  debuit. 
2  Veientem  quidem  agrum  et  Capenatem  metiuntur  ;  hoc  non  longe 
abest  a  Tusculano.  Nihil  tamen  timeo  :  fruor,  dum  licet ;  opto, 
ut  semper  liceat.  Si  id  minus  contigerit,  tamen,  quoniam  ego  vir 
fortis  idemque  philosophus  vivere  pulcherrimum  duxi,  non  possum  15 
eum  non  diligere,  cuius  beneficio  id  consecutus  sum  ;  qui  si  cupiat 


1.  De  istis  municipiis  et  agris, 
'about  the  municipal  towns  and  lands  in 
your  neighbourhood,'  i.e.  in  Campania. 
Paetus  seems  to  have  feared  that  Caesar 
might  make  a  new  assignation  of  lands 
among  his  veterans  at  the  expense  of  pre- 
vious proprietors;  which,  however,  Caesar 
avoided.  Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  94;  Ep. 
102,  notes. 

Istis,  •  which  you  are  concerned  about.' 

2.  Quasi  .  .  sciam.  On  the  mood 
and  tense,  cp.  Madv.  349  Obs. 

4.  Quid  de  nobis  .  .  sit,  'what  is  to 
become  of  ourselves.'  Cicero  had  still  some 
doubts,  apparently,  as  to  Caesar's  inten- 
tions, though  he  had  written  with  much 
confidence  to  Paetus.  Ad  Fam.  9.  16,  2 
and  3. 

Habuisti  enim,  sc. '  hominem,' '  for  you 
have  had  a  man  at  your  disposal.' 

5.  Ex  ebrio.  I  cannot  find  that  Balbus 
is  elsewhere  charged  with  intemperance. 
But  he  is  said  (Ad  Fam.  6.  19,  2)  to  have 
suffered  '  pedum  doloribus,'  which  may  have 
been  caused  by  excess.  On  the  repetition 
of '  ex,'  cp.  Madv.  470 ;  Z»mpt,  L.  G.  745. 
The  present  case,  however,  seems  not  to 
come  under  the  rules  there  given. 

6.  Ego  ista  .  .  non  quaero,  'I  do  not 
trouble  myself  about  these  matters,'  i.e.  the 
assignations  of  land.     Wiel. 

De  lucro  .  .  vivimus,  '  our  life  has  for 
nearly  four  years  been  clear  gain,'  i.e.  what 
we  had  no  right  to  reckon  on.  It  had  been 
due  to  the  mercy  of  a  conqueror.  Cicero 
dates  apparently,  with  some  exaggeration, 


from  the  beginning  of  49  b.c.  With  the 
expression  '  de  lucro,'  cp.  Hor.  Carm.  i.  9, 
14  '  quem  fors  dierum  cunque  dabit  lucro 
Appone.' 

9.  Qui  valebunt,  'those  who  shall  pre- 
vail.*    Cp.  Ep.  61,  5. 

10.  Autem :  cp.  Ep.  7,  i,  note. 

11.  Quicquid    conceditur,    'whatever 
the  conqueror  allows  us.' 

Hoc  si  quid  .  .  debuit,  'all  who  could 
not  be  content  with  this  ought  to  have  died.' 

•  Hoc '  = '  this  state  of  things.'  •  Si  quis '  is 
more  common  than  '  si  qui  *  without  a  sub- 
stantive.    Cp.  Madv.  90.  I. 

12.  Veientem,  of  Veii. 
Capenatem,  'of  Capena,'    a    town   of 

Etruria,  about  eight  miles  from  Soracte, 
between  it  and  the  Tiber.  The  site  of  Veii 
would  be  about  twenty-three  miles  N.W.  of 
Tusculum. 

Metiuntur,  sc.'agrimensoresCaesariani,' 

*  are  measuring  for  assignation.' 

Hoc  .  .  Tusculano,  'this  comes  very 
near  the  territory  of  Tusculum,'  and  threat- 
ens my  villa  there.  'Hoc'  refers  to  the 
substance  of  the  previous  sentence.  Cp. 
note  on  the  previous  section. 

13.  Fruor,  '  I  enjoy  my  property.' 
Opto,  ut :  cp.  Ep.  58, 1,  note. 

14.  Vir  ..  philosophus, 'a  brave  man, 
and  a  philosopher  to.*     Ironical. 

15.  Vivere  .  .  duxi,  'have  thought  life 
more  precious  than  anything  else.'  For  the 
infin.  as  an  object,  cp.  Ep.  47,  2. 

16.  Eum,  Caesarem. 
Si  cupiat  .  .  non   habet:  cp.  Madv. 

F  f 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


434 

esse  rem  publicam,  qualem  fortasse  et  ille  volt  et  omnes  optare  de- 
bemus,  quid  faciat  tamen  non  habet ;  ita  se  cum  multis  colligavit. 
Sed  longius  progredior ;  scribo  enim  ad  te.   Hoc  tamen  scito,  non  3 
modo  me,  qui  consiliis  non  intersum,  sed  ne  ipsum  quidem  prmci- 

5  pem  scire,  quid  futurum  sit ;  nos  enim  illi  servimus,  ipse  tempori- 
bus  :  ita  nee  ille,  quid  tempora  postulatura  sint,  nee  nos,  quid  ille 
cogitet,  scire  possumus.  Haec  tibi  antea  non  rescripsi,  non  quo 
cessato'r  esse  solerem,  praesertim  in  litteris,  sed,  cum  explorati 
nihil  haberem,  nee  tibi  sollicitudinem  ex  dubitatione  mea  nee 

10  spem  ex  adfirmatione  adferre  volui.  Illud  tamen  adscribam,  quod 
est  verissimum,  me  his  temporibus  adhuc  de  isto  periculo  nihil 
audisse  :  tu  tamen  pro  tua  sapientia  debebis  optare  optima,  cogi- 
tare  difficillima,  ferre  quaecumque  erunt. 

90.    To   SERVIUS   SULPICIUS   (AD  FAM.  IV.  4). 
Rome,  September  (?)  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

I  I  accept  of  your  excuses  for  writing  many  copies  of  one  letter,  but  cannot  admit 
that  of  want  of  talent.  2.  Your  letter  strengthens  my  approval  of  your  decision  to 
accept  the  government  of  Achaia.  Each  of  us  thinks  that  sight  most  grievous  which 
is  before  his  own  eyes ;  but  you  have  greater  freedom  in  writing  than  I  have.  3.  1 
am  glad  however,  to  have  been  present  when  Caesar  granted  Marcellus  his  pardon 


352  ;  also  Ad  Att.  5.  4.  I  *si  iam  res  pla- 
ceat  agendi  tamen  viani  non  video.      *  Si 
= '  etiamsi.'     Forcell. 

1.  Esse  rem  publicam,  'that  a  free 
government  should  exist.* 

2.  Ita  se  cum  multis  colligavit,  'to 
such  an  extent  has  he  entangled  himself  with 
many  people/  'CoUigare*  =  *  irretire.' 
Forcell.  The  order  of  the  words  is  virtually 
transposed  ;  '  ita  se  cum  multis  colligavit  ut 
quid  faciat  non  habeat '  is  what  we  might 
expect.  Cp.  Livy  2.  27  » tergiversari  res 
cogebat :  adeo  in  alteram  causam  .  .  collega 

praeceps  erat.'  •  Ita '  = '  adeo.'  Forcell. 
Cp.  Ep.  60  '  ita  de  me  mereris.*  Caesar  was 
obliged  to  reward  his  partisans,  which  could 
hardly  be  done  without  injury  to  the  consti- 
tution. 

3.  Longius  progredior, 'I  am  running 

on  too  long.'  With  this  use  of '  progredior,' 
cp.  De  Drat.  3.  30.  1^9  '""«^  ad  reliqua 
progrediar.' 

Scribo  enim  ad  te,  *  for  I  am^  writing 

to  you,  who  know  more  than  I  do. 

Non  modo  me.     On  *non  modo,'  cp. 
Epp.  10,  2  ;  16,  4 ;  notes. 


4.  Consiliis,  Caesarianorum. 

Ipsum  ..  principem,  i.e.  Caesar,  of 
whom  Cicero  here  speaks  with  remarkable 
candour. 

5.  Ipse  temporibus,  sc. 'servit/  Cp. 
De  Prov.  Cons.  i.  2  'non  iracundiae  ser- 

viam.' 

7.  Non  rescripsi,  i.e.  in  answer  to  your 

enquiry.     Cp.  §  i. 

8.  Cessator='iners,  piger.'     Forcell. 

10.  Ex  adfirmatione  =  *enuntiatione,* 
*  by  a  declaration.'     Forcell.     A  rare  word. 

11.  His  temporibus,  'at  present.* 

De  isto  periculo,  '  about  the  danger  to 
which  you  refer,'  i.e.  of  assignations  of 
lands  in  Campania. 

12.  Tu  tamen  . .  erunt,  '  it  will  be  right 
for  you,  however,  in  your  wisdom  to  hope 
for  the  best,  to  look  on  the  hardest  fate  as 
possible,  to  bear  whatever  comes.* 

September  (?).  This  letter  was  written 
after  Caesar's  return  to  Rome  from  the 
African  campaign.  He  reached  Rome  on 
July  26.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  11. 


EP.  90.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   IV.  4.       435 

at  the  request  of  the  senate.  4.  I  declared  my  thankfulness  at  some  length,  and  so  I 
fear  I  may  have  more  difficulty  in  abstaining  from  public  life  in  future ;  but  I  mean  to 
keep  a  good  deal  of  my  time  for  literature.  5.  Your  official  business  prevents  your 
indulging  a  similar  taste,  but  the  long  nights  will  give  you  more  leisure.  Your  son 
shews  me  much  attention,  and  often  converses  with  me  about  your  plans.  I  think 
we  ought  to  consult  Caesar's  wishes  in  every  way,  for  his  generosity  is  the  one  re- 
deeming feature  of  the  times. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  SER.  SULPICIO. 

1  Accipio  excusationem  tuam,  qua  usus  es,  cur  saepius  ad  me 
litteras  uno  exemplo  dedisses,  sed  accipio  ex  ea  parte,  quatenus 
aut  neglegentia  aut  improbitate  eorum,  qui  epistolas  accipiant, 
fieri  scribis  ne  ad  nos  perferantur :  illam  partem  excusationis,  qua 
te  scribis  orationis  paupertate — sic  enim  appellas — isdem  verbis  5 
epistolas  saepius  mittere,  nee  nosco  nee  probo  ;  et  ego  ipse,  quern 
tu  per  iocum— sic  enim  accipio — divitias  orationis  habere  dicis, 
me  non  esse  verborum  admodum  inopem  agnosco :  dpo^vevca-daL 
enim  non  necesse  est :  sed  tamen  idem — nee  hoc  elpcavevo^d'os — 

2  facile  cedo  tuorum  scriptorum  subtilitati  et  elegantiae.     Consi-  10 


SER.  SULPICIO.  On  Servius  Sulpi- 
cius,  cp.  Intr.  to  Parts  II,  §  17;  V,  §  12, 
several  passages  in  the  oration  Pro  Murena, 
and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  g^h  Philippic. 

I.  Qua  usus  es.     Cobet.  om. 

Cur  dedisses.  According  to  Hofm.  the 
fault  excused  is  more  often  expressed  by  the 
genitive    than   by  a  clause  beginning  with 


'  cur.* 


2.  Uno  exemplo,  *  with  the  same  con- 
tents.' Siipfle.  Cp.  '  iisdem  verbis'  below, 
and  'eodem  extmplo'  Ad  Fam.  9.  16,  i. 
Sulpicius  had  apparently  excused  himself  for 
sending  several  letters  with  the  same  con- 
tents, on  two  grounds  ;  first,  that  he  could 
not  rely  upon  his  messengers ;  secondly, 
that  his  pen  was  not  fluent.  Cicero  accepts 
the  first  reason,  but  not  the  second. 

Ex  ea  parte  quatenus,  *  only  in  so  far 
as  you  say.' 

3.  Neglegentia  .  .  perferantur,  *that 
the  carelessness  or  dishonesty  of  those  en- 
trusted with  your  letters  prevents  their 
reaching  us  regularly.'  This  would  be  espe- 
cially likely  to  happen  when  the  distance 
was  so  considerable,  Sulpicius  being  in 
Achaia.  Cicero  ofien  expresses  want  of 
confidence  in  those  who  carried  his  letters. 
Cp.  Epp.  6,  I  ;  12,  5,  alib. 

4.  Illam  partem  . .  qua,  'but  that  part 
of  your  plea  wherein,'  opposed  to  *ex  ea 
parte,  quatenus '  above. 


5.  Orationis  . .  paupertate,  *owing  to 
an  insufficient  command  of  language.'  Not 
Ciceronian,  apparently,  as  the  words  sic 
enim  appellas,  *  for  such  are  the  words 
you  use  ' — seem  to  imply. 

Isdem  verbis,  abl.  qualitatis  :  cp.  Ep. 
6,  2,  note. 

6.  Nee  nosco  nee  probo,  'I  neither 
admit  nor  allow.'  Siipfle,  Matth.  •  [Nofcere] 
est  interdum  probare,  et  admittere,  agnos- 
cere.'    Forcell. 

7.  Per  iocum  ..  accipio,  'jestingly, for 
so  I  understand  it.* 

8.  fipwvevfffOai,  'to  shew  any  mock 
modesty.'  The  verb  occurs  Arist.  Pol,  3,  2, 
2 ;  the  character  is  described  Arist.  Eth.  Nic. 

4-  7.  ^' 

9.  Nee  hoc  €lpQ}V€v6/xfvos,  sc.  '  dico.* 
Cicero  refers  to  what  follows  *  cedo/  foil. 

10.  Subtilitati.  Forcell.  gives  *  puritas,' 
'  venustas,'  •  naturalis  quasi  color,'  as  syno- 
nyms for  'subtilitas,'  'purity,  naturalness, 
absence  of  aflfectation.'  See  also  Quint.  Inst. 
Oral.  12.  10,  58.     (Hofm.) 

Elegantiae,  'propriety.'  In  Orat  23. 
79  'elegantia'  is  coupled  with  'munditia' 
and  opposed  to  '  fucati  medicamenta  can- 
doris.'  It  was  a  lawyer's  word,  and  Sulpi- 
cius was  a  great  lawyer.  Cicero  praises  his 
style.  Brut.  41,  152;  42,  153. 

Consilium  recusavisse,  *  the  grounds 
on  which  you  decided  to  accept  your  present 

fa 


^ 


43^ 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


Hum  tuum,  quo  te  usum  scribis  hoc  Achaicum  negotium  non 
recusavisse,  cum  semper  probavissem,  tum  multo  magis  probavi 
lectis  tuis  proximis  litteris ;  omnes  enim  causae,  quas  comme- 
moras,  iustissimae  sunt  tuaque  et  auctoritate  et  prudentia  dignis- 

5  simae.  Quod  aliter  cecidisse  rem  existimas  atque  opinatus  sis, 
id  tibi  nullo  modo  adsentior ;  sed  quia  tanta  perturbatio  et  con- 
fusio  est  rerum,  ita  perculsa  et  prostrata  foedissimo  bello  iacent 
omnia,  ut  is  cuique  locus,  ubi  ipse  sit,  et  sibi  quisque  miserrimus 
esse  videatur,  propterea  et  tui  consilii  paenitet  te  et  nos,  qui  domi 

lo  sumus,  tibi  beati  videmur,  at  contra  nobis  non  tu  quidem  vacuus 
molestiis,  sed  prae  nobis  beatus.  Atque  hoc  ipso  melior  est  tua 
quam  nostra  condicio,  quod  tu,  quid  doleat,  scribere  audes,  nos  ne 
id  quidem  tuto  possumus,  nee  id  victoris  vitio,  quo  nihil  mode- 
ratius,  sed  ipsius  victoriae,  quae  civilibus  bellis  semper  est  in- 

15  solens.     Uno  te  vicimus,  quod  de  Marcelli,  collegae  tui,  salute  3 


government  of  Achaia.'  Sulpicius,  who  had 
taken  no  part  in  the  civil  war,  seems  to  have 
retired  to  Asia  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalus, 
and  there  lo  have  received  from  Caesar  a 
commission  to  govern  Achaia.  Cp.  Ep.  98, 
4.  So  Siipfle.  The  details  of  his  appoint- 
ment are  wanting.  Hofm.  infers  from 
Philipp.  XIII.  14,  29  that  Sulpicius  joined 
Pompey  in  Greece,  but  Mr.  King  (see  his 
note  on  that  passage)  does  not  think  this  a 
necessary  inference. 

I.  Achaicum.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Com- 
ment. Epigr.  2.  227-231  has  argued  with 
great  ingenuity  that  Achaia  or  southern 
Greece  was  still  attached  to  the  province  of 
Macedonia  ;  but  Cicero's  language  is  hard 
to  reconcile  with  this,  and  would  rather 
imply  that  Achaia  was  now  a  separate 
province,  perhaps  constituted  in  48  or 
47  B.C. 

5.  Quod  aliter  .  .  adsentior,  *as  to 
your  opinion  that  the  affair  has  turned  out 
differently  from  your  expectations,  I  cannot 
agree  with  you  at  all.'  Sulpicius  very  likely 
found  his  position  embarrassing.  Many 
Pompeian  refugees  were  in  his  province, 
including  probably  several  old  friends  of  his 
own  ;  and  his  relations  with  them  and  with 
the  triumphant  Caesarians  must  have  been 
awkward.  Cicero,  however,  replies  that  if 
Sulpicius  is  disappointed  he  is  unreasonable, 
for  that  he  would  be  no  better  off  in  Italy. 
Wesenb.  has  'opinatus  esses,'  arguing  that 
Sulpicius  would  have  said  *  opinatus  eram,' 

6.  Id  .  .  adsentior.     This  neut.  accus. 
is  not  uncommon  with  such  verbs  as  *  ad- 


sentior/    Cp.  Madv.  229  a. 

Sed  quia,  foil.  The  apodosis  begins 
with  '  propterea.' 

8.  Ut  .  .  videatur  explains  the  sen- 
tence from  *tanta'  to  «omnia/  'that 
each  one  thinks  the  place  he  is  in  most 
miserable,  and  himself  the  most  wretched 
of  men/ 

10.  Non   tu  quidem  :    cp.  Ep.  26,  7, 

note. 

11.  Prae   nobis, 'compared  with  us' at 

Rome. 

Hoc  ipso  'this  very  point'  that  you 
can  complain  shews  that  your  complaint  is 
unreasonable. 

12.  Quod.     T.  has  *  quo.' 

Nos  ne  id.,  possumus.  Cicero  very 
likely  thought  that  the  letters  of  Sulpicius  as 
a  public  officer,  would  be  less  liable  to  be 
tampered  with  than  his  own — yet  he  writes 
freely  enough ;  and  Sulpicius  was  not  with- 
out apprehensions  on  this  point.     Cp.  §  I. 

14.  Ipsius  victoriae  :  cp.  Ad  Fam.  4.  9, 
3  'miserius  nihil  quam  ipsa  victoria,  quae 
etiamsi  ad  meliores  venit  tamen  eos  ipsos 
ferociores  impotentioresque  reddit.*  Cp. 
also  Ep.  89,  2 ,  note. 

15.  Uno  te  vicimus,  *in  one  point  we 
(at  Rome)  have  had  an  advantage  over 
you.' 

Marcelli.  Sc.  M.  Marcelli,  cos.  51  B.C. 
Cp.  Epp.  31,  2  ;  34.  5  ;  95.  He  and  Sulpi- 
cius had  been  consuls  together. 

Salute,  'restoration  from  exile/  Cp.  Ep. 
29,  10  for  the  word;  and  the  following  sec- 
tions of  this  letter  for  the  fact. 


EP.  90.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV.  4.       437 

paulo  ante  quam  tu  cognovimus,  etiam  mehercule  quod,  quern 
ad  modum  ea  res  ageretur,  vidimus.  Nam  sic  fac  existimes: 
post  has  miserias,  id  est  post  quam  armis  disceptari  coeptum  est 
de  lure  publico,  nihil  esse  actum  aliud  cum  dignitate ;  nam  et 
ipse  Caesar  accusata  acerbitate  Marcelli— sic  enim  appellabat— 5 
laudataque  honorificentissime  et  aequitate  tua  et  prudentia  repente 
praeter  spem  dixit,  se  senatui  roganti  de  Marcello  ne  hominis 
quidem  causa  negaturum.  Fecerat  autem  hoc  senatus,  ut,  cum  a 
L.  Pisone  mentio  esset  facta  de  Marcello  et  C.  Marcellus  se  ad 
Caesaris  pedes  abiecisset,  cunctus  consurgeret  et  ad  Caesarem  10 
supplex  accederet  Noli  quaerere  :  ita  mihi  pulcher  hie  dies  visus 


1.  Etiam  .  .  vidimus,  'yes,  and  what 
is  more,  in  witnessing  how  that  affair  was 
brought  about.' 

2.  Fac  existimes:  cp.  Madv.  372b, 
Obs.  4. 

3.  Disceptari.  A  legal  term,  here  trans- 
ferred to  war. 

4.  Nihil  ..  aliud  cum  dignitate, 'that 
this  is  the  only  dignified  proceeding  which 
has  taken  place.'  In  contrast,  probably, 
with  the  general  servility  of  the  senate. 

Et  ipse  Caesar, 'even  Caesar  with  his 
own  lips.'  Hofm.  remarks  that  there  is  no 
corresponding  clause,  and  consequently  a 
slight  anacoluthon.  We  should  expect  *  €t 
senatus.' 

5.  Acerbitate,  •  bitterness *  =  * nimia  se- 
veritate.'  Forcell.  For  illustrations  of 
Marcellus'  hostility  to  Caesar,  compare 
the  passages   quoted  in  a  note  on  p.  436, 

1.  15. 

Sic  enim  appellabat, 'for  that  was  the 

word  he  used.'     The  phrase  expresses  sur- 
prise.    Cp.  §  I,  note. 

6.  Aequitate  . .  prudentia,  *  your  fair- 
ness and  prudence/  Sulpicius  had  during 
his  consulship  urged  strongly  the  misery  of 
civil  war,  and  pleaded  against  measures  cal- 
culated to  drive  Caesar  to  despair.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  n,  §  17  ;  Ad  Fam.  4.  3,  i. 

7.  Ne  hominis  .  .  negaturum,  *  that 
he  would  not  make  even  his  personal  quarrel 
with  Marcellus  a  ground  for  opposing  the 
senate's  request.*  Matth.,  Siipfle.  Forcell. 
says  that  this  use  of  '  homo '  for  a  pronoun 
(here  '  ipse ')  is  •  elegans  et  frequens  usus.' 
He  quotes  no  other  examples  from  Cicero, 
but  see  Ep.  7,  7,  note,  pp.  51-52,  where, 
however,  the  word  is  used  without  empha- 
sis. Hofm.  reads  '  ominis.'  The  original 
reading  of  M.  seems  to  be  *  neominis/ 
'Ominis*  would  mean  'though  this  inter- 
cession for  Marcellus  was  no  good  omen  for 
their  co-operation.' 


8.  Fecerat  ..  ut  ..  consurgeret.  On 
the  pleonasm,  cp.  Ep.  16,  2,  note. 

A  L.  Pisone.  Piso  was  consul  58  B.C. 
Cp.  Ep.  48,  1,  note.  He  behaved  with  much 
independence  in  the  troubled  times  between 
50  and  42  B.C.  Cp.  Epp.  48,  T  ;  1 1 7,  5-7  ; 
Philipp.  I.  4,  10 ;  12.  6,  14. 

9.  C.  Marcellus  :  cp.  Ep.  95,  where 
M,  Marcellus  speaks  of  him  as  his  '  frater.' 
The  consul  of  50  B.C.  was  first  cousin  ;  of 
49  B  c.  brother,  to  M.  Marcellus.  Hence  we 
should  naturally  suppose  the  latter  to  be  re- 
ferred to  here,  with  Orell.,  Onom.  But 
Bilierb  and  Drumann  (2.  399,  cp.  40 1 )  sup- 
pose that  he  died  about  the  time  of  the 
battle  of  Pharsalus.  He  is  certainly  reck- 
oned among  the  dead  by  Cicero  in  43  B.C. 
(cp.  Philipp.  13.  14,29);  and  M.  Marcellus 
may  have  spoken  of  his  cousin  as  *  frater/ 
Cp.  the  use  of  the  word  in  Post  Red,  in  Sen. 
10,  25,  and  Orelli's  comment  thereon  in  his 
Onomasticon,  sub  nom.  Metellus  Celer.  The 
proceedings  in  the  senate  seem  to  have  been 
as  follows.  L.  Piso,  probably  when  some 
other  business  was  before  the  senate,  had 
mentioned  M.  Marcellus ;  on  which  the 
whole  senate  had  entreated  Caesar  to  par- 
don him,  and  Caesar  had  declared  that  he 
would  not  oppose  the  senate's  wishes. 
Thereon  the  question  jeems  to  have  been 
formally  put,  whether  M.  Marcellus  should  be 
allowed  to  return.  He  had  been  probably 
excluded  from  Italy  by  a  proclamation  of 
Caesar,  forbidding  all  who  had  served  Pom- 
pey in  Epirus  to  appear  there.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
11.7,2. 

II.  Noli     quaerere  =•  quid    quaeris? 
Forcell.     On  which,  cp.  Ep.  7,  6,  note. 

Ita  mihi  pulcher  .  .  est.  Merivale 
(note  on  Abeken,  p.  336)  thinks  that 
Cicero's  extravagant  expressions  of  de- 
light are  to  be  accounted  for  by  his  now 
being  finally  relieved  from  the  fear  of  pro- 
scription. 


43» 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


est,  ut  speciem  aliquam  viderer  videre  quasi  reviviscentis  rei 
publicae.     Itaque  cum  omnes  ante  me  rogati  gratias  Caesari  4 
egissent  praeter  Volcatium— is  enim,  si  eo  loco  esset,  negavit  se 
facturum  fuisse — ,  ego  rogatus  mutavi  meum  consilium  :   nam 

5  statueram  non  mehercule  inertia,  sed  desiderio  pristinae  digni- 
tatis, in  perpetuum  tacere.  Fregit  hoc  meum  consilium  et 
Caesaris  magnitudo  animi  et  senatus  officium  ;  itaque  pluribus 
verbis  egi  Caesari  gratias,  meque  metuo  ne  etiam  in  ceteris 
rebus  honesto  otio  privarim,  quod  erat  unum  solacium  in  malis. 

xo  Sed  tamen,  quoniam  effugi  eius  offensionem,  qui  fortasse  arbi- 
traretur  me  banc  rem  publicam  non  putare,  si  perpetuo  tacerem, 
modice  hoc  faciam  aut  etiam  intra  modum,  ut  et  illius  voluntati 
et  meis  studiis  serviam.  Nam  etsi  a  prima  aetate  me  omnis 
ars  et  doctrina  liberalis  et  maxime  philosophia  delectavit,  tamen 

15  hoc  studium  quotidie  ingravescit,  credo  et  aetatis  maturitate  ad 


2.  Omnes  ante  me  rogati.  On  the 
order  of  precedence  in  the  senate,  cp.  Epp. 
6,  2  ;  71,  3,  notes.  On  the  present  occasion 
Caesar  would  be  the  only  consul  elect,  as  he 
held  office  alone  for  the  first  five  months 
of  45  B.C.  ;  and  as  he  was  also  consul  he 
would  put  the  question.  If  his  colleague 
Lepidus  was  present,  the  latter  may  have 
been  asked  his  opinion  early  in  the  de- 
bate. 

3.  Volcatium.  L.  Volcatius  Tullus  had 
been  consul  66  B.C.  During  the  civil  war 
he  remained  in  Italy  and  offered  no  oppo- 
sition to  Caesar.  Cp.  Epp,  55,  3;  63,  7. 
He  seems  to  have  been  on  bad  terms  with 
Marcellus. 

Si  eo  loco  esset,*  if  he  were  in  Caesar's 
place,'  Hofm.  with  whom  Mr.  Jeans  agrees. 
Siif  fle,  Miiller,  Schiitz ;  '  in  Marcellus'  place' 
Matth.,  Orell.,  ap.  Billerb.,  i.e.  *  that  if  he 
had  done  as  much  as  Marcellus  to  offend 
Caesar  he  would  not  accept  pardon.' 

4.  Mutavi  meum  consilium,  '  broke 
my  resolution.'  He  explains  below  what  it 
had  been. 

5.  Non  mehercule  ..  dignitatis,  *  not 
from  inactivity,  but  from  pain  at  the  loss  of 
my  former  position,'  as  a  leading  senator. 
The  ablatives  are  causal.     Cp.  Madv.  255. 

6.  Fregit  hoc  meum  consilium, 'was 
too  much  for  my  resolution,'  a  rare  phrase. 

7.  Caesaris  magnitudo  animi.  On 
the  double  gen.,  cp.  Ep.  29,  8,  note. 

Senatus  officium,  'the  senate's  dutiful- 
ness'  (Siipfle)  or  'loyalty*  to  one  of  its 
members. 

Pluribus  verbis.     Perhaps  in  the  Ora- 


tio  pro  Marcello,  of  which  the  genuineness 
has  been  questioned. 

8.  In  ceteris  rebus,  *on  other  occa- 
sions.'    Wiel. 

9.  Honesto  otio  privarim,  'have  de- 
prived myself  of  honourable  leisure.'  For 
now  that  he  had  spoken  once,  Caesar  would 
expect  him  to  speak  often. 

10.  Eius  offensionem, '  the  displeasure 
of  Caesar,*  gen.  possess.  Cp.  In  Verr. 
I.  Act.  12,  35  'in  odium  offensionemque 
populi  Romani  irruere.' 

11.  Me  banc  rem  publicam  noa  pu- 
tare, 'that  I  did  not  recognise  the  present 
system  as  constitutional.'  On  the  gender  of 
*hanc,'  cp.  Madv.  313. 

12.  Hoc  faciam  =' shall  take  part  in 
public  affairs.'  I  cannot  think  that  Siipfle  is 
right  in  referring  these  words  to  tacere  : 
the  general  drift  of  the  passage  seems  to  me 
to  be  *  since  I  have  now  escaped  Caesar's 
displeasure  I  shall  not  often  have  to  repeat 
the  proceeding  by  means  of  which  I  did  so.* 
A  few  speeches  in  the  senate  would  satisfy 
Caesar. 

Intra  modum  =  *  minus  quam  modice.* 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  26,  4  '  epulaniur  una  non 
modo  non  contra  legem  .  .  sed  .  .  intra  le- 
gem.' See  too  A.  Gell.  N.  A.  12.  13,  23- 
24,  quoted  by  Hofm.  on  the  present  pas- 
sage. 

Ut .  .  serviam,  •  so  as  to  consult  both  his 
wishes  and  my  own  tastes.' 

13.  A  prima  aetate,  *  from  the  begin- 
ning of  my  youth,'  i.e.  the  i6th  or  17th 
year.     Siipfle. 

15.  Hoc  studium  ..ingravescit, 'this 


EP.91.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV,  4.       '439 

prudentiam  et  his  temporum  vitiis,  ut  nulla  res  alia  levare 
5  animum  molestiis  possit ;  a  quo  studio  te  abduci  negotiis  intel- 
lego  ex  tuis  litteris,  sed  tamen  aliquid  iam  noctes  te  adiuvabunt. 
Servius  tuus  vel  potius  noster  summa  me  observantia  colit ;  cuius 
ego  cum  omni  probitate  summaque  virtute,  tum  studiis  doctri-  5 
naque  delector.  Is  mecum  saepe  de  tua  mansione  aut  decessione 
communicat :  adhuc  in  hac  sum  sententia,  nihil  ut  faciamus  nisi 
quod  maxime  Caesar  velle  videatur.  Res  sunt  eius  modi,  ut,  si 
Romae  sis,  nihil  praeter  tuos  delectare  possit.  De  reliquis,  nihil 
melius  ipso  est,  ceteri  et  cetera  eius  modi,  ut,  si  alterum  utrum  10 
necesse  sit,  audire  ea  malis  quam  videre.  Hoc  nostrum  con- 
silium nobis  minime  iucundum  est,  qui  te  videre  cupimus,  sed 
consulimus  tibi.     Vale. 


taste  of  mine  [for  literature  and  philosophy] 
grows  stronger  every  day.'  The  verb,  which 
is  stronger  than  '  augetur '  or  *  crescit ' 
(Siipfle),  seems  to  be  more  often  used  in  a 
bad  than  in  a  good  sense.  See  instances  in 
Forcell.  The  metaphor  might  be  preserved 
by  rendering  it  *  has  daily  more  weight.' 

Credo  .  .  vitiis  is  parenthetical,  *  owing 
I  suppose  to  my  age  growing  ripe  for  [or 
•  in  respect  to'J  wisdom,  and  to  these  evils 
of  the  times,'  abl.  caus.  For  prepositions 
depending  on  a  subst.  cp.  Madv.  298  a  ;  Ep. 
34,  4.  Wesenb.  has  '  iis '  for  *  his,'  referring 
to  what  follows. 

Maturitate.  'Maturitas'  seems  rarely 
to  be  used,  as  here,  in  a  metaphorical  sense. 

Ad  =  ' quod  attinet  ad.*  Forcell.,  'in 
Bezug  auf '  Hofrn.  Cp.  Madv.  253,  and 
Obs.  where,  however,  the  use  of  ad  with 
adjectives  is  spoken  of. 

1.  Ut  .  .  possit  gives  the  result  of  in- 
gravescit.' 

2.  Negotiis,  *  by  the  duties  of  your 
ofhce.' 

3.  Aliquid  .  .  adiuvabunt,  'but  the 
longer  nights  will  soon  help  you  a  little.' 
This  letter  seems  to  have  been  written  in 
what  was  autumn  by  the  Calendar,  summer 
according  to  the  real  season  ;  but  it  would 
take  some  time  to  reach  Sulpicius,  and  when 
the  latter  received  it  the  days  may  have 
begun  to  shorten  considerably.  I  presume 
that  official  business  ceased  at  sunset. 

4.  Servius  tuus.  The  son  and  name- 
sake of  Cicero's  correspondent.  He  had 
supported  his  father  in  the  prosecution  of 
Murena,  and  served  in  Caesar's  army 
during  the  civil  war,  but  is  generally  men- 
tioned by  Cicero  with  much  regard.     Cp. 


Pro  Muren.  26,  54;  Ad  Att.  9.  19,  2  ;  Phi- 

'»PP.  9-  3.  5- 

5.  Omni        probitate,       *  thoroughly 

honourable  feeling,'  in  substance,  Hofm. 

Studiis  :  cp.  Ep.  56,  i  '  studiis  ac  litteris 
nostris.' 

6.  De  tua  mansione  ..  communicat, 
'  converses  with  me  about  your  continued 
residence  in  Achaia  or  departure  from  it.' 
•Decedo*  is  a  technical  word  for  leaving  a 
province.  Cp.  Ep.  15,  i,  note.  •  Commu- 
nicat' is  rarely  used  as  here.  But  cp.  Ep. 
26,  3. 

7.  In  hac  sum  sententia  .  .  ut :  cp, 
Madv.  374. 

Faciamus;  it  is  uncertain  whether  this 
refers  to  Cicero  and  Sulpicius,  or  to  Cicero 
alone. 

8.  Si  Romae  sis.  Perhaps  this  is  a 
general  remark,  not  applying  only  to  Sul- 
picius, '  if  one  is  at  Rome.'     Cp.  Madv. 

370. 

9.  Delectare.     Baiter  proposes  to  insert 

•  te,*  but  the  verb  is  used  absolutely  by 
Seneca,  Ep.  39,  6  '  ubi  turpia  non  solum 
delectant,  sed  etiam  placent.'  Cp.  also  Ad 
Q.  F.  2.  15,  I,  where  the  MS.  has  '  litterae 
.  .  incredibiliter  delectarunt.' 

De  reliquis,  'as  for  the  rest.'  Cp. 
nihil  praeter  tuos  above.  The  'reliqua* 
include  Caesar,  as  opposed  to  the  '  ceteri  et 
cetera' just  below. 

10.  Ceteri  et.  T.  has  'est  Caesare, 
cetera.' 

Si  alterum  utrum  necesse  sit, '  if  one 
or  the  other  alternative  must  be  chosen.' 
•Necesse'  an  indtcl.  adj.    Forcell. 

11.  Nostrum  consilium  seems  to 
mean  '  my  advice,'  that  you  stay  in  Greece. 


440 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV 


91.     To  A.  CAECINA  (AD  FAM.  VI.  6). 
Rome,  September  or  October,  (?)  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  delayed  writing  to  you  in  the  hope  that  I  might  congratulate  you,  and 
not  have  to  console  you.  2.  Meanwhile  I  write  to  cheer  you,  by  the  confident  ex- 
pression of  this  hope,  as  you  did  to  me  in  exile.  3.  As  your  Etruscan  augury  has  not 
deceived  you,  my  political  predictions  4.  will  be  as  true  henceforth  as  they  have  been 
hitherto.  I  warned  Pompey  against  his  first  connection,  and  also  against  his  final 
breach,  with  Caesar,  5.  advised  him  to  retire  to  Spain  as  a  means  of  averting  civil 
war,  6.  and  after  hostilities  had  begun,  remained  neutral  as  long  as  I  could.  7. 
Believe,  then,  my  predictions  as  to  the  future ;  8.  I  base  them  partly  on  Caesar's  own 
character,  partly  on  the  usual  course  of  events  in  civil  war.  Caesar  is  very  placable ; 
and  his  admiration  for  your  talents  and  respect  for  the  wishes  of  an  important  district 
of  Italy,  will  incline  him  to  clemency.  10.  I  will  now  speak  of  the  general  state  of 
affairs.  No  one  dares  to  insult  men  of  our  party ;  some  of  us  have  been  advanced  to 
posts  of  honour,  others  pardoned ;  and  1 1 .  the  same  favour  will  be  shewn  to  all. 
12.  If  you  took  up  arms  in  complete  confidence  of  success  you  do  not  deserve  much 
credit;  if  otherwise,  you  should  bear  defeat  with  fortitude.  13.  I  might  console  you 
for  your  absence  by  telling  you  what  disorder  prevails  here.  Meanwhile  I  promise 
you  all  the  services  I  can  render.  I  have  much  influence  with  Caesar  and  his  friends, 
and  will  use  it  all  on  your  behalf. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  A.  CAECINAE. 

Vereor  ne  desideres  officium  meum,  quod  tibi  pro  nostra  et  1 

meritorum  multorum  et  studiorum  parium  coniunctione  deesse 

non  debet,  sed  tamen  vereor  ne  litterarum  a  me  officium  requiras, 

quas  tibi  et  iam  pridem  et  saepe  misissem,  nisi  quotidie  melius 

5  exspectans  gratulationem  quam  confirmationem  animi  tui  com- 


A.  CAECINAE.  Caecina  was  a  knight 
of  Volaterrae,  of  literary  tastes,  and  easy 
fortune.  He  supported  Pompey  in  the  civil 
war,  and  wrote  a  bitter  attack  on  Caesar, 
which  so  exasperated  the  latter,  that  though 
he  granted  Caecina  his  life  in  the  African 
campaign,  he  refused  him  permission  to  re- 
turn to  Italy ;  and  though  Caecina  sought 
to  appease  him  by  writing  a  book  in  which 
he  extolled  his  clemency,  it  is  doubtful  if 
Caecina  returned  to  Italy  before  Caesar's 
death.  Cicero's  speech  '  Pro  A.  Caecina ' 
most  probably  was  delivered  for  his  father, 
but  Hofm.  thinks  that  it  was  for  himself. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  9,  i ;  Bell.  Afric.  89  ;  Orell. 
Onom.  sub  nom. 

I.  Desideres  officium  meum, 'com- 
plain of  my  failing  in  the  discharge  of  my 
duties  towards  you/ 


2.  Studiorum  parium.  Perhaps  these 
words  refer  to  their  common  interest  in 
'  divinatio.'     Cp.  §  3.     Siipfle,  Miiller. 

3.  Sed  tamen  ..  requiras,  *  but  though 
this  ought  to  reassure  you  in  general,  you 
may  complain  of  my  failing  in  a  correspon- 
dent's duties.'  *  Requirere'  here  =  *  deside- 
rare.' 

4  Quotidie  melius  exspectans, 'look- 
ing daily  for  better  things.*  Na^elsb.  22. 
71  gives  'melius'  a  substantive  force  in  this 
passage,  allowing  that  it  is  a  rare  usage. 

5.  Gratulationem  .  .  maluissem,  'I 
had  preferred  to  make  my  letter  one  oi 
congratulation  on  your  return  rather  than 
of  encouragement  in  exile,*  i.e.  to  wait  till 
I  could  congratulate  you. 

Confirmationem.  '  Coniirmatio*  ==• 
*  actus  consolandi.'     Forcell. 


W 


EP.91.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VI.  6.       441 

plecti  litteris  maluissem.     Nunc,  ut  spero,  brevi  gratulabimur ; 

2  jtaque  in  aliud  tempus  id  argumentum  epistolae  differo.  His 
autem  litteris  animum  tuum,  quem  minime  imbecillum  esse  et 
audio  et  spero,  etsi  non  sapientissimi,  at  amicissimi  hominis 
auctoritate  confirmandum  etiam  atque  etiam  puto  ;  nee  iis  quidem  5 
verbis  quibus  te  consoler  ut  adflictum  et  iam  omni  spe  salutis 
orbatum,  sed  ut  eum,  de  cuius  incolumitate  non  plus  dubitem 
quam  te  memini  dubitare  de  mea.  Nam  cum  me  ex  re  publica 
expulissent  ii,  qui  illam  cadere  posse  stante  me  non  putarant, 
memini  me  ex  multis  hospitibus,  qui  ad  me  ex  Asia,  in  qua  tu  10 
eras,  venerant,  audire  te  de  glorioso  et  celeri  reditu  meo  con- 

3  firmare.     Si  te  ratio  quaedam  mira  Tuscae  disciplinae,  quam  a 
patre,  nobilissimo  atque  Optimo  viro,  acceperas,  non  fefellit,  ne 
nos  quidem  nostra  divinatio  fallet,  quam  cum  sapientissimorum 
virorum  monumentis  atque  praeceptis  plurimoque,  ut  tu  scis,  15 
doctrinae  studio,  tum  magno  etiam  usu  tractandae  rei  publicae 

4  magnaque  nostrorum  temporum  varietate  consecuti  sumus ;  cui 
quidem  divinationi  hoc  plus  confidimus,  quod  ea  nos  nihil  in  his 


1.  Nunc  .  .  etiam  puto.  'As  things 
stand  ' — i.e.  *  as  1  think  further  silence  might 
be  misconstrued ' — though  I  have  not  given 
up  the  hope  of  your  speedy  return,  I  do  not 
like  to  wait  any  longer. 

2.  Argumentum,  'subject.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  10.  1 3,  2  •  argumentum  epistolae.' 

4.  Hominis,  i.e.  Cicero's  own. 

5.  Nee  iis  quidem  verbis  .  .  sed  ut 
eum,  'not  in  words  of  consolation  as  to 
one  in  a  desperate  position,  but  as  to  one,' 
foil.  The  negative  would  perhaps  be  more 
naturally  attached  to  adflictum,  unless 
another  verb  is  to  be  supplied  from  con- 
soler, e.g.  'horter.'  The  general  sense  is 
plain  enough. 

7.  Incolumitate.  This  word  seems  to 
have  been  specially  applied  to  the  retention 
or  recovery  of  political  privileges.  Cp.  Ep. 
80,  2  '  mihi  incolumi.' 

8.  Dubitare.  The  present  infinitive  is 
not  uncommon  after  '  memini,'  even  when 
past  time  is  referred  to.  Madv.  408  b, 
Obs.  2,  says  that  it  is  generally  used  of 
things  coming  within  our  personal  expe- 
rience. In  English  we  might  say  with  equal 
propriety,  *  I  remember  your  doubting'  (*te 
dubitare'),  and  'I  remember  that  you 
doubted'  ('te  dubitavisse'). 

9.  Ii.  The  triumvirs  and  Clodius.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  20. 

10.  Hospitibus.  Probably  residents  in 
Asia  who  were  connected  with  Cicero  by 


ties  of  hospitality,  and  visited  him  at  Thes- 
salonica  or  Dyrrhachium  on  their  way  to 
Rome. 

In  qua  tu  eras.  Caecina  was  probably 
looking  after  his  money  affairs  there.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  6.  8,  2. 

11.  Audire:  cp.  '  dubitare  *  above. 
Confirmare,*to  speak  positively  about.' 

Cp.  Ad  Fam.  3.  10,  1  *  de  me  tibi  sic  .  .  pro- 
mitto  atque  confirmo.* 

12.  Ratio,  'theory'  or  'system.*    Siipfle. 
Tuscae  disciplinae.     Etruria  was  the 

district  from  which  '  haruspices '  were  sum- 
moned to  interpret  the  meaning  of  any 
strange  portents  which  occurred  at  Rome. 
Cp.  de  Divin.  i.  2,  3  ;  In  Cat.  3,  8,  19. 

14.  Quam  . .  consecuti  sumus.  Cicero 
means  that  his  power  of  prediction  de- 
pended partly  on  his  study  of  the  works 
of  philosophers,  partly  on  his  political  ex- 
perience. 

15.  Monumentis    atque    praeceptis, 

*  writings  and  [oral,  Hofm.]  teaching.'  So 
the  MS.  The  words  are  again  coupled 
together,  De  Off.  3.  33,  121.     Baiter  has 

*  monitis.' 

t6.  Doctrinae, 'philosophy.'     Cp.  Na- 

gelsb.  2.  19. 

17.  Nostrorum  temporum,  'of  my 
fortunes.'  '  Negotia/  *  eventus '  are  among 
the  synonyms  given  by  Forcell.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
13.  29,  2  '  varietates  meorura  temporum.* 

18.  Quod  ea  nos  .  .  fefellit:  cp.Com. 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


i 


443 

tarn  obscuris  rebus  tamque  perturbatis  umquam  otrinino  fefellit. 
Dicerem,  quae  ante  futura  dixissem,  ni  vererer  ne  ex  eventis 
fingere  viderer ;  sed  tamen  plurimi  sunt  testes  me  et  m.t.o  ne 
coniungeret   se   cum  Caesare,  monuisse  Pompemm,  et  postea 

S  ne  se  Snungeret :  coniunctione  frangi  senatus  opes,  duunct  one 
civile  bellum   excitari  videbam.     Atque  utebar  fam.l.ans  .me 
Caesare  Pompeium  faciebam  plurimi ;  sed  erat  meum  consihum 
cum  fidele  Pompeio,  tum  salutare  utrique.     Quae  praeterea  pro-  6 
viderim,   praetereo ;    nolo  enim  hunc  de  me  optime   mentum 

.0  existimare  ea  me  suasisse  Pompeio,  quibus  ille  si  paruisset,  esse 
hie  quidem  clarus  in  toga  et  princeps,  sed  tantas  opes,  quantas 
nunc  habet,  non  haberet :  eundum  in  Hispaniam  censu. ;  quod  s, 
fecisset  civile  bellum  nullum  omnino  fuisset.     Rationem  haben 
absenti;  non  tam  pugnavi  ut  liceret,  quam  ut^  quoniam  ipso  con- 

,5  sule  pugnante  populus  iusserat,  haberetur.    Causa  orta  bell,  est 
quid  ego  praetermisi  aut  monitorum  aut  querelarum     cum  ve 
Luissimam    pacem   iustissimo    bello    anteferrem      V.cta    est  6 
auctoritas  mea.  non. tam  a  Pompeio-nam  is  movebatur-quam 


Nep  Att.  16  'non  enim  Cicero  ea  solum 
quae  vivo  se  acciderunt  futura  praedixit  sed 
etiam    quae   nunc   usu   veniunt   cecinit   ut 

vates/  ,  , , 

2.  Dicerem  .  .  viderer,  *I  would  say 
what  I  had  predicted,  were  I  not^  afraid  of 
seeming  to  invent  from  the  result.' 

3.  Initio,  i.e.  in  59  B.C.  Cicero  makes 
a  similar  boast  Philipp.  2.  10,  23.  But  he 
does  not  refer  to  any  such  warning  in  his 
letters  of  that  date  in  Ad  Att.  2.  On  the 
ablat.  '  initio,'  cp.  Epp.  8. 1 1  ;  1 2,  3.  PP-  ^i  ; 
82,  notes.     It  marks  a  date. 

4  Et  postea.  Perhaps  at  the  end  of 
CO  B.C.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  10,  24  '  meaque 
ilia  vox  est  nota  multis  "  utinam  Cn.  Pompei 
cum  C.  Caesare  societatem  aut^numquam 
coi^ses  aut  numquam  diremisses  !  ^    _ 

6  Utebar  .  .  plurimi.  Cicero  distin- 
guishes his  personal  liking  for  Caesar  from 
the  respect  he  felt  or  affected  for  Pompey 
on  more  public  grounds.  He  does  not  there- 
fore think  it  needful  to  defend  himself  from 
a  charge  of  disloyally  to  Caesar  in  the  fol- 
lowing passage  sed  erat  utrique,  but 
merely  says  that  his  advice,  if  followed,  would 
have  done  him  no  injury.  ^ 

8    Quae  praeterea  providenm,    the 
bther  instances  of  foresight  which    I    dis- 
played.'  'Provideo'»' ante  video.    Forcell. 
'   Cicero  refers  to  his  anxiety  at  the  beginning 


of  the  war  that  concessions  should  be  made 

to  Caesar.  .       .  >n,  * 

9.  Hunc  .  .  meritum,  i.e.  *  Caesar,  to 

whom  I  owe  so  much.' 

10.  Esset  hie  quidem  . .  non  haberet. 
Cicero  thought  that  if  Caesar  had  been 
elected  consul  for  48  b.c,  and  had  re- 
signed his  provinces,  the  commonwealth 
might    have    been    saved.      Cp.    Ep.    45. 

^  fa.  Eundum   in  Hispaniam   censui, 
sc    'a  Pompeio.*     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§ 

1  ;  4 ;  Ep.  52,  3.     But  in  Epp.  45.  3  ;  SL 

2  ;  also  Ad  Fam.  3-  8,  lo,  Cicero  seems  not 
to  have  looked  forward  to  such  a  proceeding 
on  Pompey's  part  with  pleasure.  Hofm. 
remarks  that  Cicero  was  not  present  at  the 
debates  of  the  senate  immediately  before  the 
civil  war  began,  and  that  therefore  if  the 
word  'censui '  implies  a  formal  vote  it  must 
refer  to  deliberations  about  peace  after  the 

war  had  begun. 

13.  Rationem  haberi   absentis:  cp. 
Ep.  34.  9.  note  ;  also  Appendix  6,  §  3. 

14.  Ipso  consule,  sc.  Pompeio  tertmm 
consule.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  14« 

16  Cum  vel  iniquissimam  .  .  ante- 
ferrem: cp.  Ad  Fam.  5  21,  2  '  quavis  tuta 
condicione  pacem  accipere  malui  quam  vm- 
bus  cum  valentiore  pugnare.'  Mniquis- 
simam/  '  on  the  most  unfair  terms.' 


I 


EP.91.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VI.  6.       443 

ab  iis,  qui  duce  Pompeio  freti  peropportunam  et  rebus  domesticis 
et  cupiditatibus  suis  illius  belli  victoriam  fore  putabant.  Sus- 
ceptum  bellum  est  quiescente  me,  depulsum  ex  Italia  manente 
me,  quoad  potui ;  sed  valuit  apud  me  plus  pudor  meus  quam 
timor ;  veritus  sum  deesse  Pompeii  saluti,  cum  ille  aliquando  non  5 
defuisset  meae.  Itaque  vel  officio  vel  fama  bonorum  vel  pudore 
victus,  ut  in  fabulis  Amphiaraus,  sic  ego  prudens  et  sciens 
'  ad  pestem  ante  oculos  positam '  sum  profectus ;  quo  in  bello 

7  nihil  adversi  accidit  non  praedicente  me.  Qua  re  quoniam,  ut 
augures  et  astrologi  solent,  ego  quoque  augur  publicus  ex  meis  10 
superioribus  praedictis  constitui  apud  te  auctoritatem  augurii  et 
divinationis  meae,  debebit  habere  fidem  nostra  praedictio.  Non 
igitur  ex  alitis  involatu  nee  e  cantu  sinistro  oscinis,  ut  in  nostra 
disciplina  est,  nee  ex  tripudiis  solistimis  aut  soniviis  tibi  auguror, 
sed  habco  alia  signa,  quae  observem  ;  quae  etsi  non  sunt  certiora  15 

8  illis,  minus  tamen  habent  vel  obscuritatis  vel  erroris.     Notantur 


I.  Peropportunam  .  .  .  putabant. 
Cicero  has  made  this  complaint  before.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  9.  II,  4  *quid  Faustum  quid 
Libonem  praetermissurum  sceleris  putes  ? 
quorum  creditores  convenire  dicuntur;*  also 
Epp.  88,  2  ;  and  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  4. 

3.  Quiescente  me.  This  is  true,  but 
inconsistent  with  what  Cicero  wrote  to 
Pompey  at  the  time.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III, 
§  4 ;  also  Ad  Att.  8,  II  B  and  D. 

Depulsum  ex  Italia.  By  the  em- 
barkation of  Pompey  for  Epirus. 

4.  Quoad  potui.  'Quoad  sermones 
bonorum  me  repiehendentium  sustinere 
potui.'  Manut.  Cicero  was  under  no  com- 
pulsion. The  next  sentence  reveals  the  real 
state  of  the  case. 

Pudor  :  cp.  Ep.  88,  i. 

5.  Aliquando,  *  on  a  former  occasion,' 
i.e.  in  57  b.c. 

6.  Officio,  *  by  gratitude.' 

Fama  bonorum,  'by  the  talk  of  the 
well-affected,'  i.e.  of  the  optimates.  Cp. 
Ep.  59,  I. 

In  fabulis,  'in  the  plays.'  The  hard 
fate  of  Amphiaraus  in  being  involved  in  the 
ruin  of  his  wicked  allies,  which  his  prophetic 
gift  enabled  him  to  foresee,  is  dwelt  on  by 
Aesch.  Sept.  c.  Theb.  594  foil.  The  words 
ad  pestem  .  .  positam  setm  to  be  a 
quotation  from  a  tragedy.  Siipfle  suggests 
from  the  Eriphyle  of  Accius.  But  Ribbeck, 
Trag.  Lat.  Rel.  p.  256  places  it  among  the 
Incert.  Fabul.  145. 


9.  Non  praedicente  me,  'which  I  did 
not  predict.' 

10.  Solent,  sc. '  ex  superioribus  praedictis 
constituere  auctoritatem,'  to  obtain  credence 
for  their  present  predictions  by  appeals  to 
the  fulfilment  of  others.' 

Augur  publicus,  '  a  political  prophet/ 
or  perhaps  '  a  prophet  invested  with  public 
authority.'  Siipfle.  The  latter  rendering 
suits  the  general  meaning  of  '  publicus '  best ; 
but  Cicero  says  just  below  that  he  is  not 
basing  his  predictions  on  the  rules  of  the 
augural  system. 

13.  Alitis  .  .  oscinis.  The  first  term 
was  applied  to  birds  which  gave  omens  by 
their  flight,  the  last  lo  those  whose  notes 
were  thought  significant.     Forcell. 

Involatu,  an  augural  term,  apparently 
only  found  here. 

In  nostra  disciplina,  *  in  the  system 
of  us  Roman  augurs.* 

14.  Tripudiis  solistimis.  «Tripudiura 
solistimum  '  was  the  term  used  when  the 
sacred  fowls  ate  so  eagerly  that  the  food  fell 
from  their  mouths.  Cp.  Pliny,  H.  N.  10.  21; 
Livy  10,  40  ;  Cic.  de  Divin.  2,  34,  72.  If 
the  food  made  a  noise  as  it  fell  on  the 
ground,  the  term  sonivium  was  used  with 
*tripudium.'     Pliny,  H.  N.  15.  22. 

16.  Illis,  'than  those  of  the  augural 
system,'  which  Cicero  as  an  augur  would 
not  openly  disparage.  Perhaps,  too,  hii 
correspondent  was  superstitious. 

Notantur  autem  .  .  via,  *I  have  two 


\ 


AAA 


M,  TULLII   CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


autem  mihi  ad  divinandum  signa  duplici  quadam  via,  quarum 
alteram  duco  e  Caesare  ipso,  alteram  e  temporum  civilium  natura 
atque  ratione.  In  Caesare  haec  sunt :  mitis  clemensque  natura, 
qualis  exprimitur  praeclaro  illo  libro  Querelarum  tuarum  ;  accedit 
5  quod  mirifice  ingeniis  excellentibus,  quale  est  tuum,  delectatur ; 
praeterea  cedit  multorum  iustis  et  officio  incensis,  non  inanibus 
aut  ambitiosis,  voluntatibus,  in  quo  vehementer  eum  consentiens 
Etruria  movebit.  *  Cur  haec  igitur  adhuc  parum  profecerunt  ? '  ^ 
Quia  non  putat  se  sustinere  causas  posse  multorum,  si  tibi,  cui 

10  iustius  videtur  irasci  posse,  concesserit.  *  Quae  est  igitur '  inquies 
*  spes  ab  irato  ? '  Eodem  e  fonte  se  hausturum  intellegit  laudes 
suas,  e  quo  sit  leviter  aspersus.  Postremo  homo  valde  est  acutus 
et  multum  providens ;  intellegit  te,  hominem  in  parte  Italiae 
minime  contemnenda  facile  omnium  nobilissimum  et  in  communi 

»5  re  publica  cuivis  summorum  tuae  aetatis  vel  ingenio  vel  gratia 
vel  fama  populi  Romani  parem,  non  posse  prohiberi  re  publica 


ways  for  ascertaining  tokens  which  may 
guide  me  in  prediction.*  Cicero  goes  on  to 
say  that  he  was  guided  by  a  consideration, 
first  of  Caesar's  character,  secondly  of  the 
position  of  public  affairs. 

2.  Temporum  ..  ratione, 'the  nature 
and  character  of  our  political  relations  at  this 
time.*     Wiel. 

3.  In  Caesare  haec  sunt.  Cicero 
had  good  hopes  of  success  from  consider- 
ing (i)  Caesar's  natural  clemency,  (2)  his 
admiration  of  talents  like  Caecina's,  (3) 
his  accessibility  to  reasonable  requests,  such 
as  Etruria  would  prefer  on  behalf  of 
Caecina. 

4.  Exprimitur:  cp.  Ep.  56,  I. 

Querelarum  :  see  the  introductory  re- 
marks on  this  letter.  Billerb.  thinks  it  was 
an  elegiac  poem  like  Ovid's  Tristia. 

5.  Ingeniis  excellentibus,  '  minds  of 
high  order.*  *Dicitur  interdum  [ingenium] 
de  ipsis  hominibus  ingeniosis.'  ForccU.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  4.  8,  2  '  is  qui  omnia  tenet  favet 
ingeniis ; '  and,  for  the  fact,  the  account  of 
Caesar's  visit  to  Cicero  in  Ep.  104,  2. 

6.  Cedit  multorum  .  .  voluntatibus, 
•  he  yields  to  the  combined  wishes  of  many 
if  they  be  well  founded  and  inspired  by 
regard,  not  groundless  or  interested.' 

7.  Ambitiosis  probably  means  'influ- 
enced by  a  desire  to  make  friends,'  or  *  by 
party  spirit.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  12,  2  *  valent 
apud  Caesarem  non  tain  ambitiosae  .  . 
logationes  quam  necessariae.* 

Consentiens  Etruria,  ' the  unanimous 


intercession  of  Etruria.'  Caecina,  as  has 
been  already  mentioned,  was  of  Etruscan 
birth. 

8.  Cur  haec  igitur  .  .  profecerunt  ? 
Caecina  is  supposed  to  ask. 

9.  Non  putat . .  concesserit,  'bethinks 
that  there  are  many  others  whose  pleas  he 
cannot  resist  if  he  makes  a  concession  to 
you.'  On  this  sense  of  '  sustinere,'  cp. 
Philipp.  8.  I,  I  'parum  mihi  visus  es  eos 
quibus  cedere  non  soles  sustinere.' 

10.  Iustius,  i.e.  because  of  Caecina's 
bitter  attack  upon  him. 

11.  Eodem  e  fonte,  'from  the  same 
pen.'  Siipfle.  Perhaps  the  preposition  is 
not  required.     Cp.  Madv.  254. 

12.  Leviter  aspersus 'slightly splashed.' 
These  words  keep  up  the  metaphor  of 
•  eodem  fonte,'  but  '  aspergere '  is  more 
generally  followed  in  the  passive  by  an  abla- 
tive— e.g.  *  infamia,' — in  th3  active  by  an 
ablat.  'rei,'  and  ace.  pers  ,  or  by  an  ace.  'rei,' 
and  dat.  '  personae.*     Cp.  Madv.  259  b. 

13.  In  parte   Italiae,  sc.  Etruria. 

14.  In  communi  re  publica,  'in  the 
commonwealth  to  which  all  belong,'  opposed 
to  '  in  parte  Italiae.'  In  Etruria,  Cicero  says, 
Caecina  had  no  equal;  in  the  state  in  general, 
no  superior  among  his  contemporaries.  This 
seems  the  language  of  exaggeration  as  far  as 
our  knowledge  goes. 

16.  Prohiberi  re  publica,  *  to  be  ex- 
cluded from  political  life  ;'  elsewhere  (Phi- 
lipp. 13.  15,  31)  «a  re  publica  removere* 
means  '  to  suspend  from  office.* 


\ 


( 


EP.91.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VI,  6.        445 

diutius  ;  nolet  hoc  temporis  potius  esse  aliquando  beneficium  quam 

10  iam  suum.  Dixi  de  Caesare  ;  nunc  dicam  de  temporum  rerumque 
natura  :  nemo  est  tam  inimicus  ei  causae,  quam  Pompeius  ani- 
matus  melius  quam  paratus  susceperat,  qui  nos  malos  cives  dicere 
aut  homines  improbos  audeat.  In  quo  admirari  soleo  gravitatem  5 
et  lustitiam  et  sapientiam  Caesaris  ;  numquam  nisi  honorificen- 
tissime  Pompeium  appellat.  *At  in  eius  persona  multa  fecit 
asperius.'  Armorum  ista  et  victoriae  sunt  facta,  non  Caesaris. 
At  nos  quem  ad  modum  est  complexus  !  Cassium  sibi  legavit ; 
Brutum  Galliae  praefecit,  Sulpicium  Graeciae ;   Marcellum,  cui  lo 

11  maxime  succensebat,  cum  summa  illius  dignitate  restituit.  Quo 
igitur  haec  spectant  ?  Rerum  hoc  natura  et  civilium  temporum  non 
patietur,  nee  manens  nee  mutata  ratio  feret  primum,  ut  non  in 


1.  Nolet  hoc  .  .  iam  suum,  'he  will 
be  unwilling  by  delay  ('aliquando')  to  make 
vour  restoration  seem  a  gift  of  time,  but 
will  make  it  his  own  by  prompt  concession,' 
i.e.  Caesar  would  not  wish  to  seem  to  have 
pardoned  Caecina  through  weariness  or  for- 
getfulness. 

2.  Dixi  de  Caesare,  'so  much  for 
Caesar.'     Cp.  the  beginning  of  §  8. 

Nunc  dicam,  foil.,  '  I  will  now  speak  of 
the  nature  of  the  times  and  circumstances.' 
Cp.  the  preceding  page,  lines  2,  3  'alteram 
,  .  ratione.* 

3.  Animatus  melius  quam  paratus, 

•  with  a  spirit  above  his  resources.' 

4.  Nos,  'us  Pompeians.'  Cp.  the  end 
of  this  section. 

7.  At  in  eius  persona,  foil.  On  '  at' 
in  this  sense,  cp.  Ep.  87,  2  ;  63,  3,  note. 
For  'in'  with  the  abl.  of  persons,  cp.  De 
Amic.  12,  41  •  amici  et  propinqui  quid  in 
P.  Scipione  effecerint.'  It  is  used  in  almost 
the  same  sense  Ep.  81,  3.  Cp.  also  Madv. 
230  b,  Obs.  I. 

Persona.  This  word  usually  means  a 
part,  or  character.  Cp.  Pro  Cluent.  29,  78 
'  Staieni  persona  .  .  ab  nulla  turpi  suspicione 
abhorrebat;'     and    Prof.    Ramsay's    note. 

*  Ipse  homo  quatenus  banc  vel  illam  per- 
sonam gerit.'  Forcell.  We  may  perhaps 
translate  '  against  Pompey  as  a  public  man ' 
with  Siipfle. 

8.  Armorum  .  .  Caesaris :  cp.  Ep.  90, 
2,  ad  fin. 

9.  Cassium  sibi  legavit,  'he  has  made 
[C]  Cassius  his  legate.'  Cp.  Ep.  83,  3, 
notes. 

10.  Brutum  Galliae.  M.  Brutus  seems 
to  have  been  entrusted  with  the   govern- 


ment of  Cisalpine  Gaul  by  Caesar  about  the 
end  of  47  B.C.,  and  to  have  held  it  till 
45  B.C.  Compare  with  this  letter  Ad  Fam. 
13.  10,  i;  Ad  Att.  12.  27,  3;  App.  Bell. 
Civ.  2.  III. 

Sulpicium,  cp.  Ep.  90,  2,  notes. 

Marcellum  :  cp.  Ep.  90,  3  and  4. 

II.  Cum  summa  illius  dignitate, 
'under  circumstances  most  honourable  for 
Marcellus.'  Caesar  had  shewn  great  deli- 
cacy in  arranging  that  the  recall  of  Mar- 
cellus should  be  the  act  of  the  whole 
senate. 

Quo  igitur  haec  spectant?  Caecina 
is  supposed  to  ask  'what  is  the  import  of  all 
this?'  Cicero  replies,  'The  nature  of  things 
in  general,  and  of  politics  especially,  forbids 
our  believing — first,  that  members  of  the 
same  party  will  not  be  treated  alike — next, 
that  honest  men  will  be  forbidden  to  return 
to  a  state  to  which  so  many  criminals  have 
been  restored.'  The  reference  in  the  last 
words  is  to  a  law  passed  in  49  or  48  B.C., 
on  the  proposal  of  the  praetors  and  tribunes, 
restoring  to  their  country  several  exiles  who 
had  been  convicted  under  the  Lex  Pompeia 
de  Ambitu  in  52  B.C.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ. 
3.  I  ;  Dion  Cassius  41.  36.  Several  had 
also    been   recalled  in  49  B.C.  by  Antony. 

Cp.  Philipp.  2.  23,  56. 

12.  Hoc,  explained  by  primum  ut ..  re- 
verterunt.  On  this  use  of  the  conjunct, 
mood  (ut  .  .  sit)  explaining  a  pronoun,  cp. 
Madv.  374. 

Temporum,  as  often,  'circumstances. 

13.  Nee  manens  .  .  .  ratio,  'nor  will 
things,  whether  they  remain  as  they  are,  or 
whether  they  change,  allow.* 

Ut  non  :  cp.  Madv.  372  b;  456  Obs.  3. 


h 


446 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


causa  pari  eadem  sit  et  condicio  et  fortuna  omnium ;  deinde,  ut 
in  earn  civitatem  boni  viri  et  boni  cives  nulla  ignominia  notati 
non  revertantur,  in  quam  tot  nefariorum  scelerum  condemnati 
reverterunt.     Habes  augurium  meum,  quo,  si  quid  addubitarem,  12 

5  non  potius  uterer  quam  ilia  consolatione,  qua  facile  fortem  virum 
sustentarem  ;  te,  si  explorata  victoria  arma  sumpsisses  pro  re 
publica— ita  enim  turn  putabas— ,  non  nimis  esse  laudandum  ; 
sin  propter  incertos  exitus  eventusque  bellorum  posse  accidere, 
ut  vinceremur,  putasses,  non  debere  te  ad  secundam  fortunam 

10  bene  paratum  fuisse,  adversam  ferre  nullo  modo  posse.  Dispu- 
tarem  etiam,  quanto  solacio  tibi  conscientia  tui  facti,  quantae 
delectationi  in  rebus  adversis  litterae  esse  deberent ;  commemo- 
rarem  non  solum  veterum,  sed  horum  etiam  recentium  vel  ducum 
vel  comitum  tuorum  gravissimos  casus  ;  etiam  externos  multos 

15  claros  viros  nominarem  ;   levat  enim  dolorem  communis  quasi 
leo-is   et  humanae   condicionis   recordatio.      Exponerem   etiam,  13 
quem  ad  modum  hie  et  quanta  in  turba  quantaque  in  confu- 
sione  rerum  omnium  viveremus ;  necesse  est  enim  minore  desi- 
derio  perdita  re  publica  carere  quam  bona.    Sed  hoc  genere  nihil 


4.  Addubitarem,  not  quite  so  strong 
as  the  simple  verb  (Forcell.), '  were  inclined 
to  doubt/ 

5.  Ilia    consolatione,  *  the   following 

consoling  topics.' 

6.  Explorata  victoria,  'with  full  as- 
surance of  victory.* 

Sumpsisses  .  .  .  putasses  .  .  .  laudan- 
dum. We  should  have  expected  either 
•  sumpseris,'  '  putaris '  or  •  fuisse.*  Cp., 
however,  Madv.  382,  Obs.  2. 

7.  Ita  enim  tum  putabas,  'for  such 
was  then  your  opinion.*  I  think  these  words 
merely  refer  to  'pro  re  publica,'  'you 
thought  you  were  fighting  for  the  consti- 
tution,'—perhaps  Cicero  did  not  wish  to 
commit  himself  to  a  statement  that  Caesar 
was  fighting  against  it,  and  so  made  the 
sentiment  one  entertained  by  Caecina  in 
past  time.  Billerb.  and  Wiel.  suppose  the 
words  to  refer  to  '  explorata  victoria.'  But 
Cicero  says  that  to  have  armed  with  full 
assurance  of  victory  would  have  had  nothing 
very  creditable  in  it,  and  he  would  hardly 
be  so  discourteous  as  to  say  for  certain  that 
Caecina  had  done  so,  but  offers  him  an 
alternative,  '  If  you  were  quite  sure  of  vic- 
tory you  did  nothing  peculiarly  creditable ; 
if  you  thought  defeat  possible  why  do  you 

repine  at  it  ?  *  , 

10.  Adversam  ferre,  foil.  *Autem    or 


some    such  word    might   be   supplied  with 
'  adversam.'     Cp.  Ep  6,  2,  note. 

12.  Litterae, 'your  learning.' 

13.  Veterum,  e.g.  in  early  Roman  history 
Coriolanus,  Camillus,  Q.  Metellus  Numidicus, 
C.  Marius. 

Vel  ducum  vel  comitum  tuorum, 
•  your  own    generals   and   comrades.'     Cp. 

Ep.  87,  2. 

14.  Externos,  'in  foreign  states/ opposed 

to  the  Romans  just  referred  to. 

15.  Claros  viros.  To  be  taken  as  one 
notion — otherwise  a  conjunction  would  be 
needed  to  couple  multos  and  'claros.' 
Siipfle.  Cp.  Madv.  300  c,  Obs.  5.  Aris- 
tides,  Themistoc'.es,  Cimon,  and  Alcibiades 
would  be  among  the  foreign  worthies  re- 
ferred to. 

Communis  .  .  recordatio,  'the  recol- 
lection of  the  law  to  which  all  are  subject, 
and  of  the  lot  of  mankind.' 

18.  Viveremus.  On  the  tense,  cp.  Ep. 
15,  2,  note. 

19.  Perdita,  explained  by  what  has  gone 
before,  '  disorganized,'  '  disordered.' 

Hoc  genere,  'this  topic,'  '  this  kind  of 
consolation.'  Cicero  hoped  soon  to  welcome 
Caecina  to  Rome,  and  therefore  thought  it 
needless  to  say  how  little  there  was  to  regret 
in  absence  from  the  capital. 


I         / 


i 


ii 


iW/ 


r 


EP.9!Z.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    VI.  t.        447 

opus  est :  incolumem  te  cito,  ut  spero,  vel  potius,  ut  perspicio, 
videbimus.  Interea  tibi  absenti  et  huic,  qui  adest,  imagini  animi 
et  corporis  tui,  constantissimo  atque  optimo  filio  tuo,  studium, 
officium,  operam,  laborem  meum  iam  pridem  et  pollicitus  sum  et 
detuH  ;  nunc  hoc  amplius,  quod  me  amicissime  quotidie  magis  5 
Caesar  amplectitur,  familiares  quidem  eius,  sicuti  neminem. 
Apud  quem  quicquid  valebo  vel  auctoritate  vel  gratia,  valebo 
tibi :  tu  cura  ut  cum  firmitudine  te  animi,  tum  etiam  spe  optima 
sustentes. 


92.    A.  CAECINA  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  VI.  7). 
Sicily,  end  of  46  b.c.  (bait.)  (708  a.u.c.) 

1 .  I  am  sorry  you  have  not  yet  received  my  book,  but  my  son  was  afraid  that  its 
publication  might  do  harm,  as  I  am  already  suffering  for  a  literary  offence.  2.  Why 
should  I  be  selected  for  Caesar's  especial  hostility  ?  3.  The  difficulties  of  composition 
under  my  present  circumstances  must  account  for  the  faults  of  my  work.  4.  I  am 
especially  alarmed  when  I  consider  how  Caesar  may  regard  each  expression.  You,  in 
your  '  Orator,'  divide  your  responsibility  with  Brutus.  Caution  is  still  more  needful 
for  me.  I  hope  you  will  correct  my  book  thoroughly.  5.  I  have  given  up  my  journey 
to  Asia,  as  you  recommended.  I  hope  you  will  act  for  me  on  your  own  judgment ; 
my  son  has  hardly  experience  enough  to  be  taken  into  council  with  you.  6.  To 
conclude,  I  hope  you  will  do  all  you  can  for  me.  Do  not  let  my  book  get  into 
circulation  unless  so  amended  as  not  to  injure  me. 

CAECINA  CICERONI   PLUR.  SAL. 

1      Quod  tibi  non  tam  celeriter  liber  est  redditus,  ignosce  timori  10 
nostro  et  miserere  temporis.     Filius,  ut  audio,  pertimuit,  neque 


I.  Vel  potius  ut  perspicio, 'or  rather 
as  I  see  for  certain.'  Cp.  Ep.  2,6,  3,  where 
a  similar  contrast  appears. 

3.  Filio.  This  son  is  perhaps  men- 
tioned Ep.  121,  2,  as  on  intimate  terms 
with  Octavian. 

4.  Pollicitus  sum  et  detuli,  *Ihave 
promised  and  placed  at  his  disposal.* 

5.  Nunc    hoc    amplius,  foil.,  *I  now 
place  also  at  your  service  my  remarkable 
influence   with   Caesar.'     'Hoc    amplius '  = 
'praeterea.'     Forcell. 

6.  Familiares,  sc.  'amplectuntur.*    Cp. 
♦Ad  Fam.  9.  16,  2  'sic  enim  color,  sic  ob- 
server ab  omnibus   iis,  qui  a  Caesare  dili- 
guntnr,  ut  ab  iis  me  amari  putem.'     Cicero 
refers  especially  to  Hirtius  and  Dolabella. 

Sicuti  neminem,  'more  than  any  one 
else.* 


7.  Apud  quem  ..  valebo  tibi, 'and  all 
my  influence  with  him  shall  be  employed  on 
your  behalf.'  On  the  dat.,  cp.  Ep.  35,  5, 
note;  Madv.  241.    T.  has  'conciliabo  tibi.' 

10.  Liber.  A  continuation,  perhaps,  of 
the  'Querelae'  referred  to  in  the  previous 
letter,  §  8. 

Redditus,  merely  'sent,'  'delivered,'  the 
*  re- '  implying  that  it  was  due.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  2.  17,  I  'litteras  a  te  mihi  stator  tuus 
reddidit  Tarsi.' 

Timori.  Explained  by  what  follows. 
Though  the  book  was  written  to  pacify 
Caesar,  Caecina  did  not  feel  sure  how  it 
might  be  received. 

11.  Temporis,  *my  unfortunate  posi- 
tion' (cp.  Ep.  26,  2,  note),  which  deserved 
pity  and  not  blame. 


\. 


448 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


iniuria,  si  liber  exisset,  quoniam  non  tam  interest,  quo  animo 
scribatur,  quam  quo  accipiatur,  ne  ea  res  inepte  mihi  noceret, 
cum  praesertim  adhuc  stili  poenas  dem.  Qua  quidem  in  re 
singulari  sum  fato  ;  nam  cum  mendum  scripturae  litura  tollatur, 

5  stultitia  fama  multetur,  meus  error  exsilio  corrigitur,  cuius  summa 
criminis  est,  quod  armatus  adversario  male  dixi.    Nemo  nostrum  2 
est,  ut  opinor,  quin  vota  Victoriae  suae  fecerit  ;  nemo,  quin  etiam 
cum  de  alia  re  immolaret,  tamen  eo  quidem  ipso  tempore,  ut 
quam  primum  Caesar  superaretur,  optarit  :   hoc  si  non  cogitat, 

10  omnibus  rebus  felix  est ;  si  scit  et  persuasus  est,  quid  irascitur 
ei,  qui  aliquid   scripsit   contra  suam  voluntatem,   cum   ignorit 
omnibus,  qui  multa  deos  venerati  sunt  contra  eius  salutem  ?    Sed  3 
ut  eodem  revertar,  causa  haec  fuit  timoris  :  scripsi  de  te  parce 
medius  fidius  et  timide,  non  revocans  me  ipse,  sed  paene  refu- 

i5giens.     Genus  autem   hoc   scripturae   non    modo   liberum,  sed 


1.  Exisset, 'should  be  published.*  Cp. 
Pro  Rose.  Am.  I,  3  'nequaquam  .  .  oratio 
mea  exire  atque  in  vulgus  emaiiare  poterit.' 

Quoniam  .  .  accipiatur,  a  parenthe- 
sis containing  a  general  remark  in  which, 
therefore,  the  sequence  of  tenses  is  sus- 
pended. 

2.  Ne.  On  the  order  of  the  words, 
cp.  Madv.  465  b,  Obs.  The  passage  of 
Sallust  there  quoted,  however,  stands  differ- 
ently in  the  most  recent  editions, 

Ea  res=*id,'  'its  publication.'  Cp.  Ep. 
21,  3,  note. 

Inepte,  'through  my  own  folly.'  We- 
senb.  suggests  *  inpense'  or  [inepte]. 

3.  Cum  praesertim,  *  all  the  more  as.* 
Billerb. 

Adhuc  .  .  poenas  dem,  'I  am  still 
suffering  for  my  writings.' 

4.  Cum  mendum  .  .  multetur,  'while 
a  clerical  error  is  removed  by  a  stroke 
of  the  pen,  and  a  writer's  folly  punished 
by  loss  of  reputation.'  Wiel.  '  Mendum '  = 
*  error  qui  scribendo  fit.*  Forcell.  Fama 
is  difficult.  Wiel.  renders  '  fama  durch  den 
iibeln  Ruf,'  '  by  the  discredit,'  in  which  case 
it  would  be  ablat.  instr.  But  may  it  not 
mean,   'in    respect    of   reputation?'     Cp. 

Madv.  253. 

5.  Cuius  summa  criminis.  On  the 
double  gen.,  cp.  Ep.  29,  8^  note. 

6.  Quod  armatus  .  .  male  dixi,  *  that 
I  abused  an  adversary  against  whoni  I  was 
actually  in  arms.'  Caecina  thinks  it  hard 
that  he  should  be  punished  so  severely  for 
writing  against  Caesar,  who  had  pardoned 


others,  and  was  ready  to  pardon   him,  for 
fighting  against  him. 

Nostrum,  '  of  us  Pompeians.' 

7.  Victoriae  suae='deae  et  sibi  propi- 
tiae  futurae,*  '  to  Victory  with  prayers  that 
she  would  aid  him.'     Schiitz. 

8.  Immolaret.  '  Inmiolare  '  means  lit- 
erally, *  to  sprinkle  with  meal  before  sacri- 
fice ; '  hence,  '  to  sacrifice.*  It  is  usually 
followed  by  an  accusative. 

9.  Hoc  si  non  cogitat  .  .  felix  est, 
*  if  he  is  unconscious  of  this,  he  is  indeed 
happy  in  his  ignorance.* 

10.  Persuasus  est,  almost  a  solecism,  at 
least  in  prose.  Cp.  Madv.  244  b,  Obs.  4. 
But  Caecina  is  the  writer,  not  Cicero. 

Quid  irascitur..  salutem?  *  why  is 
he  angry  with  one  who  has  written  what 
may  displease  him,  when  he  has  pardoned 
all  who  offered  prayers  for  his  ruin  ?  '  The 
use  of  suam  and  eius  in  parallel  clauses  is 
strange.     Cp.  Madv.  490,  c,  Obs.  3. 

12.  Sed  ut  eodem  revertar, '  this  then, 
to  return,  was  the  cause  of  my  fears,'  men- 
tioned in  the  second  line  of  the  letter. 

13.  Scripsi  de  te,  i.e.  in  his  book  of 
Querelae.     See  Billerb. 

14.  Non  revocans  .  .  refugiens,  'not 
merely  with  reserve,  but  almost  afraid  of 
my  own  thoughts.'  Wiel.  '  Revocare  se  ' 
=  *sibi  temperare.*  Forcell.  *Non  revocavi 
me  sponte  sed  refugi  metu.'     Manut. 

15.  Genus  .  .  hoc  scripturae,  i.e. 
•  panegyric'  '  Scriptura  '  =  '  composition.' 
Smith's  Lat.  Diet. 


EP.92.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES,     VI.  7.     449 

incitatum  atque  elatum  esse  debere  quis  ignorat  ?  solutum  existi- 
matur  esse  alteri  male  dicere — tamen  cavendum  est,  ne  in  petu- 
lantiam  incidas — ;  impeditum,  se  ipsum  laudare,  ne  vitium 
adrogantiae  subsequatur ;  solum  vero  liberum,  alterum  laudare, 
de  quo  quicquid  detrahas,  necesse  est  aut  infirmitati  aut  invidiae  5 
adsignetur.  Ac  nescio  an  tibi  gratius  opportuniusque  accident ; 
nam  quod  praeclare  facere  non  poteram,  primum  erat,  non  attin- 
gere ;  secundum  [beneficium],  quam  parcissime  facere.  Sed 
tamen  ego  quidem  me  sustinui ;  multa  minui,  multa  sustuli, 
complura  ne  posui  quidem.  Quem  ad  modum  igitur,  scalarum  10 
gradus  si  alios  tollas,  alios  incidas,  non  nullos  male  haerentes 
relinquas,  ruinae  periculum  struas,  non  ascensum  pares,  sic  tot 
malis  tum  vinctum  tum  fractum  studium  scribendi  quid  dignum 
4  auribus  aut  probabile  potest  adferre  ?  Cum  vero  ad  ipsius  Cae- 
saris  nomen  veni,  toto  corpore  contremesco,  non  poenae  metu,  15 
sed  illius  iudicii :  totum  enim  Caesarem  non  novi.  Quem  putas 
animum  esse,  ubi  secum  loquitur .?  '  Hoc  probabit :  hoc  verbum 
suspitiosum  est.'     '  Quid,  si  hoc  muto }  at  vereor,  ne  peius  sit.' 


V 


I.  Incitatum  atque  elatum,  'spirited 
and  lofty.' 

Solutum  existimatur  .  .  incidas, 
*  satire,  too,  is  held  to  have  licence  allowed 
it,  yet  care  must  be  taken  lest  it  degenerate 
into  scurrility,'  and  so  it  is  less  free  than 
panegyric.  Caecina  seems  to  distinguish 
'solutum'  from  liberum. 

3.  Impeditum,  'difficult.* 

5.  Infirmitati  aut  invidiae,  'to  want 
of  talent  (Wiel.)  or  to  jealousy.'  '  Infirmi- 
tas  animi '  occ.  Pro  Rose.  Am.  4,  10,  but 
not  quite  in  this  sense. 

6.  Nescio  an  .  .  acciderit,  'perhaps 
you  will  be  the  better  pleased  that  I  have 
said  so  little  about  you.' 

7.  Primum  erat,  foil.,  '  my  best  course 
was  not  to  mention  you  at  all.'  On  the 
mood  of  erat,  cp.  Madv.  348  e,  Obs.  i  ;  on 
the  fact,  cp. '  scripsi  de  te,'  above. 

8.  Secundum,  'the  next  best  thing  I 
could  do  for  you.' 

Facere,  used  for  'attingere,*  to  avoid 
tautology,  'to  do  so,' 

9.  Ego  .  .  me  sustinui,  *I  put  a  re- 
straint upon  myself,*  '  resisted  my  natural 
impulse  to  speak  freely  in  your  honour.' 
'  Sustinere '  = '  cohibere.*     Forcell. 

Multa,  'much  of  what  I  might  have 
said  in  your  honour.* 

Minui  .  .  sustuli,  i.e.  in  revising  the 
work,  '  lowered  the  tone  of,  and  removed.* 


10.  Ne  posui  quidem,  '  I  never  set 
down  at  all.' 

11.  Tollas  .  .  pares.  On  the  tenses, 
cp.  Ep.  5,  3,  note. 

12.  Ruinae,  '  of  a  fall'  of  the  stair- 
case ?  or  of  one  who  would  mount  it 
(Wiel.)  ? 

Tot  malis  .  .  scribendi,  'a  literary 
taste,  or  power,  fettered  and  impaired  by  so 
many  disasters.' 

14.  Probabile,  '  deserving  approbation.* 
Forcell. 

Cum  vero  .  .  contremesco,  'when'  in 
the  course  of  my  writing  *  I  have  come  to 
Caesar's  name,  I  tremble.'  On  '  veni,*  cp. 
Madv.  358. 

16.  Illius  iudicii,  'of  Caesar's  judg- 
ment *  on  my  work.     Billerb. 

Totum  enim  .  .  novi,  '  for  I  am  not 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  Caesar.'  Cae- 
cina here  refers  to  Caesar's  literary  gifts  and 
tastes.  On  '  totum'  = '  omnino,'  cp.  pp.  1 74, 
note  on  1.  15  ;  315,  note  on  1.  18;  Madv. 
300  c. 

Quem  putas  ..  loquitur  ?  'how  do 
you  suppose  one's  heart  feels  when  it  argues 
as  follows  with  itself?' 

17.  Hoc  probabit,  sc.  'Caesar.'  A 
thought  supposed  to  occur  to  Caecina  as  he 
reads  his  work  over  to  himself. 

18.  At  vereor,  ne  peius  sit,  'but  I 
fear  the  change  may  make  matters  worse.'' 


Gg 


45° 


3f.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


.  Age  vero,  laudo  aliquem  :  num  ofifendo  ?  cum  porro  oflfendam, 
quid,  si  non  volt? '  '  Armati  stilum  persequitur :  victi  et  nondum 
restituti  quid  faciet?'  Auges  etiam  tu  mihi  timorem,  qui  m 
Oratore  tuo  caves  tibi  per  Brutum  et  ad  excusationem  soc.um 

5  quaeris  :  ubi  hoc  omnium  patronus  facit,  quid  me  veterem  tuum, 
nunc  omnium  clientem  sentire  oportet  ?  In  hac  igitur  calumn.a 
timoris  et  caecae  suspitionis  tormento,  cum  plunma  ad  ahem 
sensus  coniecturam,  non  ad  suum  iudicium  scnbantur,  quam 
difficile  et  evadere,  si   minus   expertus   es,  quod   te  ad  omnia 

,o  summum  atque  excellens  ingenium  armavit,  nos  sentimus.  bed 
tamen  ego  filio  dixeram,  librum  tibi  legeret  et  auferret,  aut  ea 
condicione  daret,  si  reciperes  te  correcturum,  hoc  est,  si  totum 


1.  Age  vero,  laudo  aliquem,  'or 
again,   suppose    that   1   praise   some   one. 

Wiel. 

Aliquem,  e.g.  Cato. 

Num  offendo,  sc.  Caesarem.  Wesenb. 
has  •  non,'  thinking  that  even  Caecina  would 
hardly  use  '  num  *  here. 

Cum  porro  .  .  non  volt?  *I  hope  not, 
but  if  I  do  offend  him  what  will  happen? 
What  if  he  does  not  wish  the  men  to  be 
praised  whom  I  praise  ?'  Orell.  ap.  Billerb. 
On  quid  si,  cp.  Madv.  479  d,  Obs.  i. 
Wiel.  renders  •  cum  . .  offendam,  '  suppose  I 
attack  anybody.'  But  surely  '  oftendam 
has  the  same  sense  in  both  clauses.  Wesenb. 
has  +  offendam,  and  suspects  that  *  repren- 
dam '  was  the  original  reading. 

2.  Armati   stilum   persequitur:  cp. 

the  end  of  §  i.  , 

Victi  .  .  quid  faciet,  sc.  'stilo.      Cp. 
Madv.  241,  Obs.  5  ;  267,  Obs. 

3    In  Oratore  tuo  .  .  Brutum,    who, 
in  your  work  called  Orator,  provide  for  your 
own   safety  by  throwing  responsibihty  on 
Brutus.'    Cp.  Orat.  10,  35  '  hoc  sum  adgres- 
sus  statim   Catone   absoluto,  quern    ipsum 
Dumquam   attigissem   tempora   timens   mi- 
mica  virtuti  nisi  tibi  hortanti  et  illius  memo- 
riam  mihi  caram  excitant!  non  parere  nefas 
esse  duxissem.'     This  also  explains  *  a  d  ex- 
cusationem     socium    quaeris.'       The 
favour  which  Brutus  enjoyed  with  Caesar 
would  make  the  latter  look  with  indulgence 
on  any  step  taken  at  Brutus'  suggestion. 

c  Ubi  hoc  omnium  .  .  oportet, 
«when  you,  everybody's  advocate,  deem 
such  precautions  necessary,  what  ought  I  to 
feel  who  was  once  your  client,  and  now 
need  everybody's  advocacy? '  These  words 
are  thought  by  some  to  identify  the  writer 
of  this  letter  with  the  Caecina  for  whom 


Cicero  delivered  a  long  speech  still  extant ; 
but  perhaps  they  have  no  such  precise  mean- 
ing, and  merely  refer  to  general  services 
rendered  by  Cicero  to  Caecina.  The  pas- 
sage explains  the  words  '  auges  etiam  tu 
mihi  timorem  '  just  above.  ^ 

6.  Calumnia  timoris  =  'vanusmetus. 

Forcell.  ^  „     .  j- 

7.  Ad  alieni  sensus,  foil.,  '  according 
to  what  one  can  guess  of  another's  feelings,' 
i.e.  Caesar's.     Cp.  Ep.  40.    i    *  ad  meum 

sensum.'  . 

8.  Suum  iudicium,  'ones  own  judg- 
ment.' '  Suus '  used  sometimes  even  by  the 
writer  of  himself.  Cp.  Madv.  490  c,  Obs.  5  ; 
Nagelsb.  91,  250. 

9.  Evadere.  'to   get   out  of  the  ditti- 

culty.'  , 

Expertus  es.   We  might  expect '  tu   to 

be  inserted.     Cp.  Madv.  482. 

Ad  omnia.     On  the  force  of  the  prepo- 
sition, cp.  Ep.  87,  2,  note. 

10.  Sed  tamen,  =  •  but  notwithstanding 

the  necessary  imperfections  of  my  book. 

11.  Dixeram,  *  I  told  my  son.'     Episto- 
lary tense.     Cp.  Ep.  i,  i,  note.  ^ 

Auferret,  •  to  take  it  away  again.      On 
the  omission  of  '  ut,'  cp.  Ep.  31.  6,  note. 

Ea  condicione  .  .  reciperes,  «give  it 
you  ordy  on  condition  of  your  undertaking, 
etc  On  this  limiting  force  of  the  pronoun, 
cp.  Pro  Arch.  10,  25  '  ea  condicione  ne  quid 
postea  scriberet;'  Nagelsb.  84,  230.  'Ea 
condicione  ut'=='  ita  ut,'  on  which,  cp.  Ep. 
9.  6,  note,  pp.  68,  69.  ,     ,     ^      p„ 

12.  Reciperes,   'undertake.      Cp.  tp. 

52,  6,  note. 

Si    totum    alium    faceres.      On   the 
double  accus.,  cp.  Madv.  227  a;  on  'totum, 
a  note  above  on  this  section  ;  on  '  ahum    in 
this  sense,  cp.  Ep.  47,  4,  note. 


I 


EP.  93.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIII,  ii,    451 

5  alium  faceres.  De  Asiatico  itinere,  quamquam  summa  me  neces- 
sitas  premebat,  ut  imperasti,  feci.  Te  pro  me  quid  horter?  vides 
tempus  venisse,  quo  necesse  sit  de  nobis  constitui.  Nihil  est,  mi 
Cicero,quod  filium  meum  exspectes  :  adulescens  est ;  omnia  exco- 
gitare  vel  studio  vel  aetate  vel  metu  non  potest.  Totum  nego-  5 
tium  tu  sustineas  oportet ;  in  te  mihi  omnis  spes  est.  Tu  pro  tua 
prudentia,  quibus  rebus  gaudeat,  quibus  capiatur  Caesar,  tenes  ;  a 
te  omnia  proficiscantur  et  per  te  ad  exitum  perducantur  necesse 

e  est ;  apud  ipsum  multum,  apud  eius  omnes  plurimum  potes.  Unum 
tibi  si  persuaseris,  non  hoc  esse  tui  muneris,  si  quid  rogatus  fueris,  10 
ut  facias— quamquam  id  magnum  et  amplum  est — ,  sed  totum 
tuum  esse  onus,  perficies  :  nisi  forte  aut  in  miseria  nimis  stulte 
aut  in  amicitia  nimis  impudenter  tibi  onus  impono.  Sed  utrique 
rei  excusationem  tuae  vitae  consuetudo  dat :  nam  quod  ita  con- 
suesti  pro  amicis  laborare,  non  iam  sic  sperant  abs  te,  sed  etiam  15 
sic  imperant  tibi  familiares.  Quod  ad  librum  attinet,  quem  tibi 
filius  dabit,  peto  a  te,  exeat,  aut  ita  corrigas,  ne  mihi  noceat. 

93.    To    M.   BRUTUS    (AD   FAM.  XIII.  11). 

Rome,  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

I.  You  know  how  eager  I  am  to  serve  my  townsmen  of  Arpinum.  Now  we  depend 
in  threat  measure  on  money  paid  us  by  the  inhabitants  of  Gaul.  We  have  commissioned 
three  Roman  knights  to  inspect  the  town  property  there,  and  to  get  payment  of 
money  owing.     2.  I  hope  you  will  sen^e  them  to  the  best  of  your  power;  you  will 


Ji 


1.  De  Asiatico  itinere.  Caecina  was 
anxious  to  go  to  Asia  to  get  in  some  old 
debts  there,  but  Cicero  recommended  him  to 
stay  in  Sicily,  where  Caesar's  friends  had 
given  assurances  that  Caecina  might  stay  in 
safety.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  8,  2. 

2.  Premebat  is,  I  think,  epistolary. 

3.  Quo  necesse  .  .  constitui,  'when 
my  fate  must  needs  be  settled '  by  Caesar. 

Nihil  est .  ■  quod  .  .  exspectes,  'there 
is  no  reason  why  you  should  wait  for  my 


fore  eius,  which  may  perhaps  be  defended 
by  Ep.  74, 1  ;  Pro  Lig.  10,  30  '  ad  parentem 
sic  agi  solet;'  Livy  7.  7,  '  ad  hostes  helium 
apparatur.' 

10.  Non  hoc  esse  . .  onus,  'that  to  dis- 
charge your  duty  you  must  not  only  do  what 
you  are  asked,  but  undertake  the  burden  of 
the  whole  affair.'  On  'hoc,'  cp.  note  on 
•  ea  condicione '  in  §  4. 

12.  Perficies,  'you  will  effect  what  has 
to  be  done.* 


to  concert  measures  with  him.     On  Aut   in    miseria  .  .  impono,     unless 

misery  makes  me  hope  for  impossibilities,  or 
friendship  presume  on  your  kindness  too 
shamelessly.' 

14.  Nam  quod  ita  .  .  familiares, 
*  for  you  have  been  accustomed  to  work 
so  hard  for  your  friends,  that  they  not 
only  hope  for,  but  demand,  such  services 
of  you.' 


son,     . 

'  nihil  est  quod,'  cp.  Madv.  372  b,  Obs.  6. 
4.  Omnia. .  studio  ..  aetate  ..  metu, 

'  zealous  haste,   inexperience,    or    fear   will 

prevent  his  thinking  out  every  possible  plan.' 

The  ablatives  are  causal. 

Omnia,  'all  attempts  to  serve  me.* 

9.  Apud     ipsum    multum  .  .  potes. 

Caecina  echoes  Cicero's  own  remark  in  Ep. 

91,13.     The  MS.  has  '  ad,'  not  '  apud,'  be- 

Gg 


452 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


find  the  people  of  Arpinum  grateful,  and  3.  will  do  me  a  great  favour,  especially  in 
this  year,  as  my  son  and  nephew,  and  my  friend  M.  Caesius,  have  been  made  aediles 
there  by  my  wish. 

CICERO  BRUTO  SAL. 
Quia  semper  animadverti  studiose  te  operam  dare,  ut  ne  quid  1 
meorum  tibi  esset  ignotum,  propterea  non  dubito  quin  scias,  non 
solum  cuius  municipii  sim,  sed  etiam,  quam  diligenter  soleam 
meos  municipes  [Arpinates]  tueri :  quorum  quidem  omnia  com- 
5  moda  omnesque  facultates,  quibus  et  sacra  conficere  et  sarta  tecta 
aedium  sacrarumlocorumque  communium  tueri  possint,  consistunt 
in  iis  vectigalibus,  quae  habent  in  provincia  Gallia.    Ad  ea  visen- 
da  pecuniasque,  quae  a  colonis  debentur,  exigendas  totamque  rem 
et  cognoscendam  et  administrandam  legatos  equites  Romanos  mi- 
10  simus,  Q.  Fufidium  Q.  f.,  M.  Faucium  M.  f.,  Q.  Mamercum  Q.  f. 
Peto  a  te  in  maiorem  modum  pro  nostra  necessitudine,  ut  tibi  2 
ea  res  curae  sit  operamque  des,  ut  per  te  quam  commodissime 
negotium  municipii  administretur  quam  primumque  conficiatur, 
ipsosque,  quorum  nomina  scripsi,  ut  quam  honorificentissime  pro 
15  tua  natura  et  quam  liberalissime  tractes.     Bonos  viros  ad  tuam  3 
necessitudinem  adiunxeris  municipiumque  gratissimum  beneficio 
tuo  devinxeris,  mihi  vero  etiam  gratius  feceris,  quod  cum  semper 
tueri  municipes  meos  consuevi,  tum  hie  annus  praecipue  ad  meam 
curam  officiumque  pertinet :  nam  constituendi  municipii  causa  hoc 


BRUTO.  On  Brutus,  cp.  Epp.  36, 
10-12;  91,  10;  Intr.  to  Parts  IV,  §  5 ; 
V,  passim. 

I.  Ut  ne  :  cp.  Ep.  22,  4,  note. 

Quid    meorum,   'anything   concerning 

me.' 

4.  Arpinates,  Cobetom. 

Quorum  quidem  .  .  possint,  'all 
whose  profits  and  entire  revenues  available 
for  the  maintenance  of  public  worship  and 
the  repairs  of  their  temples  and  other  public 
buildings.'      '  Quidem  '  =  *  certainly.'      Cp. 

Madv.  489  b. 

5.  Sarta  tecta  is  a  technical  expression. 
Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  I.  49,  foil.  *  Sarta  (et) 
tecta  aedes '  is  also  found.  Cp.  In  Verr.  2 
Act.  I.  50,  131.  'Et'  is  omitted  between 
•  sarta '  and  '  tecta.' 

7.  Vectigalibus.  The  municipal  au- 
thorities of  Arpinum  seem  to  have  invested 
their  common  funds  in  the  purchase  of  lands 
in  Cisalpine  Gaul.  The  people  of  Atella  had 
done  the  same,  cp.  Ad  Fam.  13.  7>  ^; 

8.  A  colonis, 'from  the  tenants.      Cp. 

Forcell.,  sub  voc. 


Totamque  rem  .  .  administrandam, 
♦  to  make  themselves  acquainted  with,  and 
to  manage,  the  whole  affair.' 

9.  Legatos.  Of  these  deputies,  Q.  Fu- 
fidius  is  mentioned  Ad  Fam.  13.  12,  i,  as 
stepson  of  M.  Caesius  (cp.  §  3),  and  as 
having  been  a  military  tribune  under  Cicero 
in  Cilicia.  The  other  two  seem  only  to  be 
mentioned  here. 

14.  Ipsosque,  quorum  nomina  scrip- 
si,  the  three  envoys  named  above. 

Ut    quam    honorificentissime :    cp. 
Madv.  465  b,  Obs.,  on  the  position  of  '  ut.' 
Pro  tua  natura:  cp.  Ep.  71,9,  note. 

15.  Ad  tuam  necessitudinem  adiunx- 
eris, 'will  place  under  a  great  obligation.' 
Billerb.     Sc.  '  si  ita  feceris.' 

17.  Devinxeris  :  cp.  Ep.  15,  4,  note. 
Mihi  .  .  etiam    gratius,   'what    will 

give  me  more  pleasure ; '  '  place  me  under  an 
obligation  all  the  greater.*     Wiel. 

18.  Praecipue  ..  pertinet,  'has  espe- 
cial claims  on  my  interest  and  services.* 

19.  Constituendi    municipii   causa, 
'  to  organize  the  town  satisfactorily.'  Billerb. 


EP.  94.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV.  14.      453 

anno  aedilem  filium  meum  fieri  volui  et  fratris  filium  et  M.  Cae- 
sium, hominem  mihi  maxime  necessarium ;  is  enim  magistratus 
in  nostro  municipio  nee  alius  ullus  creari  solet ;  quos  cohonestaris 
in  primisque  me,  si  res  publica  municipii  tuo  studio,  diligentia 
bene  administrata  erit.  Quod  ut  facias,  te  vehementer  etiam  at-  5 
que  etiam  rogo. 


94.  To   CN.   PLANCIUS   (AD   FAM.   IV.  14). 
Rome,  Autumn,  46  b.c.  (708  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  received  two  letters  from  you,  dated  Corcyra.  One  congratulates  me  on 
maintaining  my  old  position.  Now  I  have  the  approval  of  good  men,  but  have  lost 
political  power  and  independence.  2.  I  recall  with  some  satisfaction  my  foresight  as 
to  our  present  misfortunes.  3.  Your  other  letter  wishes  that  my  marriage  may  be 
happy.  I  should  not  have  contracted  it  but  for  the  perfidy  of  my  old  connections. 
4.  As  to  your  own  prospects,  do  not  believe  that  you  are  in  any  special  danger.  I 
will  do  my  utmost  for  you.     Let  me  know  your  plans. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  CN.  PLANCIO. 

1      Binas  a  te  accepi  litteras,  Corcyrae  datas  ;  quarum  alteris  mihi 
gratulabare,  quod  audisses  me  meam  pristinam  dignitatem  obti- 
nere,  alteris  dicebas   te   velle,  quae  egissem,  bene  et  feliciter 
evenire.     Ego  autem,  si  dignitas  est  bene  de  re  publica  sentire  10 
et  bonis  viris  probare  quod  sentias,  obtineo  dignitatem  meam  ; 


The  interest  which  Cicero  took  in  the  affairs 
of  his  native  town  would  strengthen  the 
hands  of  the  local  authorities.  '  Constituere  * 
=  •  ordinare.'     Forcell. 

2.  Is  .  .  magistratus,  sc.  '  aedilis.' 
Other  names  for  municipal  magistrates  were 
dictator,  duumvir,  quattuorvir.  Cp.  pro 
Milon.  10,  27;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  23;  Ap- 
pendix 12. 

3.  Cohonestaris  = 'honore  affeceris.* 

Forcell. 

4.  In  primisque  me,  'and  on  me  as 
much  as  on  any  of  them.'  Cicero  is  not 
included  among  the  '  quos,*  but  the  careless 
expression  *in  primis  me,*  is  natural  and 
intelligible. 

Res  publica  municipii,  •  this  matter 
of  public  interest  to  that  town.*     Billerb. 

CN.  PLANCIO.  Cn.  Plancius,  when 
quaestor  in  Macedonia,  had  been  of  great 
service  to  Cicero,  who  repaid  him  by  plead- 
ing for  him  when  accused  of  bribery  by  M. 
luventius  in  54  p.c.   Plancius  had  supported 


Pompey  in  the  civil  war,  and  was  living  in 
exile  when  Cicero  wrote  this  letter.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Parts  I,  §  21  ;  II,  §  10. 

7.  Binas  :  cp.  Ep.  78,  l,  note. 

Corcyrae.  On  the  gen.,  cp.  Madv. 
296  a ;  ace.  to  Hofm.  the  ablative  is  more 
commonly  used  in  dating  letters.  See  Ep. 
17,  4,  note  on  p.  iii,  and  Madv.  275, 
Obs.  2. 

9.  Quae  egissem.  These  words,  ap- 
parently, refer  to  Cicero's  marriage  with  his 
young  and  wealthy  ward  Publilia.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  IV,  §  7. 

10.  Ego  autem  replies  to  something  im- 
plied in  what  has  gone  before,  e.  g.  '  as  for 
your  congratulation.*     Siipfle. 

Si  dignitas  est.  Cicero  here  distin- 
guishes a  position  morally  dignified  from 
one  politically  so.  The  Latin  word  is 
ambiguous. 

11.  Probare  quod  sentias, '  convince  of 
the  rectitude  of  your  sentiments.'  On  the 
construction,  cp.  Ep.  38,  8,  note. 


i-' 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


454 

sin  autem  in  eo  dignitas  est,  si,  quod  sentias,  aut  re  efficere  possis 
aut  denique  libera  oratione  defendere,  ne  vestigium  quidem  ullum 
est  reliquum  nobis  dignitatis,  agiturque  praeclare,  si  nosmet  ipsos 
regere  possumus,  ut  ea,  quae  partim  iam  adsunt,  partim  impen- 

5  dent,  moderate  feramu§,  quod  est  difficile  in  eius  modi  bello,  cuius 
exitus  ex  altera  parte  caedem  ostentat,  ex  altera  servitutem.    Quo  2 
in  periculo  non  nihil  me  consolatur,  cum  recordor  haec  me  tum 
vidisse,  cum  secundas  etiam  res  nostras,  non  modo  adversas,  per- 
timescebam,  videbamque  quanto  periculo  de  iure  publico  discep- 

10  taretur  armis  ;  quibus  si  ii  vicissent,  ad  quos  ego  pacis  spe,  non 
belli  cupiditate  adductus  accesseram,  tamen  intellegebam,  et  irato- 
rum  hominum  et  cupidorum  et  insolentium  quam  crudelis  esset 
futura  victoria,  sin  autem  victi  essent,  quantus  interitus  esset 
futurus  civium  partim  amplissimorum,  partim  etiam  optimorum, 

15  qui  me  haec  praedicentem  atque  optime  consulentem  saluti  suae 
'  malebant   nimium   timidum   quam  satis  prudentem  existimari. 


1.  In  eo  .  .  est,  si :  cp.  Ad  Att.  2.  22, 
5  '  totum  est  in  eo  si  ante  (te  videro)  quam 
ille  ineat  magistratum.' 

2 .  Denique,*  even  only.'     Siipfle. 

3.  Agiturque  praeclare,  *  and  we  do 
very  well.'     Cp.  Ep.  98,  3  ;  also  Forcell. 

Nosmet  ipsos  regere, 'to  school  our- 
selves.' 'Regere'  may  be  suggested  by 
•  efficere  *  above.  *  We  cannot  influence 
events,  and  must  be  content  with  ruling 
ourselves.* 

4.  Ut  ea  .  .  feramus,  *to  bear  with 
composure  the  evils,  some  of  which  are 
already  present  and  others  at  hand.' 

5.  In  eius  modi  bello,  '  in  a  war  like 
this,'  which  Caesar  is  waging  against  Pom- 
pey*s  sons  in  Spain.  Hofm.  however,  who 
places  the  date  of  this  letter  earlier,  thinks 
that  the  war  in  Africa  is  here  referred  to. 
The  indicative  is  often  found  in  relative 
clauses  after  'eius  modi,'  where,  as  here, 
the  relative  is  not  to  be  resolved  into  '  ut  * 
with  the  demonstrative.  Cp.  examples  in 
Forcell. 

Cuius  exitus  .  .  servitutem,  *  of 
which  the  issue  threatens  us  with  a  massacre 
at  the  hands  of  one  party  (Cn.  and  Sex. 
Pompeii),  and  with  slavery  at  the  hands  of 
the  other'  (Caesar).  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  15.  19, 
4,  where  C.  Cassius  says,  *  malo  veterem  et 
clementem  dominum  habere  quam  novum 
et  crudelem  experiri'  (sc.  Cn.  Pompeium). 
Cp.  also  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §§  6  and  12. 

6.  Ostentat,  'threatens.'     Not  a  com- 


mon use  of  the  word.  But  cp.  Pro  Cluent. 
8.  25  '  qui  sibi  .  .  capitis  periculum  osten- 
tarat.' 

7.  Non  nihil  me  consolatur.  'Non 
nihil'  may  either  be  the  nominative,  'there 
is  something  to  console  me,'  or  the  adver- 
bial accusative.  In  the  latter  case  it  would 
come  under  the  rule  stated  by  Madvig, 
229  b,  and  cum  recordor  would  be  equi- 
valent to  '  quod  recordor.'  Cp.  Madv.  358, 
Obs.  2,  and  Forcell. 

Tum,  i.e.  '  at  the  beginning  of  49  B.C.' 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  4. 

8.  Secundas  ..  pertimescebam :  cp. 
Epp.  56,  4;  59»  2;  61,3-5.  ^ 

10.  S i, perhaps  =  '  etiamsi ;'  cp.  Ep.  89,  2, 
note. 

Ii,  'the  Pompeians.' 

Pacis  spe,  *  by  the  hope  of  bringing 
about  a  peace.' 

11.  Tamen.  Hofm.  remarks  that  this 
belongs  in  sense  not  to  '  intelligebam,'  but 
to  the  following  clause ;  '  yet  their  victory 
would  have  been  followed  by  cruelties.' 

12.  Cupidorum:  cp.  Epp.  80,  2  and  6; 
88,  2  ;  91,6.  Hofm.  renders  here  '  blinded 
by  selfishness.' 

14.  Civium  ..optimorum,  'of citizens, 
some  of  whom  were  most  eminent,  and  the 
others  most  excellent  also.* 

Partim  ='aliorum.'  It  subdivides  a 
larger  class  into  smaller  ones.     Forcell. 

15.  Haec  praedicentem,  'predicting 
what  we  now  see  around  us.' 


EP.  94.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    IV.  14.     455 

3  Quod  autem  mihi  de  eo,  quod  egerim,  gratularis,  te  ita  velle 
certo  scio,  sed  ego  tarn  misero  tempore  nihil  novi  cons.lu  cepis- 
sem,  nisi  in  reditu  meo  nihilo  meliores  res  domesticas  quam  rem 
publicam  offendissem  :  quibus  enim  pro  meis  immortahbus  benefi- 
ciis  carissima  mea  salus  et  meae  fortunae  esse  debebant,  cum  5 
propter  eorum  scelus  nihil  mihi  intra  meos  panetes  tutum  nihil 
insidiis  vacuum  viderem,  novarum  me  necessitudmum  fidehtate 
contra  veterum  perfidiam  muniendum  putavi.     Sed  de  nostns 

4  rebus  satis  vel  etiam  nimium  multa.  De  tuis  velim  ut  eo  sis 
animo,  quo  debes  esse,  id  est,  ut  ne  quid  tibi  praec.pue  timendum  10 
putes :  si  enim  status  erit  aliquis  civitatis,  quicumque  ent,  te 
omnium  periculorum  video  expertem  fore  ;  nam  alteros  tibi  lam 
placatos  esse  intellego,  alteros  numquam  iratos  fuisse.  De  mea 
autem  in  te  voluntate  sic  velim  indices,  me,  quibuscumque  rebus 
opus  esse  intellegam,  quamquam  videam,  qui  sim  hoc  tempore  et  .5 
quid  possim,  opera  tamen  et  consilio.  studio  quidem  certe  rei 
famae  saluti  tuae  praesto  futurum.  Tu  velim,  et  quid  agas  et 
quid  acturum  te  putes,  facias  me  quam  diligentissime  certiorem. 


1.  Deeo,  quod  egerim, 'on  my  second 

marriage.'  . 

Te  ita  velle,  '  that  you  wish  it  may  be 

happy.'     Cp.  §  I.  .     ,      ,,  1. 

2  Nihil  novi,  foil.,  'I  should  have 
made  no  change  in  my  plans.*  i.e.  by  divor- 
cing Terentia  and  marrying  again.  On  the 
genit.,  cp.  Madv.  285  b. 

3.  Res  domesticas  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part 
IV,  §§  I  and  7.  Cicero  seems  to  have  been 
involved  in  money  difficulties,  partly  through 
the  mismanagement  of  Terentia,  partly 
through  the  demands  of  Pompey.  And  per- 
haps he  had  never  got  quite  clear  of  the 
embarrassments  attending  his  exile.  At  the 
end  of  50  B.C.  he  was  in  debt  to  Caesar. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  7.  8,  5.  and  Ep.  29,  18  ;  Appen- 
dix 5,  §  3. 

4.  Quibus  .  .  propter  eorum.  Un 
the  order  of  words,  cp.  Ep.  13,  I,  note. 
Both  the  pronouns  refer,  perhaps,  only  to 
Terentia,  of  whose  extravagance  Cicero 
seems  to  have  complained.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  11. 
16,  5  •  auditum  ex  Philotimo  est  eam  scele- 
rat'e  quaedam  facere;*  also  Ad  Att.  il.  24, 
3;  II.  25,3;  Plut.  Cic.  41.  Perhaps  he 
refers  also  to  his  brother  and  nephew,  of 
whose  conduct  he  wrote  with  dissatisfaction 
in  this  year.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  5,  i,  and  see 


Epp.  81,  82.  . 

8.  Veterum,  sc. 'necessitudmum. 

9.  Nimium  multa,  sc.  '  dixi.'     ^ 
De  tuis,  '  about  your  own  affairs. 

10.  Ut  ne  quid:  cp.  Ep.  22,  4,  note.     ^ 
Praecipue='prae   ceteris   Pompeianis. 

Miiller.  .        .^  ^_    t>.  ^ 

11.  Si  enim  .  .  civitatis,  'if  the  State 
is  still  to  exist,  on  whatever  basis,'  i.e. 
whether  under  Caesar  or  under  the  sons  of 
Pompey.  This  sense  of  'status'  seems 
rare.  Cp.  Ep.  Ad  Brut.  I.  15.  12/ ad  col- 
locandum  aliquem  civitatis  statum. 

12.  Alteros  (Caesarianos)  tibi  iam  pla- 
catos.  Plancius  had  done  nothing  to  offend 

the  party  of  Pompey.  ,   .    .     , 

15    Videam.     This  verb  is  m  the  conj. 

as  depending  on  *  iudices,'  Wesenb.,  who, 

however,  thinks  that  'videam'  may  be  a 

copyist's  error. 

Q,ui    sim    .    .    possim,  •  *  what     my 

position  is,  and  how  Uttle  I  can  do.      Cp. 

Ve.  Studio  quidem  certe,  'at  least 
with  zeal.'  The' words  'quidem  certe 
bring  a  new  point  into  prominence.  Cp. 
De  Offic.  I.  39.  138  •  quoniam  omnia  perse- 
quimur,  volumus  quidem  certe;  also  De 
Senect.  2,  6. 


45^ 


M.  TULLII  CICERONI S 


[part  IV. 


95.     M.  MARCELLUS  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  IV.  ii). 
Mytilene,  end  of  64  B.C.  (708  A.U.C.) 

I.  Even  my  dear  cousin's  exhortation  could  not  persuade  me  to  return  to  Rome  till 
you  supported  it.  I  thank  you  for  your  congratulations ;  2.  the  society  of  men  like 
you  forms  the  only  attraction  Rome  has  for  me,  and  I  will  shew  you  my  gratitude  by 
my  conduct. 

MARCELLUS  CICERONI  S. 

Plurimum  valuisse  apud  me  tuam  semper  auctoritatem  cum  in  1 
omni  re  turn  in  hoc  maxime  negotio  potes  existimare.    Cum  mihi 
C.  Marcellus,  frater  amantissimus  mei,  non  solum  consilium  daret, 
sed  precibus  quoque  me  obsecraret,  non  prius  mihi  persuadere 

5  potuit,  quam  tuis  est  efifectum  litteris  ut  uterer  vestro  potissi- 
mum  consilio.  Res  quem  ad  modum  sit  acta,  vestrae  litterae 
mihi  declarant.  Gratulatio  tua  etsi  est  mihi  probatissima,  quod 
ab  Optimo  fit  animo,  tamen  hoc  mihi  multo  iucundius  est  et 
gratius,  quod  in  summa  paucitate  amicorum,  propinquorum  ac 

10  necessariorum,  qui  vere  meae  saluti  faverent,  te  cupidissimum 
mei  singularemque  mihi  benevolentiam  praestitisse  cognovi. 
Reliqua  sunt  eius  modi,  quibus  ego,  quoniam  haec  erant  tem-  2 


MARCELLUS.  On  Marcellus,  cp. Ep. 
90,  3.  note. 

2.  In  hoc  maxime  negotio,  '  in  this 
affair  especially/  i.e.  his  acceptance  of  Cae- 
sar's pardon.  Marcellus  seems  to  have  been 
persuaded  to  do  so  by  C.  Marcellus  and 
Cicero.  On  the  circumstances  of  his  recall, 
cp.  Ep.  90,  3  and  4. 

Potes  existimare,  'you  may  judge* 
from  my  conduct.  Explained  by  the  next 
words.  Cicero  had  urged  Marcellus  to 
return.     Ad  Fam.  4,  9. 

3.  C.  Marcellus  :  cp.  Ep.  90,  3. 

5.  Tuis  .  .  litteris.  Probably  one 
that  has  been  lost,  for  Ad  Fam.  4-  7 ;  8 ; 
9,  contain  no  account  of  the  proceedings  in 
the  senate. 

Ut  uterer  vestro  .  .  consilio,  '  to 
follow  your  advice  and  his  in  preference  to 
that  of  any  one  else,'  i.e.  to  return  to 
Rome. 

6.  Res  quem  ad  modum  sit  acta, 
*  how  my  recall  was  effected.' 

8.  Ab  optimo  fit  animo:  cp.  Madv. 


254,  Obs.  I  ;  Epp.  77,  I,  note. 

Hoc,  ablat.  On  the  gender  of  *  iucun- 
dius/ referring  to  '  gratulatio/  cp.  Madv. 
211  b,  Obs.  I. 

9.  In  summa  paucitate  amicorum. 
Lukewarmness  on  the  part  of  some  of  the 
friends  or  relatives  of  Marcellus  is  hinted  at 
by  Cicero,  Ad  Fam.  4.  8,  2  *  me  tuum 
esse,  fore  cum  tuis  si  modo  erunt  tui ; '  also 
lb.  4.  7,  6  (C.)  '  Marcello  non  desumus.  A 
tuis  reliquis  non  adhibemur.' 

10.  Faverent:  cp.  Ep,  i,  i,note,  on  the 
mood. 

Cupidissimum  mei,  sc.  *  fuisse,'  unless 
it  is  to  be  explained  as  an  accusative  of  the 
predicate  (cp.  Madv.  227  c,  and  Ep.  48,  i, 
note),  in  which  case  '  cognovi '  is  used  in  a 
double  sense.  Wesenb.  suggests  the  inser- 
tion of  •  esse '  or  *  fuisse.' 

12.  Reliqua  sunt  .  .  carebam,  'every- 
thing else  is  such  as,  seeing  the  times  were 
what  they  were,  I  readily  and  contentedly 
resigned.'  On  the  mood  of  '  carebam,'  cp. 
Ep.  94,  I,  note. 


EP.96.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM    XII.21.  457 

pora,  facile  et  aequo  animo  carebam  ;  hoc  vero  eius  modi  esse 
statuo,  ut  sine  talium  virorum  et  amicorum  benevolentia  neque 
in  adversa  neque  in  secunda  fortuna  quisquam  vivere  possit  : 
itaque  in  hoc  ego  mihi  gratulor ;  tu  vero  ut  intellegas  homini 
amicissimo  te  tribuisse  officium,  re  tibi  praestabo.     Vale.  6 


96.    To  ATTICUS   (AD   ATT.  XII.  ai). 
Written  probably  from  Astura,  in  Spring,  45  b.c. 

(709  A.U.C.) 

I.  The  letter  of  Brutus  shews  great  ignorance  of  the  case  of  Lentulus  and  his 
associates,  and  does  scant  justice  to  my  services.  But  it  is  his  own  affair.  2. 1  shall 
be  glad  if  you  can  buy  me  a  garden ;  you  know  for  what  object.  3.  I  quite  agree 
with  you  about  Terentia.  4.  Please  attend  to  the  business  of  Ovia.  5.  You  suggest 
that  I  should  come  to  Rome  to  shew  my  fortitude;  but  I  prefer  the  consolations  of 
literature  to  those  of  society. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  Legi  Bruti  epistolam  eamque  tibi  remisi,  sane  non  prudenter 
rescriptam  ad  ea,  quae  requisieras.  Sed  ipse  viderit ;  quamquam 
illud  turpiter  ignorat :  Catonem  primum  sententiam  putat  de 
animadversione  dixisse,  quam  omnes  ante  dixerant  praeter  Cae- 


I.  Hoc  vero  ..  statuo,  •  I  attach  such 
importance  to  this  assurance  of  your  friend- 
ship.' Cp.  the  conclusion  of  the  previous 
section. 

Spring.  Mr.  Jeans  has  pointed  out  that 
this  is  the  first  letter  in  this  collection  written 
after  the  reform  of  the  Calendar.  See  Ap- 
pendix Vlll.  The  dates  given  henceforth 
correspond  with  the  real  seasons.  This 
letter  seems  to  have  been  written  after  the 
death  of  TuUia  (cp.  §  2,  note),  the  news  of 
which  had  reached  Caesar  in  the  south  of 
Spain  by  April  30  (cp.  Ad  Att.  13.  20,  i), 
and  before  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Munda 
reached  Rome  on  April  20  (cp.  Dion  Cas- 
sius,  43,  42). 

6.  Bruti  epistolam.  M.  Brutus  had 
written  a  treatise  in  honour  of  Cato,  in 
which  he  claimed  for  Cato  more  than  his 
due  with  regard  to  the  proceedings  in  the 
senate  on  Dec.  5,  63  B.C.  Atticus  had  sent 
Brutus  some  criticisms  on  his  work,  mo- 
destly expressed  in  the  form  of  questions 
(quae  requisieras),  and  Brutus  seems  to 
have  shown  obstinacy  and  ignorance  in  an- 
other letter  to  Atticus.     Billerb.     On  the 


work  of  Brutus,  cp.  Ad  Att.  13.  46,  2, 
where  a  sarcastic  remark  of  Balbus  is 
quoted,  'Bruti  Catone  lecto  se  sibi  visum 
disertum.'  Hofmann's  note  on  this  passage 
seems  to  take  *  quae  requisieras '  as  meaning 
'  what  you  pointed  out  as  defective.' 

Non  prudenter,  *  without  a  proper 
knowledge  of  the  facts.'  Cp.  Philipp.  2. 
3,  5  '  quam  cuiquam  minus  prudenti  noa 
satis  gratus  videri.' 

7.  Ipse  viderit.  Met  him  correct  this 
himself.'  It  seems  to  be  implied  that  Brutus 
did  not  bear  criticism  well.  '  Videris,  it,  int 
dicimus  cum  aliis  rei  cuiuspiam  curam  relin- 
quimus.*     Forcell. 

8.  Illud  turpiter  ignorat,  'he  shews 
discreditable  ignorance  on  the  following 
points.'  On  this  use  of  ille,  cp.  Ep.  5,  9, 
note. 

De  animadversione,  *  in  favour  of  the 
execution  of  the  prisoners.'  *  Animadversio' 
=  *punitio.'     Forcell. 

9.  Omnes.  But  after  Caesar's  speech 
many  of  those  who  had  spoken  for  capital 
punii-hment  advocated  delay  or  tried  to  ex- 
plain away  their  speeches.  Cp.  Sail.  Cat. 
50  and  52  ;  Suet.  lul.  14. 


458 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


sarem,  et,  cum  ipsius  Caesaris  tarn  severa  fuerit,  qui  turn  praetorio 
loco  dixerit,  consularium  putat  leniores  fuisse,  Catuli,  Servilii, 
Lucullorum,  Curionis,  Torquati,  Lepidi,  Gellii,  Volcatii,  Figuli, 
Cottae,   L.   Caesaris,   C.   Pisonis,  etiam  M'.  Glabrionis,  Silani, 

5  Murenae,  designatorum  consulum.  Cur  ergo  in  sententiam  Ca- 
tonis  ?  Quia  verbis  luculentioribus  et  pluribus  rem  eandem  com- 
prehenderat.  Me  autem  hie  laudat,  quod  rettulerim,  non  quod 
patefecerim,  cohortatus  sim,  quod  denique  ante,  quam  consulerem, 
ipse  iudicaverim ;  quae  omnia,  quia  Cato  laudibus  extulerat  in 

10  caelum  perscribendaque  censuerat,  idcirco  in  eius  sententiam  est 
facta  discessio.  Hie  autem  se  etiam  tribuere  multum  mihi  putat, 
quod  scripserit  ^  optimum  consulem.'     Quis  enim  ieiunius  dixit 


1.  Tam  severa.  Caesar  had  proposed 
that  the  conspirators  should  be  punished 
with  perpetual  imprisonment  and  confisca- 
tion of  their  property.  Cp.  Cic.  in  Cat.  4. 
4  and  5;  Sail.  Cat.  51. 

Fuerit  .  .  dixerit.  The  conj.  may  be 
explained  by  treating  the  passage  as  a  quo- 
tation from  Brutus'  letter,  or  by  translating 
cum  'though/  qui  *  though  he.' 

Praetorio  loco.  Caesar  was  praetor 
designatus  at  the  end  of  63  B.C.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  I,  §  12.  On  the  order  in  which 
senators  expressed  their  opinions,  cp.  Ep.  6, 
2,  note  ;  Philipp.  5.  13,  35 ;  A.  Gell.  N.  A. 
4.  10. 

2.  Consularium.  This  list  agrees  with 
one  given  Philipp.  2.  5-6  of  those  who 
approved  Cicero's  measures  generally,  except 
that  M.  Crassus  and  Q.  Hortensius  are  there 
mentioned,  and  Gellius  and  Torquatus 
omitted. 

Q.  Catulus  was  consul  78  b.c.  ;  P.  Ser- 
vilius  79;  L.  Lucullus  74;  M.  Lucullus  73; 
C.  Curio  76;  L.  Torquatus  and  L.  Cotta 
65  ;  M'.  Lepidus  and  L.  Volcatius  66 ;  L. 
Gellius  72;  C.  Piso  and  M'.  Glabrio  67; 
L.  Caesar  and  C.  Figulus  64.  Silanus 
and  Murena  were  the  consuls  elect  for 
62  B.C. 

4.  Etiam  should  probably  stand  before 
*  Silani.'     Boot. 

5.  Cur  ergo  in  sententiam  Catonis  ? 
sc.  'facta  est  discessio,'  or  *  itum  est.' 
Brutus  is  supposed  to  ask  this  question.  It 
might  seem  strange  that  the  proposal  of 
Cato,  a  tribune  elect,  should  be  adopted  if 
so  many  consulars  had  advocated  substan- 
tially the  same  course. 

6.  Luculentioribus,  *more  distinct.* 
•Luculentus'  =  'perspicuus'  'dilucidus.'  For- 
cell.     Silanus,  one  of  the  consuls  elect,  had 


tried  to  explain  away  his  own  proposal. 
Cp.  Cic.  in  Cat.  4,  and  Sail.  11.  cc.  About 
the  meaning  of  Cato's  there  could  be  no 
mistake ;  he  had  proposed  that  the  con- 
spirators should  be  punished  *  more  maio- 
rum.'     Cp.  Sail.  Cat.  52. 

7.  Hie,  Brutus. 

Quod  rettulerim,  *  for  having  sub- 
mitted the  question  to  the  senate.'  Cp. 
Ep.  16,  6. 

Quod  .  .  cohortatus  sim,  'for  having 
exhorted  the  senate  to  act  with  vigour.' 

8.  Quod  .  .  ipse  iudicaverim,  'for 
having  made  up  my  own  mind.'  The  word 
can  hardly  refer  to  Cicero's  expression  of 
his  opinion.  For  he  ^poke  in  the  debate 
after  a  good  many  senators  had  risen,  and 
so  the  words  ante  quam  consulerem 
would  be  out  of  place.  Cp.  In  Cat.  4.  il, 
24.  Perhaps  Cicero  means  that  by  sub- 
mitting the  question  to  the  senate  at  all  he 
shewed  his  opinion  that  the  conspirators 
were  outlaws,  otherwise  the  senate  could 
not  sentence  them  to  death.  Cp.  Appen- 
dix 4.  *  Consulere  *  is  *  to  ask  the  senate's 
opinion.' 

10.  Perscribenda,  •  should  be  recorded ' 
in  the  report  of  the  debate.  Cp.  Ep.  22,  4, 
note.  Sallust  does  not  make  Cato  so  lavish 
of  his  praises.  Cat.  52.     See,  however.  Veil. 

2-  35- 

11.  Hie,  M.  Brutus. 

12.  Quod  scripserit  *  optimum  con- 
sulem,' •  in  having  called  me  "  a  very  good 
consul "  in  his  book.* 

Enim, 'why.'  *  Inservit  ironiae.*  For- 
cell.  Cp.  Philipp.  7.  8,  21  •occulta  enim 
fuit  eorum  voluntas.' 

Ieiunius  =  ' magis  invide,'  'more  grudg- 
ingly.'   Forcell. 


EP.96.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XII,  21.  459 

inimicus  ?    Ad  cetera  vero  tibi  quern  ad  modum  rescripsit !  tantum 
rogat,  de  senatus  consulto  ut  corrigas.       Hoc  quidem  fecisset 

2  etiam  si  t  rario  admonitus  esset.     Sed  haec  iterum  ipse  viderit. 
De  hortis,  quoniam  probas,  effice  aliquid  :  rationes  meas  nosti. 
Si  vero  etiam  a  Faberio  t  aliquid  recedit,  nihil  negotii  est ;  sed  5 
etiam  sine  eo  posse  videor  contendere.    Venales  certe  sunt  Drusi, 

3  fortasse  etiam  Lamiani  et  Cassiani :  sed  coram.  De  Terentia 
non  possum  commodius  scribere,  quam  tu  scribis  :  officium  sit 
nobis  antiquissimum  ;  si  quid  nos  fefellerit,  illius  malo  me  quam 

4  mei  paenitere.     Oviae    C.  Lollii  curanda  sunt  HS.  C.      Negat  10 
Eros  posse  sine  me,  credo,  quod  accipienda  aliqua  sit  et  danda 


I.  Ad  cetera  .  .  rescripsit  1  'what  re- 
plies he  made  to  your  other  criticisms!' 

a.  De  senatus  consulto,  foil.,  *to  cor- 
rect his  mistake  about  the  decree  of  the 
senate,'  of  which  Brutus  may  have  given  an 
incorrect  version.  He  seems  to  have  been 
unwilling  to  acknowledge  any  other  mis- 
take. 

3.  Etiam  si  rario,  clearly  corrupt.  'A 
Ranio'  (Graevius,  ap.  Baiter),  supposing 
Ranius  to  be  a  clerk  or  freedman  of  Brutus, 
or  *  a  librario '  (H.  A.  Koch,  ap.  Baiter ; 
Wesenb.)  would  make  good  sense.  '  He 
would  have  corrected  this  even  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  a  clerk.' 

Haec  iterum  ipse  viderit,  '  he  must 
take  the  consequences  of  these  faults  also.' 
See  note  above. 

4.  De  hortis.  Cicero  was  anxious  to 
buy  a  piece  of  ground  where  he  might  build 
a  shrine  ('  fanum ')  in  honour  of  Tuliia.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  12.  19,  I. 

5.  A.  Faberio.  Faberius  was  a  debtor 
of  Cicero's.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  25,  i;  12. 

Aliquid  recedit,  'something  is  repaid. 
But  the  usual  word,  Boot  and  Wesenb.  say, 
is  •  redit,' which  Boot  suggests.  Aliquid 
is  inserted  from  Cratander  (ap.  Baiter). 
Hofm.  has  *  si  Eros  etiam  a  Faberio  re- 
cepit.' 

6.  Contendere.  Forcell.  gives  'cu- 
rare '  as  one  of  its  synonyms.  Cp.  De  Off. 
3.  2,  6  '  quantum  labore  contendere  potes,' 
=  *  effect  my  purpose.'  Boot  gives  *operam 
dare  ut  hortos  comparem '  as  the  meaning. 

Drusi.  Perhaps  the  same  Drusus  who  is 
mentioned  Ep.  28, 9  ;  41,  4.  He  may  have 
been  the  father  of  the  empress  Livia. 

7.  Lamiani,  those  of  L.  Aelius  Lamia. 
He  was  a  Roman  knight  of  distinction,  and 
had  supported  Cicero  in  the  troubles  of 
58  B.C.     Cp.  Pro  Sest.  12,  29.     He  is  also 


mentioned  Ad  Fam.  11.  16,  2.  Horace  ad- 
dressed the  Odes  i.  26  and  3.  17  to  his  son. 
Cp.  Orell.  on  Hor.  Carm.  i.  26. 

Cassiani.  Billerb.  supposes  these  gardens 
to  have  belonged  to  C.  Cassius. 

Sed  coram,  sc.  'haec  agemus.' 

8.  Commodius,  '  with  more  propriety.* 
Officium,  'duty.'     Cicero  was  anxious 

that  Terentia  should  have  her  due.  He  was 
settling  business  arising  out  of  her  divorce, 
and  seems  to  have  discussed  the  provisions 
of  his  will  and  hers.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  18,  a, 
2  ;  12.  19,  4.  He  was  anxious  for  his  son's 
interest;  she  for  her  grandson  by  Tuliia, 
Lentulus. 

9.  Antiquissimum  :  cp.  Ep.  71,  4, 
note. 

Si  quid  nos  fefellerit,  *  if  I  am  a 
loser.'     Wiel. 

Illius  .  .  paenitere,  *I  had  rather  have 
to  complain  of  her  conduct  than  to  regret 
my  own,'  i.e.  '  if  one  of  us  must  lose,  let  it 
be  I.*  '  Paenitere  de  iis  quae  non  satis 
faciunt  dicitur.'  Forcell.  '  If  I  fail  to  con- 
ciliate her  I  should  prefer  that  the  fault  were 
hers.'     Manut. 

10.  Oviae  C.  Lollii.  On  the  gen.,  cp. 
Madv.  280,  Obs.  4.  '  Ovia  '  is  mentioned 
two  or  three  times  in  the  letters  of  the  1 2th 
and  13th  books  to  Atticus.  Of  her  hus- 
band, C.  Lollius,  nothing  more  seems  to  be 
known :  a  Lollius  is  mentioned  Ad  Att.  a 
2,  3,  but  nothing  important  is  said  of  him. 

Curanda  sunt  HS.  c,  'we  must  pro- 
vide for  the  payment  of  100,000  sesterces 
to  her.'  Billerb.  suggests  that  this  was  a 
debt  of  Terentia's.  On  the  way  of  express- 
ing sums  of  money,  cp.  Madv.  Suppl.  II. 
The  general  sense  of  the  passage  is  often  the 
only  guide  to  the  meaning  of '  HS.' 

11.  Eros,  a  steward  of  Cicero.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  13.  30,  2  ;  15.  15,  3 ;  15.  17,  I. 

Sine  me,  sc.  'curare,* 


460 


M.  TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  IV. 


aestimatio.      Vellem   tibi   dixisset :   si    enim   res   est,  ut   mihi 
scribit,  parata  nee  in  eo  ipso  mentitur,  per  te  confici  potuit ;  id 
cognoscas  et  conficias  velim.    Quod  me  in  forum  vocas,  eo  vocas,  5 
unde  etiam  bonis  meis  rebus  fugiebam  ;  quid  enim  mihi  cum  foro, 

5  sine  iudiciis,  sine  curia,  in  oculos  incurrentibus  iis,  quos  aequo 
animo  videre  non  possum  ?  Quod  autem  homines  a  me  postulare 
scribis,  ut  Romae  sim,  neque  mihi,  ut  absint,  concedere,  aut  f  qua- 
tenus  eos  mihi  concedere,  iam  pridem  scito  esse,  cum  unum  te 
pluris  quam  omnes  illos  putem.  Ne  me  quidem  contemno,  meoque 

10  iudicio  multo  stare  malo  quam  omnium  reliquorum  ;  neque  tamen 
progredior  longius,  quam  mihi  doctissimi  homines  concedunt, 
quorum  scripta  omnia,  quaecumque  sunt  in  eam  sententiam,  non 
]egi  solum,  quod  ipsum  erat  fortis  aegroti,  accipere  medicinam, 


Quod  accipienda  .  .  aestimatio,  *be- 
cause  I  must  accept  a  valuation  of  some 
property  and  hand  it  over  to  her.'  Under 
Caesar's  measure  for  the  relief  of  debtors 
they  were  allowed  to  offer  land  at  the 
value  it  had  borne  before  the  civil  war 
began.  This  value  was  to  be  fixed  by 
public  arbitrators.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 
I.  Now  Cicero,  in  order  to  pay  Ovia, 
had  to  get  in  apparently  a  debt  of  his 
own,  for  which  he  was  offered  land; 
and  Eros  seems  to  have  thought  that  he 
ought  to  be  present  at  the  valuation,  which 
Cicero  thought  needless.  Perhaps  '  aesti- 
matio* means  'the  land  valued,' as  in  Ep. 
87,  4.  Forcell.  gives  '  res  aestimata  '  as  a 
synonym, 

I.  Tibi  dixisset,  sc.  •  num  aliqua  sit 
accipienda  et  danda  aestimatio.'     Manut. 

Si  .  .  res  .  .  parata,  'if  the  affair  is 
ready  for  settlement.* 

a.  Potuit:  cp.  Epp.  16,  8,  note;  4,  i, 
note  on  *  debebat.' 

Id  cognoscas  .  .  velim,  'I  should 
like  you  to  enquire  into  and  settle  this.' 
'  Cognoscere'  in  this  sense  is  generally  more 
definitely  a  legal  term. 

3.  In  forum,  '  to  the  courts.* 

4.  Bonis  meis  rebus.  I  am  not  aware 
that  Cicero  expressed  this  distaste  for  advo- 
cacy before  the  civil  war  broke  out  ;  and 
enim  in  the  next  clause  assigns  a  reason 
which  could  only  exist  after  its  beginning. 
Hence  I  think  that  '  bonis  meis  rebus'  refers 
to  his  comparative  happiness  before  the 
death  of  Tullia. 

Quid  .  .  mihi  cum  foro.  With  this 
phrase  cp.  Ep.  8,  10 ;  Zumpt,  L.  G.  770; 
Madv.  479  d,  Obs.  I. 

5.  In      oculos     incurrentibus     iis, 


*when  men  come  in  my  way.'  Wiel. 
Cicero  refers  especially  to  the  less  re- 
putable of  Caesar's  friends.     Cp.  Ep.  71,  3, 

and  note. 

6.  Homines.   Caesar's  friends  ?  or  people 

in  general  ? 

Postulare,  i.e.  as  a  proof  of  his  resigna- 
tion and  fortitude. 

7.  Quatenus.  Perhaps  the  reading  of 
Lambinus  (ap.  Baiter)  '  quadam  tenus '  may 
be  adopted. 

8.  Iam  pridem  scito  esse  cum,  'know 
that  I  have  long  valued  your  opinion  more 
than  that  of  them  all.'  On  the  use  of  '  iam 
pridem,'  an  adverb,  as  a  predicate,  cp.  Ep. 
4,  I,  note.  •Cum'  =  *ex  quo.'  Forcell. 
Hofm.  thinks  that  this  combination  occurs 
nowhere  else  in  Cicero's  writings.  In  Ad 
Fam.  15.  14,  I  he  writes  'multi  enim  anni 
sunt  cum  ille  in  aere  meo  est ;'  Ad  Att.  9, 
II  A,  2  *  aliquot  enim  sunt  anni  cum.'  Cp. 
Plaut.  Amph.  i.  i,  146;  Asin.  2.  I,  3. 

10.  Neque  tamen  progredior  lon- 
gius, *  however,  I  do  not  go  further,'  in 
the  way  of  retirement  from  public  business. 
♦  Tamen,*  though  I  am  satisfied  with  your 
approval  and  my  own,  I  can  appeal  to  the 
authority  of  great  philosophers  for  preferring 
to  seek  consolation  from  literature  rather 
than  from  business.'  On  this  use  of '  tamen,* 
cp.  Ep.  29,  21,  note. 

12.  In  eam  sententiam,sc. 'scripta' *of 
that  purport.'     Cp.  Ep.  34,  4,  note. 

13.  Quod  ipsum  ..  medicinam, 'though 
this  reception  of  a  remedy  itself  shewed 
fortitude  in  sickness.* 

Quod  ='quamquam  hoc*  Madv.  448  ; 
Zumpt,  L.  G.  803.  On  the  infin.  as  the 
subject  of  a  proposition,  cp.  Ep.  45,  2 ;  Madv. 
378  a. 


EP.97.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIII.  16.   461 

sed  in  mea  etiam  scripta  transtuli,  quod  certe  adflicti  et  fracti 
animi  non  fuit.  Ab  his  me  remediis  noli  in  istam  turbam 
vocare,  ne  recidam. 


97.    To  JULIUS  CAESAR  (AD  FAM.  XIII.  16). 
AsTURA,  (?)  April,  (?)  45  b.c.  (709  a.u.c.) 

I.  My  regard  for  P.  Crassus  led  me  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  his  freedman, 
Apollonius,  2.  and  after  the  death  of  Crassus  my  opinion  of  Apollonius'  merits 
increased.  I  found  him  very  useful  in  Cilicia.  3-  He  has  now  decided  to  join  you  in 
Spain,  and  I  wish  to  let  you  know  what  I  think  of  him.  4.  His  learning  makes  me 
think  him  well  qualified  for  the  task  which  he  wishes  to  undertake-that  of  composing 
a  Greek  history  of  your  achievements. 

CICERO  CAESARI  SAL. 

1  P.  Crassum  ex  omni  nobilitate  adulescentem  dilexi  plurimum, 
et  ex  eo  cum  ab  ineunte  eius  aetate  bene  speravissem,  tum  per-  5 
bene  existimare  coepi  iis  iudiciis,  quae  de  eo  feceras,  cognitis. 
Eius  libertum  Apollonium  iam  tum  equidem,  cum  ille  viveret, 
et  magni  faciebam  et  probabam  :  erat  enim  et  studiosus  Crassi  et 
ad  eius  optima  studia  vehementer  aptus ;  itaque  ab  eo  admodum 

2  diligebatur.     Post  mortem  autem  Crassi  eo  mihi  etiam  dignior  10 
visus  est,  quem  in  fidem  atque  amicitiam  meam  reciperem,  quod 


Aegroti.  *  Aegrotus  substantivi  more 
usurpatur.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Nagelsb.  25,  83. 
On  the  genitives  'aegroti' and  animi,  cp. 
Ep.  77.  3.  note. 

2.  Istam  turbam,  'the  throng  of  liti- 
gants,' or  merely  of  people  at  Rome,  where 
Atticus  was.  ^ 

3.  Ne  recidam,  'lest  I  have  a  relapse. 
Cp.Livy  24,  29  'quo  mox  in  graviorem 
morbum  recideret.'  Cicero  uses  metaphor- 
ical language.  '  I  have  adopted  a  regimen 
of  literary  retirement ;  if  I  change  it  for 
one  of  pohtical  action  I  may  have  a  re- 
lapse.' 

4.  P.  Crassum  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  11, 
§§  7;  13.  He  was  the  younger  son  of 
M.  Crassus  the  triumvir,  and  perished  in  his 
father's  Parthian  campaign.  He  had  served 
with  distinction  under  Caesar  in  Gaul,  and 
was  much  attached  to  Cicero.  Cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Gall.  1.52;  2.34;  3.  20-27;  Cic.  Ad 
Fam.  5.  8,  4.  Cicero  succeeded  to  his  place 
as  augur.     Cp.  Plut.  Cic.  36. 


Ex  omni  nobilitate,  '  out  of  the  whole 
nobility.'  The  '  nobiles '  were  the  descen- 
dants of  men  who  had  held  some  curule 
office.     Forcell.     Cp.  Livy  22.  34. 

5.  Ex  eo,  with  speravissem.  'De  eo* 
is  more  common,  and  Wesenb.  has  it  here, 
but  cp.  Bell.  Afric.  45  '  quid  ex  tuis  copiis 
sperare  debeas.' 

Ab  ineunte  aetate:  cp.  Ep.  90,  4,  note. 
Perbene,  rare. 

6.  lis  iudiciis  ..  cognitis,  *  when  I 
became  acquainted  with  your  expressions  of 
opinion  about  him.*  Caesar  had  entrusted 
P.  Crassus  with  very  important  commissions. 
Cp.  reff.  above. 

7.  Apollonium.  This  freedman  of 
Crassus  seems  to  be  only  mentioned  in  the 
present  passage. 

8.  Studiosus:  cp.  Ep.  6,  2,  note. 

9.  Ad  eius  optima  studia,  '  to  aid  in 
his  most  honourable  pursuits.' 

10.  Post  mortem  .  .  Crassi,  i.e.  of 
P.  Crassus. 


\\ 


1 


4(>^ 


M,  TULLII  C ICE  RON  IS 


[part  IV. 


eos  a  se  observandos  et  colendos  putabat,  quos  ille  dilexisset 
et  quibus  carus  fuisset.  Itaque  et  ad  me  in  Ciliciam  venit 
multisque  in  rebus  mihi  magno  usui  fuit  et  fides  eius  et  pru- 
dentia,  et,  ut  opinor,  tibi  in  Alexandrine  bello,  quantum  studio 
5  et  fidelitate  consequi  potuit,  non  defuit ;  quod  cufti  speraret  te  3 
quoque  ita  existimare,  in  Hispaniam  ad  te,  maxime  ille  quidem 
suo  consilio,  sed  etiam  me  auctore,  est  profectus.  Cui  ego  com- 
mendationem  non  sum  pollicitus,  non  quin  eam  valituram  apud 
te  arbitrarer,  sed  neque  egere  mihi  commendatione  videbatur,  qui 

10  et  in  bello  tecum  fuisset  et  propter  memoriam  Crassi  de  tuis 
unus  esset,  et,  si  uti  commendationibus  vellet,  etiam  per  alios 
eum  videbam  id  consequi  posse  :  testimonium  mei  de  eo  iudicii, 
quod  et  ipse  magni  aestimabat  et  ego  apud  te  valere  eram  ex- 
pertus,  ei  lubenter  dedi.     Doctum   igitur  hominem  cognovi  et  4 

15  studiis  optimis  deditum,  idque  a  puero :  nam  domi  meae  cum 
Diodoto  Stoico,  homine  meo  iudicio  eruditissimo,  multum  a  puero 
fuit :  nunc  autem,  incensus  studio  rerum  tuarum,  eas  litteris 
Graecis  mandare  cupiebat.    Posse  arbitror  :  valet  ingenio  ;  habet 


1.  A  se  observandos.  The  dative  is 
much  more  common  with  gerundives.  Cp. 
Madv.  42T  a,  Obs.  i  ;  Zumpt,  L.  G.  651  ; 
but  the  present  construction  is  found  Ad 
Fam.  15.  4,  II  *  admonendum  potius  te  a 
me  quam  rogandum  puto.*  Siipfle  remarks 
(on  Ad  Fam.  15.  4,  11)  that  the  ablative 
and  preposition  are  used  either  (i)  to  make 
more  prominent  the  person  with  whom  an 
action  originates,  (2)  to  preserve  uniformity 
of  construction — if  e.g.  a  past  participle 
passive  has  been  used  in  a  parallel  clause. 
Cp.  Pro  Plane.  3.8  *  nee  si  a  populo  prae- 
teritus  est  quern  non  oportuit  idcirco  a  iudi- 
cibus  condemnandus  est  qui  praeteritus  non 
est:*  (3)  to  avoid  ambiguity — where  e.g. 
the  dative  might  be  mistaken  for  a  dativus 
commodi. 

Ille,  P.  Crassus. 

2.  In  Ciliciam,  during  Cicero's  go- 
vernment of  Cilicia,  51-50  B.C. 

4.  Ut  opinor  :  cp.  on  the  force  of  this 
expression,  Ep.  40,  i,  note, 

5.  Quod  cum  speraret:  cp.  Madv. 
449.  It  is  a  pleonastic  usage,  '  quod*  point- 
ing to  the  accus.  and  infin.  following.  Siipfle 
renders  '  on  that  point.* 

6.  In  Hispaniam.  Caesar  was  now 
engaged  in  a  war  with  the  sons  of  Pompey  in 
Spain.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  12. 

7.  Cui  ego  .  .  pollicitus,  'to  whom 
I  did  not  promise  a  recommendation.'  *  Com- 
mendationem '  is  the  emphatic  word. 


8.  Non  quin  =*  non  quo  non.'  On 
which,  cp.  Ep.  28,  7,  note. 

9.  Neque  .  .  et :  cp.  Ep.  6,  4,  note. 

10.  De  tuis  unus  esset,  '  is  one  of  your 
dependents.*  On  the  abl.  with  ♦  de,'  cp. 
Madv.  284,  Obs.  i.  The  use  of  'unus'  in 
this  indefinite  sense  is  colloquial,  and  found 
mainly  in  the  comic  poets,  unless,  as  here, 
used  with  a  partitive  preposition.  Cp.  Pro 
Milon.  24,  65  '  se  gladio  percussum  esse  ab 
uno  de  illis.' 

12.  Mei  . .  iudicii,  gen.  possess.:  cp.  Ep. 
4,  2,  note. 

14.  Igitur  .  .  cognovi,*  I  may  say  then 
that  I  know  him.' 

Hominem  =* eum:*  cp.  Ep.  90,  3,  note. 

16.  Diodoto.  Diodotus  was  Cicero's 
teacher,  and  for  many  years  an  inmate  of 
his  house,  where  he  continued  his  studies 
even  after  he  had  become  blind.  Cp.  De 
Nat.  Deor.  I.  3,  6;  Tusc.  Disp.  5,  39, 
1 13.  He  died  59  B.C.,  and  bequeathed 
Cicero  10,000,000  sesterces.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
2.  20  6. 

Meo  iudicio,  a  form  of  the  ablat.  caus. 
Cp.  Madv.  255,  Obs.  3. 

17.  Studio  rerum  tuarum,  'with  en- 
thusiasm for  your  exploits.' 

Litteris  Graecis  mandare,  *  to  write 
an  account  of  in  Greek.'  On  the  phrase 
•  mandare  litteris,'  cp.  De  Orat.  2.  12,  52. 

18.  Cupiebat,  probably  the  epistolary 
imperfect.     Cp.  Ep.  i,  i,  note. 


EP.  98.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    IV,  5.       4^3 

usum ;  iam  pridem  in  eo  genere  studii  litterarumque  versatur ; 
satis  facere  immortalitati  laudum  tuarum  mirabiliter  cupit. 
Habes  opinionis  meae  testimonium,  sed  tu  hoc  facilius  multo 
pro  tua  singulari  prudentia  iudicabis.  Et  tamen,  quod  nega- 
veram,  commendo  tibi  eum :  quicquid  ei  commodaveris,  erit  id  5 
maiorem  mz/iz  in  modum  gratum. 


98.    SERVIUS   SULPICIUS   to  CICERO 

(AD  FAM.  IV.  5). 

Athens,  (?)  April  (?)  45  b.c.  (a.u.c.) 

I.  I  grieved  much  for  the  death  of  TuUia,  and  it  is  hard  to  console  you  for  a  loss 
which  I  share :  yet  2.  surely,  after  all  we  have  suffered  as  citizens,  you  ought  to  bear 
this  private  loss  with  firmness.  Moreover  3.  she  had  little  to  live  for,  considering 
the  present  aspect  of  things.  4.  The  sight  of  many  famous  cities  lying  in  ruins  lately 
made  me  form  a  juster  estimate  of  individual  life.  Think,  too,  how  many  emment 
men  have  died  prematurely  in  our  civil  wars.  5-  Tullia  enjoyed  life  and  honour  as 
long  as  life  was  worth  having.'  Let  your  philosophy,  which  has  consoled  others, 
6  anticipate  for  yourself  the  healing  work  of  time.  She  whom  you  lament,  if  she 
still  is  conscious  of  anything,  would  not  have  you  indjilge  excessive  grief.  As  a  matter 
of  prudence,  do  not  let  those  in  power  suspect  that  you  are  really  bewailmg  the  fall 
of  the  commonwealth.  Shew  yourself,  lastly,  as  firm  in  adversity  as  you  have  been 
moderate  in  prosperity. 

SERVIUS  CICERONI  S. 
Postea  quam  mihi  renuntiatum  est  de  obitu  Tulliae,  filiae  tuae, 


I    In  eo  genere  studii,  foil.,  '  in  his- 
torical  composition?'    (Manut.)     Passages 
like  this  shew    how   the   word  •  studium 
tended  even  in  Cicero's  time  to  assume  its 
later  meaning  of '  literary  pursuits.'    Cp.  Epp. 

90,  4;  92.  3-  .^      , 

2.  Satis  facere  .  .  tuarum,  'to  do 
justice  to  your  immortal  exploits  by  a  work 
that  shall  last  as  long  as  their  remembrance ;' 
= '  ita  scribere  de  rebus  tuis  ut  scriptis^  suis 
aequet  immortalitatem  laudum  tuarum.' 

Laudum.  '  Laus  metonymice  dicitur  de 
recte  factis.'     Forcell. 

3.  Habes  :  cp.  Ep.  88,  6,  note. 

Tu  hoc  .  .  iudicabis.  On  the  accus., 
cp.  Ep.  41,  3,  note.  On  the  mood  and  tense, 
cp.  Ep.  II,  3.  note. 

4.  Tamen,  'after  saymg  I  would  not 
do  so.'  Cp.  §  3  '  commendationem  non  sum 
pollicitus.' 


5.  Quicquid      ei      commodaveris, 

*  whatever  you  do  to  oblige  him.'  '  Com- 
modare'  =  'benigne  facere  concedendo  alicui 
aliquid.'     Forcell.     Cp.    Ad   Fam.    13.    48 

•  quibus  tu  quaecumque  commodaris  erunt 
mihi  gratissima.* 

6.  Maiorem  .  .  in  modum.  A  rare 
expression,  =  •  in  a  high  degree.'  Wiel.  The 
words  are  used  in  a  slightly  different  sense 
Ep.  36,  10. 

SERVIUS.     On  Servius,  cp.  Ep.  90. 

7.  Renuntiatum  est,  '  news  was 
brought,'  which  I  had  a  right  to  expect. 
This  is  the  force  of  '  re.'     Cp.  Ep.  92,  I, 

note. 

De  obitu  Tulliae.  Tullia  seems  to 
have  died  early  in  45  B.C.— perhaps  in 
February — ,  see  Ep.  96,  note  on  date,  after 
the  birth  of  a  son.     Dolabella  had  divorced 


7 


464 


Af.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


sane  quam  pro  eo  ac  debui  graviter  molesteque  tuli  communemque 
earn  calamitatem  existimavi,  qui,  si  istic  adfuissem,  neque  tibi 
defuissem  coramque  meum  dolorem  tibi  declarassem.  Etsi  genus 
hoc  consolationis  miserum  atque  acerbum  est,  propterea  quia,  per 
5  quos  ea  confieri  debet  [propinquos  ac  familiares],  ii  ipsi  pari 
molestia  adficiuntur  neque  sine  lacrimis  multis  id  conari  possunt, 
uti  magis  ipsi  videantur  aliorum  consolatione  indigere  quam  aliis 
posse  suum  officium  praestare,  tamen  quae  in  praesentia  in  men- 
tem  mihi  venerunt,  decrevi  brevi  ad  te  perscribere,  non  quo  ea  te 

10  fugere  existimem,  sed  quod  forsitan  dolore  impeditus  minus  ea 
perspicias.     Quid  est  quod  tanto  opere  te  commoveat  tuus  dolor  2 
intestinus?   cogita,  quem   ad   modum   adhuc  fortuna  nobiscum 
egerit :  ea  nobis  erepta  esse,  quae  hominibus  non  minus  quam 
liberi  cara  esse  debent,  patriam,  honestatem,  dignitatem,  honores 

15  omnes.  Hoc  uno  incommodo  addito  quid  ad  dolorem  adiungi 
potuit  ?  aut  qui  non  in  illis  rebus  exercitatus  animus  callere  iam 
debet  atque  omnia  minoris  existimare  ?     An  illius  vicem,  credo,  3 


her  probably  a  short  time  before.  The  first 
allusion  to  her  death  is  found  Ad  Att.  12.12, 
I ;  cp.  also  Ad  Fam.  9,  11,  i.  Hofm.  refers 
to  Ad  Fam.  14.  5,  i  as  shewing  that  news 
might  reach  Athens  in  twenty  days  from 
Rome. 

1.  Sane    quam,    'assuredly.'     Cp.    Ep. 

33'  2. 

Pro  eo  ac  debui,  lit.  'in  proportion 
as  I  was  bound  to  do  so.'  Cp.  Madv.  444  b. 
An  instance  of  the  common  use  of  '  ac  '  in 
comparisons. 

2.  Istic,  'in  Italy/  where  Cicero  was. 
Neque  .  .  coramque  :  cp.  In  Cat.  2. 13, 

28  *  ut  neque  bonus  quisquam  intereat  pau- 
corumque  poena  vos  salvi  esse  possitis.' 
'Neque  .  .  et'  is,  however, much  more  com- 
mon.    Cp.  Madv.  458  c. 

3.  Genus  hoc  consolationis,  i.e.  'the 
condolence  of  those  who  themselves  suffer.' 

4.  Miserum  atque  acerbum, 'painful 
and  distressing.' 

Quia.  Cicero  would  probably  have 
written  '  quod.'     Manut. 

5.  Confieri.  'Confici'  is  more  com- 
mon, Madv.  143,  but  cp.  Ep.  58,  3. 

[Propinquos,  foil.]  If  these  words  are 
genuine,  the  accus.  must  be  explained  as 
used  by  attraction  to  '  quos.'  Cp.  Madv. 
207,  Obs. ;  Zumpt,  L.  G.  814. 

9.  Brevi.  Cp.  Epp.  29,  13 ;  91,  i 
for  the  suppression  of  a  substantive  with 
*  brevi.'     Hofm. 

10.  Sed  quod  .  .  perspicias.  As  these 


words  express  the  real  motive  of  Sulpicius' 
conduct,  we  should  expect  the  indicative 
(see  Ep.  28,  7,  note);  but  'perspicias'  is 
accounted  for  by  the  insertion  of  *  forsitan.' 
Cp.  Madv.  350  b,  Obs.  3. 

11.  Quid  est  quod  :  cp.  'nihil  est  quod' 
Ep.  92,  5,  note. 

12.  Intestinus,  'private,'  'personal.* 
Miiller.  A  rare  sense  of  the  word,  appa- 
rently. Cp.  Ep.  99,  2  for  a  similar  oppo- 
sition of  public  and  private  affairs. 

14.  Honestatem,  dignitatem,  'repu- 
tation and  position.'  *  Honestas'  =  ' bona 
fama.'  Matthiae.  Cp.  Pro  Rose.  Am.  39, 
114  '  damnatus  . .  honestatem  omnem  amit- 
teret.' 

16.  Qui,  probably  an  adverb. 

In  illis  rebus  exercitatus, 'that  has 
been  trained  in  that  school  of  public  ca- 
lamity in  which  we  have  been  trained.'  '  Ille  * 
of  something  well  known.  Cp.  Madv.  485  b. 

Callere,  rare  in  this  sense.  Forcell.  only 
quotes  this  passage. 

17.  Minoris  existimare.  Cicero  does 
not  use  '  existimare '  in  this  way,  but  cp. 
Corn.  Nep,  Cato  i,  2  'magni  eius  opera 
existimata  est.' 

An.  Hofm. reads 'at;'  Mr.H.  A.J.Munro, 
Journal  of  Philology,  4.  249,  believes  that 
'credo'  is  a  mistake  for  'Cicero.'  See  Mr. 
Jeans'  note.  Mr.  J.  E.  Yonge,  ib.  5,  52, 
prefers  '  at.' 

Illius  vicem,  'her  fate,'  or  '  on  her  ac- 
count.'    Cp.  Ep.  29,  2,  note. 


/I 


EP.  98.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV,  5.         465 

doles  ?  Quotiens  in  eam  cogitationem  necesse  est  et  tu  veneris  et 
nos  saepe  incidimus,  hisce  temporibus  non  pessime  cum  iis  esse 
actum,  quibus  sine  dolore  licitum  est  mortem  cum  vita  com- 
mutare.^  Quid  autem  fuit  quod  illam  hoc  tempore  ad  vivendum 
magno  opere  invitare  posset  ?  quae  res  ?  quae  spes  ?  quod  animi  5 
solacium  }  Ut  cum  aliquo  adulescente  primario  coniuncta  aetatem 
gereret  ?  Licitum  est  tibi,  credo,  pro  tua  dignitate  ex  hac  iuventute 
generum  deligere,  cuius  fidei  liberos  tuos  te  tuto  committere 
putares !  An  ut  ea  liberos  ex  sese  pareret,  quos  cum  florentes 
videret  laetaretur  ?  qui  rem  a  parente  traditam  per  se  tenere  10 
possent?  honores  ordinatim  petituri  essent?  in  re  publica,  in 
amicorum  negotiis  libertate  sua  usuri  ?  Quid  horum  fuit  quod  non 
prius  quam  datum  est  ademptum  sit  ?  '  At  vero  malum  est  liberos 


Credo,  ironical,  'perhams/  'forsooth.* 
Cp.  Pro  Arch.  lo,  25, 

1.  Et  tu  veneris,  foil.  A  slight  anaco- 
luthon  (Orell.  ap.  Miiller);  incidimus 
should  be  co-ordinate  with  'veneris,'  not 
with  •  necesse  est.*  Hofm.  remarks  that  *et 
— et'  may  be  interpolations,  and  *  nos  saepe 
incidimus '  originally  a  parenthesis.  On  the 
difference  between  '  venire  '  and  '  incidere,' 
Oudend.  ap.  Miiller  remarks  '  venimus  in 
cogitationem  ratione  et  prudentia  :  incidimus 
casu.'  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  7,  2  (Cicero  to 
Curio)  '  quod  in  rei  publicae  tempus  non 
incideris  sed  veneris — iudicio  enim  tuo,  non 
casu  in  ipsum  discrimen  rerum  contulisti 
tribunatum  tuum.'  Perhaps  Sulpicius  means 
'you  must  frequently  [as  a  philosopher] 
have  arrived  at  the  opinion  which  has  often 
occurred  to  me  [a  man  of  the  world].' 

2.  Cum  iis  esse  actum:  cp.  Ep. 
94,  I. 

3.  Sine  dolore,  'naturally,'  opposed  to 
a  death  by  violence.     Siipfle. 

Mortem  .  .  commutare,  'to  receive 
death  in  exchange  for  life.'  The  verb  more 
often  means  '  to  give  in  exchange.'  Cp. 
Madv.  258,  Obs.  2. 

5.  Quae  res,  'what  present  enjoyment.' 
Wiel.  Cp.  '  neque  solum  spe  sed  certa  re  * 
Ad  Fam.  12.  25,  2. 

6.  Ut  .  .  gereret.  This  clause,  and  the 
co-ordinate  ut  .  .  pareret  explain  quid  in 
'  quid  autem  fuit/  foil.,  which  is  developed 
into  quae  res?  quae  spes? 

Cum  .  .  .  adulescente.  TulHa  had 
probably  been  about  30  years  old  at  the 
time  of  her  death.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  3, 
3.  'Adulescens'  was  a  word  used  very 
loosely  by  the  Romans.  Cicero  speaks 
of   Brutus    and    Cassius  as    *  adulescentes ' 


(Philipp.  2.  44,  113)  at  a  time  when  both 
were  praetors,  and  when  Cassius  had  h*ld 
an  important  command  in  Syria  nine  years 
before.  Also  of  himself  when  consul  and 
aged  43.     Philipp.  2.  46,  118. 

Aetatem  gereret,  '  pass  her  life.' 
•  Ageret '  would  be  more  common.  Forcell., 
Siipfle. 

7.  Licitum  est  tibi,  credo,  foil.,  'it 
was  in  your  power  no  doubt  to  choose  a 
son-in-law,  such  as  your  position  demanded 
from  our  present  set  of  young  men — one 
under  whose  protection  you  would  think 
your  child  safe  I'  ironical,  of  course. 

Iuventute.  *  Inventus'  =  'multitudo 
iuvenum.'     Forcell. 

8.  Liberos,  sometimes  used  of  one 
child:  cp.  In  Cat.  i.  2,  4  '  occisus  est  cum 
liberis  M.  Fulvius  consularis,'  i.e.  with  his 
son.  But  is  it  not  merely  indefinite?  we 
might  say  '  entrust  your  children.' 

9.  An  ut  ea  ..  laetaretur, 'or  that  she 
might  have  children  in  the  sight  of  whose 
prosperity  she  might  rejoice  ? ' 

Quos  =  '  et  hos.'     Cp.  Ep.  96,  5,  note. 

10.  Per  se,'in  independence,' without  the 
protection  of  a  patron  such  as  Caesar, 
Mtiller. 

II. Possent  has  a  future  sense,  '  would  be 
able.'     Cp.  Madv.  378  a,  2. 

Ordinatim='  ordine,  composite '  (For- 
cell), 'in  the  order  prescribed  bylaw,'  fronj 
which  Caesar  had  departed  in  favour  of  his 
friends.  Sulpicius  means,  holding  each  office 
in  proper  order  and  at  the  proper  age. 

13.  Prius  quam  datum,  'before  the 
prospect  of  it  has  been  given'  by  their 
birth. 

Ademptum,  i.e.  by  the  usurpation  of 
Caesar. 


Hh 


466 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


amittere.'     Malum  :  nisi  hoc  peius  est,  haec  sufferre  et  perpet. 
Quae  res  mihi  non  mediocrem  consolationem  attulent,  volo  tibi  4 
commemorare,  si  forte  eadem  res  tibi  dolorem  ■"•--«  P^;'*' 
Ex  Asia  rediens,  cum  ab  Aegina  Megaram  versus  nay.garem, 
5  coepi  regiones  circumcirca  prospicere  :  post  me  erat  Aegma,  ante 
'me'Meg'ara,  dextra  Piraeus,  sinistra   Corinthus ;   quae  opp,da 
quodam  tempore  florentissima  fuerunt,  nunc  prostrata  et  d.ruta 
ante  oculos  iacent.     Coepi  egomet  mecum  s.c  cogitare  :    h  m  • 
nos  homunculi  indignamur,  si  quis  nostrum  mten.t  aut  occisus 
,o  est  quorum  vita  brevier  esse  debet,  cum  uno  loco  tot  opp.dum 
cadavera  proiecta  iacent  ?  visne  tu  te,  Servi.  cohibere  et  memi- 


1l 


At  vero,  nearly  =  'at  enim,'  'but  cer- 
tainly/ Wiel.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  15,  38  'at 
vero  Cn.  Pompeii  voluntatem  a  me  ab- 
alienabat  oratio  mea.'  ^         r  n     < 

I    Malum,  nisi    hoc  peius,   toll.,     a 
misfortune  no  doubt— were  it  not  a  greater 
Tor  '  only  it  is  a   greater/      Hofm.      Mr 
Jeans  renders  'nisi'  'but']  that  they  should 
have  to  suffer  what  we  do  now.      This  ver- 
sion makes  the  best  sense,  though  the  con- 
struction is  in  favour  of  referring   'haec 
sufferre  et  perpeti'  to  the  parents.    But 
it  would  be  no  consolation  to  say  '  were  we 
not  suffering  a  greater  misfortune '—while  it 
would  be  one  to  say  '  if  death  did  not  de- 
liver them  from  greater  evils.'     Cp.,  how- 
ever   §   2,  where  Sulpicius    certainly  does 
dwell  on  the  loss  of  liberty  as  making  pri- 
vate misfortunes  more  endurable. 

Nisi  .  .  est:  cp.  Madv.  442  c;  Zumpt, 

L.  G.   526.  ,  .       r         .  J  » 

2.  Quae  res,  a  periphrasis  for     quod. 

Cp.  Ep,  21,  3,  note.  , 

3.  Commemorare.  This  verb  is  often 
used  without  an  accujative  following  it.  Cp. 
Ad  CLF.  I.  I,  37  'ita  de  tua  virtute  .  .  . 
commemoranf  Here  the  sentence  quae 
res  .  .  .  attulerit  *  fo;ms  the  object. 

Si  forte,  '  in  the  hope  that  perhaps. 

4.  Ex  Asia  rediens.  Sulpicius  seems 
to  have  retired  to  Asia  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalus,  and  perhaps  Caesar  met  him  after 
his  victory  over  Pharnaces.      Cp.  Ep.  90,  2, 

note.  , .    r        T-> 

Megaram.     Cicero   uses  this  form  Ue 

Divin.  I.  27,  57 ;  but  the  plural  lb.  2.65, 135. 

Versus,  *  towards/ 

5.  Regiones  circumcirca  =  ' regiones 
quae  circumcirca  sunt.'  SUpfle.  Cp.Ep.82.1, 
note,  for  this  use  of  an  adverb.  The  word 
is  not  Ciceronian  apparently. 

7.  Nunc  prostrata  et  diruta.  An 
adversat.  conjunction  is  omitted  with  '  nunc. 


Cp.  Ep.  6,  2,  note.    Of  the  places  here  men- 
tioned Aegina  perhaps  had  fallen  gradually 
into    decay  after    its    surrender    to    Athens 
4^6  B.C.   Cp.  Thucyd.  1. 108  ;  Smith,  Diet, 
of  Geog.  I    33.     Of  Megara  s  condition 
we    know   little    but    from    this    passage. 
Hofm.  says  that  it  was  destroyed  by  De- 
metrius Poliorcetes,  307  B.C.     Piraeus  had 
been  ruined  in  the  Mithridatic  war      Cp. 
Mommsen  3.  302  ;  App.  Mithr.  4I  ;  Smithy 
Diet,    of  Geog.    I.    308.       Corinth    had 
never   recovered  its  destruction  by   Mum- 
mius  in  146  B.C.     Livy  Epit.  52  ;  Veil.  i. 
M.     Cp.  Cic.   De  Leg.  Agrar.  2.  32,  «7. 
Sulpicius    must    have    made    this    voyage 
before    its    restoration    by    Julius    Caesar. 
On  which  cp.  Plut.  Caes.  57  ;  Dion  Cassius 
43,  50;    Smith's  Geog.    i.  678;    Intr.  to 

Part  IV,  §  14.  , 

8.  Hem!  indignantis.     t-orceli.    ^ 

Q.  Homunculi,    'poor    mortals,    rare. 

Cp.  Tusc.  Disp.  I.  9,  18  •  homunculus  unus 

e  multis/ 

lo.Brevior  esse  debet, 'must  be  some- 
what short/  On  the  force  of  the  compara- 
tive, see  Madv.  308. 

Oppidum.     This  form  of  the  gen.  plur. 

seems  not  to  occur  elsewhere  in  prose.  It  is 
somewhat  irregular.  Cp.  Madv.  37,  Obs.  4. 
We    must    remember   that   Sulpicius,    not 

Cicero,  is  the  writer. 

II  Cadavera.  A  some  what  similar  meta- 
phor occurs  In  Cat.  4.  6,   U   «sepulta  m 

patria.  .        .    ,. 

Visne  tu.  * "  Vis  tu  "  dicit  qui  aliquem 
hortatur  aut  rogat  aut  modeste  iubet  *  Hand. 
Tursell.  4.  82.     Cp.  luv.  5.  74.  .     . 

•  Vis  tu  consuetis  audax  conviva  canistris 

Impleri,' 
and  Mr.  Mayor's  note.    On  the  force  of  ne, 
cp.  De    Senect.  10,  31  '  videtisne  ut  apud 
Homerum  saepissime  Nestor  praedicet.     Ac- 
cording to  P.  and  B.  it  =  'nonne/ 


EP.98.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV.  5.        467 

nisse  hominem  te  esse  natum  ? '     Crede  mihi,  cogitatione  ea  non 
mediocriter  sum  confirmatus.     Hoc  idem,  si  tibi  videtur,  fac  ante 
oculos  tibi  proponas :  modo  uno  tempore  tot  viri  clarissimi  inte- 
rierunt ;  de  imperio  populi  Romani  tanta  deminutio  facta  est ; 
omnes  provinciae  conquassatae  sunt :  in  unius  mulierculae  ani-  5 
mula  si  iactura  facta  est,  tanto  opere  commoveris.?  quae  si  hoc 
tempore  non   diem   suum   obisset,  paucis  post  annis  tamen  ei 
5  moriendum  fuit,  quoniam  homo  nata  fuerat.    Etiam  tu  ab  hisce 
rebus  animum  ac  cogitationem  tuam  avoca  atque  ea  potius  remi- 
niscere,  quae  digna  tua  persona  sunt :  illam,  quam  diu  ei  opus  10 
fuerit,  vixisse  ;   una  cum  re  publica  fuisse ;    te,  patrem  suum, 
praetorem,  consulem,  augurem  vidisse ;  adulescentibus  primariis 
nuptam  fuisse  ;  omnibus  bonis  prope  perfunctam  esse :  cum  res 
pubHca  occideret,  vita  excessisse.    Quid  est  quod  tu  aut  ilJa  cum 
fortuna  hoc  nomine  queri  possitis  ?     Denique  noli  te  oblivisci  15 


2.  Hoc  idem  .  .  .  proponas.  With 
Baiter's  punctuation  I  think 'idem'  is  the 
nom.  sing.  «I  should  like  you  also  to 
set  before  yourself  the  following  thought.' 
Wieland's  translation  connects  these  words 
with  what  has  gone  before,  in  which 
case  •  hoc  idem '  would  be  '  this  same 
thought.'  Hofm.  puts  a  full  stop  after 
*  proponas.* 

3.^  Modo,  'just  lately/  'but  a  short  time 
ago.'  Melmoth  compares  with  this  passage 
Addison's  reflections  in  Westminster  Abbey. 
Spectator,  No.  26. 

Tot  viri  clarissimi:  cp.  Ep.  87,  2. 

4.  De  imperio  .  .facta  est,  'the  sove- 
reignty of  the  Roman  people  has  been  im- 
paired as  seriously  as  you  know.'  Sulpicius 
means  that  the  people's  control  over  the 
empire,  or  perhaps  the  reputation  of  the 
empire,  had  been  diminished — not  the  extent 
of  tile  empire  lessened. 

5.  Conquassatae,  'convulsed,*  not  Ci- 
ceronian, apparently,  in  this  metaphorical 
sense. 

In  unius  . .  animula.  The  diminutives 
express  somewhat  of  depreciation.  Else- 
where such  words  seems  to  express  com- 
passion. Cp.  Tac.  Ann.  i,  59,  where  Armi- 
nius  calls  his  wife  '  muliercula.'  *  Animula' 
is  rare,  but  occurs  in  a  quotation  Ep.  61,  i  ; 
also  in  the  well-known  short  poem  of 
Hadrian  'animula  vagula  blandula.'  Spar- 
tian.  25.  For  this  sense  of  '  in '  with  the 
ablat.,  cp.  Ep.  127,  3  'magnum  damnum 
factum  est  in  Servio.* 

6.  Quae  si.,  ei.  The  demonstrative 
is  inserted  on  account  of  the  change  from 

H  h 


the   personal    to   the   impersonal   construc- 
tion. 

7.  Diem  suum  obisset.  Sulpicius 
uses  this  expression  again  (Ep.  101,  2), 
but  '  diem  obire '  smply  is  more  com- 
mon. 

8.  Moriendum  fuit.  On  the  indie, 
cp.  Ep.  38,  2,  note. 

Homo,  'a  mortal/  Cp.  Tusc.  Disp.  3. 
17.  36  *  qui  mortalis  natus  condicionem 
postules  immortalium.' 

Etiam  tu,  'do  you  as  well  as  I.'  Cp. 
above,  '  cogftatione  ea  non  mediocriter  sum 
confirmatus.' 

10.  Tua  persona  :  cp  Ep.  91,  10,  note, 
'  your  position  and  character/  Cp.  also  Ep. 
64,  I,  note. 

Opus  fuerit,  'was  advantageous/  'de- 
sirable.'    Cp.  Ep.  29,  25,  note. 

11.  Una  cum  re  publica  fuisse,  'that 
her  life  lasted  no  longer  than  the  common- 
wealth/ Cp.  De  Orat.  3.  3,  10  '  ut  ille  qui 
haec  non  vidit  et  vixisse  cum  re  publica 
pariter  et  cum  ilia  simul  exstinctus  esse 
videatur.' 

12.  Adulescentibus  primariis.  Sc.  C. 
Pisoni,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §§  8;  22;  Furio 
Crassipedi  cp.  Epp.  24,  2 ;  25,  3,  notes  ; 
P.  Dolabellae,  cp.  Ep.  42,  i. 

13.  Omnibus  bonis  propeperfunctam 
esse,  •  that  she  enjoyed  to  the  full  nearly 
every  blessing  life  can  offer.*  '  Perfungi '  is 
used  both  of  calamities  and  enjoyments. 
Forcell.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  i.  8,  3  '  cum  et  ho- 
noribus  amplissimis  et  laboribus  maximis 
perfuncti  essemus/ 

15.  Hoc  nomine  :  cp.  Ep.  38,  3,  note. 
2 


468 


M,  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  IV. 


Ciceronem  esse  et  eum,  qui  aliis  consueris  praecipere  et  dare 
consilium,  neque  imitari  malos  medicos,  qui  in  alienis  morbis 
profitentur  tenere  se  medicinae  scientiam,  ipsi  se  curare  non 
possunt ;  sed  potius,  quae  aliis  tute  praecipere  soles,  ea  tute  tibi 

5  subiice  atque  apud  animum  propone.   Nullus  dolor  est,  quem  non  6 
longinquitas  temporis  minuat  ac  molliat :  hoc  te  exspectare  tem- 
pus  tibi  turpe  est  ac  non  ei  rei  sapientia  tua  te  occurrere.   Quod  si 
qui  etiam  inferis  sensus  est,  qui  illius  in  te  amor  fuit  pietasque 
in  omnes  suos,  hoc  certe  ilia  te  facere  non  volt.     Da  hoc  illi 

10  mortuae ;  da  ceteris  amicis  ac  familiaribus,  qui  tuo  dolore  mae- 
rent ;  da  patriae,  ut,  si  qua  in  re  opus  sit,  opera  et  consilio  tuo  uti 
possit.  Denique,  quoniam  in  eam  fortunam  devenimus,  ut  etiam 
huic  rei  nobis  serviendum  sit,  noli  committere  ut  quisquam  te 
putet  non  tam  filiam  quam  rei  publicae  tempora  et  aliorum  vic- 

15  toriam  lugere.    Plura  me  ad  te  de  hac  re  scribere  pudet,  ne  videar 


1.  Ciceronem.  On  the  use  of  proper 
names  to  express  character  or  distinction, 
cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  4,  I  *  quid  est  quod  possit 
graviter  a  Cicerone  scribi  ad  Curionem  nisi 
de  re  publica;'  Ep.  15,  15  'civis  Romanus 

et  Cato.' 

2.  Neque  imitari:  supply  '  be  will- 
ing' from  'noli.'  Siipfle.  The  MS.  has 
•neque  imitare,'  and,  as  the  letter  is  not 
Cicero's,  perhaps  there  is  no  sufficient  reason 
for  changing  it,  though  *neve*  would  be 
more  regular. 

3.  Tenere,  'to  possess.'  Not  very 
common  in  the  precise  sense,  apparently. 

6.  Hoc  te  exspectare  ..  occurrere  : 
cp.  Cicero's  own  advice  to  Titius,  Ad  Fam. 
5.  16,  5  '  quod  allatura  est  ipsa  diuturnitas 
quae  maximos  luctus  vetustate  tollit  id 
nos  praecipere  consilio  prudentiaque  de- 
bemus.' 

7.  Ei  rei  .  .  te  occurrere.  *that  you 
should  anticipate  the  effect  of  time,'  lit. 
*go  forward  to  meet  the  result.*  'Oc- 
currere' =  *remedium  adferre,  praesertim 
cum  de  malo  agatur  quod  nondum  ac- 
cidit'  Forcell.  Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  4.  47, 
105  •  sentio  .  .  occurrendum  esse  satietali 
aurium.* 

Quod  si  qui  . .  sensus  est,  *  and  if  even 
the  departed  have  any  consciousness.'  On 
this  sense  of  '  inferi'  cp.  In  Vat.  6,  14  '  in- 
ferorum  animas  elicere.*  Sulpicius  speaks 
Tery  doubtfully  as  to  a  life  after  death. 

8.  Qui  illius  in  te  amor  fuit.  On 
this   constr.  =  '  pro '   with   the   ablat.,  cp. 


Madv.  446  '  such  was  her  affection  for  you 
that.' 

9.  Hoc  certe  .  .  te  facere,  i.e.  *  that 
you  should  mourn  immoderately.' 

Da  hoc,  ♦  concede  this,'  viz.  a  lessening 
of  your  sorrow. 

Illi  mortuae,  a  fair  instance  of  the  use 
of  the  demonstrative  as  equivalent  to  the 
Greek  article.  Cp.  Nagelsb.  I.  §  3,  2  b,  who 
quotes  Cic.  de  Orat.  2.  46,  193  ;  De  Nat. 
Deor.  2.  3,  7  ;  Tusc.  Disp.  5.  27,  78. 

11.  Si  qua  in  re  opus  sit,  'if  your  aid 
can  be  of  service  to  it  in  anything.' 

12.  Denique.  Sulpicius  has  already  used 
this  word  in  §  5.  It  is  probable  that 
he  intended  to  finish  his  letter  with  the 
words  •  uti  possit,'  when  a  fresh  topic  oc- 
curred to  him.  The  letter  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  carefully  revised.  Siipfle; 
Miiller. 

Quoniam  .  .  serviendum  sit,  'since 
we  have  come  into  such  a  position  that  we 
must  take  account  of  such  considerations 
as  the  following.' 

Devenimus.  •  Devenire*  =  *in  locum 
perniciosum  venire.'     Forcell. 

14.  Aliorum  =*alterorum,'sc.*  Caesaria- 

norum.'  Cp.  Livy  24.  27  *  aliae  partis  ho- 
minibus,'  of  one  of  two  parties — a  doubtful 
passage,  however:  also  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  1. 1 
•  unam  .  .  aliam  .  .  tertiam.* 

15.  De  hac  re, 'on  this  subject,*  i.e.  the 
general  subject  of  the  letter.  For  the  next 
sentence  suggests  a  new  topic,  and  does  not 
dwell  on  that  last  mentioned. 


EP.  99.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV.  6.       469 

prudentiae  tuae  diffidere  ;  qua  re,  si  hoc  unum  proposuero,  finem 
faciam  scribendi  :  vidimus  aliquotiens  secundam  pulcherrime  te 
ferre  fortunam  magnamque  ex  ea  re  te  laudem  apisci ;  fac  ali- 
quando  intellegamus  adversam  quoque  te  aeque  ferre  posse  neque 
id  maius,  quam  debeat,  tibi  onus  videri,  ne  ex  omnibus  virtu-  5 
tibus  haec  una  tibi  videatur  deesse.  Quod  ad  me  attinet,  cum 
te  tranquilliore  animo  esse  cognoro,  de  iis  rebus,  quae  hie 
geruntur,  quemadmodumque  se  provincia  habeat,  certiorem  fa- 
ciam.    Vale. 


99.    To  SERVIUS  SULPICIUS  (AD  FAM.  IV.  6). 
AsTURA,  April  (.>),  45  B.C.  {709  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  wish,  my  dear  Servius,  you  had  been  present  at  the  time  of  my  bereavement ; 
your  letter  has  been  consolatory ;  your  presence  would  have  been  still  more  so ;  your 
son,  however  tries  to  fill  your  place.  I  feel  the  force  of  what  you  say.  But  I  have 
not  the  consolations  which  other  sufferers  had  in  better  titoes.  2.  The  loss  of  her 
who  was  my  only  comfort  makes  even  old  wounds  smart ;  and  I  now  feel  the  mis- 
fortunes of  the  State  more  bitterly  than  ever.  3.  Your  sympathy  and  advice  will  be 
most  precious,  and  I  hope  to  see  you  as  soon  as  possible. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  SER.  SULPICIO. 

1      Ego  vero,  Servi,  vellem,  ut  scribis,  in  meo  gravissimo  casu  10 
adfuisses :  quantum  enim  praesens  me  adiuvare  potueris  et  con- 
solando  et  prope  aeque  dolendo,  facile  ex  eo  intellego,  quod 
litteris  lectis  aliquantum  acquievi ;   nam  et  ea  scripsisti,  quae 


1.  Prudentiae  tuae  diffidere,  '  to  dis- 
trust your  wisdom,'  i.e.  your  power  of  think- 
ing for  yourself  aiid  controlling  yourself. 

Si  .  .  proposuero,  'when  I  have  set 
before  you  '  «  Si '  = '  ubi '  or  *  postquam.' 
Forcell.     Cp.  also  Madv.  340. 

2.  Pulcherrime,  *  most  creditably,' i.e. 
with  moderation. 

3.  Apisci.  The  simple  form  is  rare. 
As  a  rule  the  Latin  authors  of  the  best 
period  preferred  compound  to  simple  forms 

of  verbs. 

4.  Aeque, 'with  equal  credit.'  Siipfle. 
So,  too,  Forcell.  =  '  ut  illam.' 

5.  Id,  sc.  •  adversam  ferre  fortunam.* 

6.  Haec  una,  'firmness  in  adversity.* 

7.  Tranquilliore.  The  reading  of 
the  MS.  seems  to  be  '  tranquilliorem,'  and 
Wesenb.  retains  it. 

8.  Geruntur  .  .  habeat.       The    last 


word  is  in  the  conj.  because  *  quemad- 
modum  '  implies  a  question.     Cp.  Madv. 

356. 

Provincia,  cp.  Ep,  90,  2,  note. 

10.  Ego  vero  .  .  vellem.  When  'vero* 
occurs,  as  here,  at  the  beginning  of  a  letter, 
it  must  be  taken  in  close  connection  with  a 
previous  letter.  Here  the  words  are  an 
answer  to  Ep. 98,  i,  as  '  ut  scribis'  shews, 
♦  yes,  I  could  wish,  Servius.'   Cp.  Madv.  437 

d;  454- 

11.  Potueris.     In  a  direct  sentence  po- 

tuisti  adiuvare  would  have  been  written, 
which  in  an  indirect  one  becomes  '  potueris.* 
Cp.  Madv.  348  e,  Obs.  i,  with  381  and 
Obss. 

13.  Aliquantum  acquievi, 'I  was  much 
calmed.'  '  Acquievi '  =  *  me  consolatus  sum  * 
cp.  Forcell. 


470 


AL  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


levare  luctum  possent,  et  in  me  consolando  non  mediocrem 
ipse  animi  dolorem  adhibuisti.  Servius  tamen  tuus  omnibus 
officiis,  quae  illi  tempori  tribui  potuerunt,  declaravit  et  quanti 
ipse   me   faceret   et   quam  suum  talem  erga  me  animum  tibi 

5  gratum  putaret  fore ;  cuius  officia  iucundiora  scilicet  saepe  mihi 
fuerunt,  numquam  tamen  gratiora.  Me  autem  non  oratio  tua 
solum  et  societas  paene  aegritudinis,  sed  etiam  auctoritas  con- 
solatur ;  turpe  enim  esse  existimo  me  non  ita  ferre  casum 
meum,  ut   tu,  tali   sapientia   praeditus,   ferendum  putas.     Sed 

10  opprimor  interdum  et  vix  resisto  dolori,  quod  ea  me  solacia 
deficiunt,  quae  ceteris,  quorum  mihi  exempla  propono,  simili 
in  fortuna  non  defuerunt.  Nam  et  Q.  Maximus,  qui  filium 
consularem,  clarum  virum  et  magnis  rebus  gestis,  amisit,  et 
L.  Paulus,  qui  duo  septem  diebus,  et  vester  Gallus  et  M.  Cato, 

15  qui  summo  ingenio,  summa  virtute  filium  perdidit,  iis  tempori- 
bus  fuerunt,  ut  eorum  luctum  ipsorum  dignitas  consolaretur  ea, 
quam  ex  re  publica  consequebantur.     Mihi  autem  amissis  orna-  2 
mentis  iis,  quae  ipse  commemoras  quaeque  eram  maximis  la- 
boribus  adeptus,  unum  manebat  illud  solacium,  quod  ereptum 


2.  Adhibuisti,  'you  shewed.'  Cp.Tusc. 
Disp.  I,  29,  71  'Socrates  .  .  adhibuit  liberara 
ferociam.' 

3.  Illi  tempori, 'to  this  calamity.'  Cp. 
Ep.  I,  4,  note, 

Declaravit,  'shewed.* 

5.  Iucundiora  . .  gratiora,  'have  often 
given  greater  pleasure,  but  have  never  de- 
served more  gratitude.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  i.  17, 6 
•  fuit  mihi  saepe  et  laudis  nostrae  gratulatio 
tua  iucunda  et  timoris  consolatio  grata.' 

Scilicet  :  cp.  Ep.  12,  4,  note,  alib. 

7«  Auctoritas,  'the  weight  of  your 
advice.'  Cp.,  especially,  §§  5  and  6  of  the 
previous  letter. 

12.  Q^  Maximus.  Q^  Fabius  Maximus 
Cunctator,  the  celebrated  general  in  the 
second  Punic  war.  Cp.  Tusc.  Disp.  3.  28, 
70.  His  son  was  consul  213  B.C.,  and  re- 
covered Arpi  for  the  Romans  in  that  year. 
Cp.  Livy  24.  43-47. 

14.  L.  Paulus.  Son  of  the  Paulus  who 
fell  at  Cannae.  He  defeated  Perseus  at 
Pydna  168  B.C.,  and  conquered  Macedonia. 
His  two  sons  here  referred  to  died  about 
the  time  of  his  triumph.  Cp.  DeSenect.  19, 
68;  Veil.  i.  10.  They  were  his  two 
youngest  sons ;  their  elder  brothers  had  been 
adopted  by  P.  Scipio  Africanus,  son  of  the 
conqueror  of  Zama,  and  by  Q.  Fabius  Max- 


imus. 

Vester  Gallus.  C.  Sulpicius  Gallus  did 
good  service  against  Perseus,  under  the  com- 
mand of  L.  Paulus  (cp,  Livy  44.  37),  and 
was  consul  166  b.c.  He  was  a  learned 
man,  especially  in  astronomy.  Cp.  De  Off. 
I.  6,  19;  Brut.  20,  78.  The  death  of  his 
«on  is  referred  to,  De  Amic.  2,  9.  Cicero 
inserts  his  name  here,  probably,  as  a  com- 
pliment to  his  correspondent ;  it  does  not 
occur  in  a  similar  list  given  Tusc.  Disp.  3. 
28,  70. 

Vester,  as  one  of  the  'gens  Sulpicia.' 

M.  Cato,  the  censor.  His  son  was 
'praetor  designatus'  when  he  died  in  153 
B.C.  (cp.  Tusc.  Disp.  1.  c),  and  is  mentioned 
De  Senect.  6,  15;  19,  68;  Livy  Epit. 
48. 

15.  Qui  .  .  perdidit  refers  of  course 
only  to  Cato. 

17.  Ex  re  publica,  from  political  life.* 
Cp.  Ep.  91,  9. 

Ornamentis  .  .  quae  .  .  commemo- 
ras, '  the  distinctions  which  you  mention.* 
Cp.  Ep,  98,  5  '  te,  patrem  suum,  praetorem, 
consulem,  augurem  vidisse.'  Cicero  must 
mean  that  he  had  lost  the  position  to  which 
such  distinctions  entitled  him. 

19.  Illud  solacium,  i.e. '  the  pleasure  of 
Tullia's  society.' 


EP.  99.]       EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV.  5.     471 

est.  Non  amicorum  negotiis,  non  rei  publicae  procuratione 
impediebantur  cogitationes  meae  ;  nihil  in  foro  agere  libebat ; 
aspicere  curiam  non  poteram ;  existimabam,  id  quod  erat,  omnes 
me  et  industriae  meae  fructus  et  fortunae  perdidisse.  Sed,  cum 
cogitarem  haec  mihi  tecum  et  cum  quibusdam  esse  communia,  5 
et  cum  frangerem  iam  ipse  me  ef  cogerem  ilia  ferre  toleranter, 
habebam  quo  confugerem,  ubi  conquiescerem,  cuius  in  sermone 
et  suavitate  omnes  curas  doloresque  deponerem  :  nunc  autem 
hoc  tam  gravi  volnere  etiam  ilia,  quae  consanuisse  videbantur, 
recrudescunt ;  non  enim,  ut  tum  me  a  re  publica  maestum  domus  10 
excipiebat,  quae  levaret,  sic  nunc  domo  maerens  ad  rem  publi- 
cam  confugere  possum,  ut  in  eius  bonis  acquiescam.  Itaque 
et  domo  absum  et  foro,  quod  nee  eum  dolorem,  quem  e  re 
publica  capio,  domus  iam  consolari  potest  nee  domesticum  res 
3  publica.  Quo  magis  te  exspecto  teque  videre  quam  primum  15 
cupio  :  maior  mihi  levatio  adferri  nulla  potest  quam  coniunctio 


1.  Non  .  .  impediebantur  cogita- 
tiones, 'the  course  of  my  thoughts  was  not 
checked.' 

Amicorum  negotiis,  *by  attention 
to  my  friends'  affairs  in  the  senate  and  in 
the  courts  of  justice. 

Procuratione,  'administration.*  Forcell. 

2.  In  foro,  *  as  an  advocate;'  perhaps 
also  as  a  popular  orator. 

3.  Aspicere  curiam  non  poteram. 
The  sight  of  it  would  remind  him  how  dif- 
ferent a  position  he  had  once  held  there. 

4.  Industriae  .  .  et  fortunae,  'the 
rewards  of  my  industry  and  gifts  of  fortune,* 
to  which  Cicero  allowed  considerable  influ- 
ence in  awarding  public  honours.  Cp.  Pro 
Muren.  17.  He  refers  here  to  his  public 
distinctions,  and  to  the  credit  and  influence 
which  they  should  have  secured  him.  Cp. 
on  '  ornamenta'  above. 

5.  Haec,  •  this  loss  of  position.' 
Tecum    et    cum     quibusdam,    'with 

you  and  certain  others  I  might  name.'  He 
means  such  friends  of  the  old  constitution 
as  had  survived  Caesar's  victory. 

6.  Frangerem  .  .  ipse  me, 'was break- 
ing down  my  resolution,'  *  was  giving  way,' 

*  forcing  myself  into  acquiescence.'  Cp. 
Ep.    90,    4,    '  fregit    .  .   meum   consilium.' 

*  Frangere'  = '  vincere.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Tusc. 
Disp.  I.  21,  49;  Pro  Sull.  6,  18. 

Ilia,  'the  losses  I  have  referred  to.' 

7.  Quo  confugerem,  foil.,  'a  refuge 
and  resting-place,*  i.e.  Tullia's  society.  Cp. 
Ep.  71,  9. 


9.  Hoc  tam  gravi  volnere,  'owing 
to  this  heavy  blow.'     Ablat.  cans. 

Ilia,  'the  old  wounds.'  Cp.  the  begin- 
ning of  this  section. 

Consanuisse,  apparently  used  here  only 
in  a  metaphorical  sense.  Forcell.  Hofm.  says 
that  it  is  peculiar  to  the  letters  of  Cicero. 

;o.  Recrudescunt, 'smart  afresh.' 

Tum,  'while  Tullia  lived.' 

A  re  publica  maestum,  'retiring  in 
sadness  from  public  life.'  'Maestum  a' 
seems  to  unite  this  meaning  with  '  saddened 
by,'  but  the  combination  is  one  hardly  pos- 
sible to  be  expressed  in  English.  Cp.  Verg. 
Aen.  6.  450 

'  Recens  a  volnere  Dido.' 

11.  Domo  .  .  confugere:  cp.  Madv. 
275,  obs.  2. 

12.  Ut  .  .  acquiescam,  'to  derive  con- 
tent from  its  prosperity.' 

13.  Domo  absum,  *I  stay  away  from 
home,'  i.e.  from  his  residence  at  Rome.  It 
appears  that  Tullia  had  lived  under  his  roof 
for  some  time.  From  the  sad  associations 
he  had  with  his  Tusculan  estate,  it  has  been 
argued  that  she  died  there  (cp.  Ad  Att.  12. 
46),  but  Ascon.  in  Pisonian.,  p.  122,  and 
Plut.  Cic.  41,  indicate  that  she  died  in  the 
house  of  Dolabella. 

15.  Videre  :  cp.  Ep.  81,  3,  note. 

16.  Levatio, 'relief' = 'consolatio.'  For- 
cell. Wesenb.  has  'maior  enim  levatio  mihi.* 
T.  has  '  maius  solacium  afFere  ratio;'  M. 
Thurot  suggests  'maius  solacium  levatio 
aflerre  nulla.' 


472 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  IV. 


consuetudinis  sermonumque  nostrorum  ;  quamquam  sperabam 
tuum  adventum— sic  enim  audiebam — adpropinquare.  Ego  au- 
tem  cum  multis  de  causis  te  exopto  quam  primum  videre,  turn 
etiam,  ut  ante  commentemur  inter  nos,  qua  ratione  nobis  tradu- 
5  cendum  sit  hoc  tempus,  quod  est  totum  ad  unius  voluntatem 
accommodandum  et  prudentis  et  liberalis  et,  ut  perspexisse  videor, 
nee  a  me  alieni  et  tibi  amicissimi.  Quod  cum  ita  sit,  magnae 
tamen  est  deliberationis,  quae  ratio  sit  ineunda  nobis,  non  agendi 
aliquid;  sed  illius  concessu  et  beneficio  quiescendi.     Vale. 

100.     To  A.  TORQUATUS   (AD   FAM.  VI.   2). 
ASTURA,  April  (?),  45  b.c.  (709  a.u.c.) 

1.  Not  forgelfulness,  but  either  ill-health  or  absence  from  Rome  has  been  the 
reason  of  my  writing  to  you  less  frequently  than  I  used  to  write.  2.  The  delay 
which  has  taken  place  with  regard  to  your  restoration  is  no  real  subject  for  regret ; 
whatever  may  be  the  end  of  the  present  troubles,  you  have  nothing  more  to  fear  than 
others,  and  may  hope  for  better  fortune.  3.  Let  me  know  how  you  do,  and  where 
you  are  likely  to  be. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  A.  TORQUATO. 

Peto  a  te  ne  me  putes  oblivione  tui  rarius  ad  te  scribere,  1 
quam   solebam,  sed  aut  gravitate  valetudinis,  qua  tamen  iam 


10 


Coniunctio  .  .  nostrorum,  'meetings 
for  friendly  intercourse  and  conversation.' 

1.  Consuetudinis.  *  Consuetude*  = 
•  convictus.'     Forcell. 

Quamquam  sperabam,  'I  hope,  how- 
ever.'    Cp.  Ep.  I.I,  note. 

2.  Tuum  adventum,  'your  arrival* 
from  your  province,  where  Sulpicius*  term 
of  office  was  expiring.     Siipfle. 

3.  Cum  .  .  tum  etiam:  cp.  Epp.  26, 
3,  note  ;  9,  12,  note. 

4.  Ante,  i.e.  'before  Caesar's  return 
from  Spain,'  which  took  place  in  the  autunm 
of  45  B.C.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §12. 

Commentemur  =  *  meditemur  '  (For- 
cell.), *  consider.' 

Qua  ratione,  foil.,  *  in  what  way  we 
are  to  pass  this  time  in  which  we  must  alto- 
gether consult  the  wishes  of  one  man.' 

Traducendum  =  *  agendum.'     Forcell. 

5.  Tempus,  used,  Mike  Mies,'  for  what 
passes  in  it. 

Quod  est  .  .  .  accommodandum, 
•  during  which  our  behaviour  must  be  so 
ordered  as  to  suit  the  will  of  one,'  etc. 

7.  Tibi  amicissimi.  Sulpicius  had 
various  claims  on  Caesar's  good  will.  During 


his  consulship  he  had  not  supported  the 
violent  proposals  of  his  colleague,  M.  Mar- 
cellus ;  it  is  doubtful  if  he  had  gone  to  the 
camp  of  Pompey  during  the  civil  war ;  his 
son  had  served  in  Caesar's  army ;  and  he 
himself  had  accepted  the  government  of 
Greece  from  Caesar.  Cp.  Ep.  90,  2  and 
3,  notes;  Intr.  to  Part  II,  §  17;  Ep. 
67,  2. 

Magnae  .  .   deliberationis,  *  it  is    a 
case  for  much  discussion.'     '  Deliberatio '  •= 
avfji^ovXevais.     Forcell. 

9.  Illius  .  .  beneficio,  ablat.  cans. 

Quiescendi,    *of  retiring   from    active 
life.'    '  Quiescere '  =  *  in  otio  esse.'    Forcell. 

A.  TORQUATO.  A  Manlius  Tor- 
quatus  is  mentioned  more  than  once  with 
regard  by  Cicero.  He  took  part  with  Pom- 
pey in  the  civil  war,  and  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalus  lived  in  retirement  at  Athens.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  6.  1,6  *  in  urbe  ea  es  ubi  nata  et 
alta  est  ratio  et  moderatio  vitae.'  He  was 
subsequently  allowed  to  return  to  Italy,  but 
not,  apparently,  to  Rome.  Cp.  note  on 
p.  473,  1.  5,  and  Ad  Alt.  13.  9,  i. 

II.    Gravitate    valetudinis.     Perhaps 


EP.  100.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   VI.  a.      473 

paulum  videor  levari,  aut  quod  absim  ab  urbe,  ut,  qui  ad  te 

proficiscantur,   scire   non   possim  ;    qua   re  velim   ita   statutum 

habeas,   me   tui   memoriam    cum    summa    benevolentia   tenere 

tuasque  omnes  res  non  minori   mihi   curae   quam   meas   esse. 

12  Quod  maiore  in  varietate  versata  est  adhuc  tua  causa,  quam  5 

homines  aut  volebant  aut  opinabantur,  mihi  crede,  non  est  pro 

malis  temporum  quod  moleste  feras  ;  necesse  est  enim  aut  armis 

urgeri   rem   publicam   sempiternis   aut  his  positis  recreari   ali- 

quando   aut  funditus   interire.     Si   arma  valebunt,   nee  eos,  a 

quibus  recipieris,  vereri  debes  nee  eos,  quos  adiuvisti ;  si  armis  10 

aut   condicione   positis   aut   defatigatione   abiectis   aut   victoria 

detractis  civitas  respiraverit,  et  dignitate  tua  frui  tibi  et  fortu- 

nis  licebit;    sin   omnino   interierint  omnia   fueritque   is   exitus, 

quem  vir  prudentissimus,  M.  Antonius,  iam  tum  timebat,  cum 


this  illness  was  caused  in  part  by  his  regret 
for  Tullia. 

Qua  .  .  levari,  *  from  which,  however, 
I  think  I  am  to  some  extent  recovering.' 
On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Madv.  261. 

1.  Quod  absim.  Not  *  absum,'  because 
Cicero  refers  to  the  opinion  he  would  have 
Torquatus  hold,  not  to  the  fact. 

Qui  ad  te  proficiscantur,  *  what 
friends  or  messengers  are  going  to  you,'  so 
that  I  might  entrust  letters  to  them. 

2.  Statutum  habeas,  '  assure  yourself.* 
On  'habes,'  with  the  past  part,  pass.,  usually 
only  of  verbs  denoting  insight  or  resolution, 
cp.  Madv.  427. 

5.  Quod.,  non  est  quod,  'there  is 
no  reason,  considering  the  painful  circum- 
stances of  these  times,  for  you  to  regret  that 
your  complete  restoration  has  been  delayed.* 
On  the  force  of  est  quod,  cp.  Ep.  92,  5, 
note. 

Maiore  in  varietate  .  .  .  est,  *has 
been  subject  to  "a  more  varied  combination" 
of  lenity  and  rigour.'  Wiel.  Matth.,  in 
substance.  Caesar  would  only  grant  the 
pardon  of  Torquatus  by  degrees.  Cicero 
speaks  of  him  as  in  Italy  (Ad  Att.  13.  9,  i), 
yet  as  having  something  still  to  request  from 
Caesar  (lb.  13.  20,  i  ;  13.  21,  2).  Manut. 
takes  rather  a  different  view  of  the  passage, 
and  explains  it  as  =  *  quod  varietas  fuerit 
inter  causam  Torquati  et  voluntatemque 
opinionem  hominura.' 

7.  Aut  armis  .  .  interire.  Either,  says 
Cicero,  the  civil  war  must  last  for  ever,  or 
on  its  conclusion  the  Commonwealth  must 
to  some  extent  recover,  or  be  utterly  de- 
stroyed.    In  the  first  two  cases  you  have 


nothing  to  fear ;  in  the  last,  nothing  worse 
than  others.  For  the  infinitives  after  '  ne- 
cesse est,'  cp.  Madv.  373,  Obs.  I. 

9.  Si  arma  valebunt  =  'si  perpetuum 
helium  erit'  (Miiiler),  '  if,  of  the  three  possi- 
bilities I  have  mentioned,  continued  war  be 
that  which  comes  to  pass.* 

Eos,  a  quibus  recipieris,  sc.  *  in 
fidem,'  *  those  who  shall  accept  your  sub- 
mission,' and  thereby  promise  you  your  life. 
The  Caesarians  are  meant.  On  this  sense 
of  *  recipere,'  cp.  In  Cat.  4.  10,  32  '  hostes  . . 
aut  oppressi  serviunt,  aut  recepti  beneficio  se 
obligatos  putant.' 

10.  Eos,  quos  adiuvisti,  i.e.  the  Pom- 
peians.  It  is  doubtful,  however,  how  this 
party  would  have  treated  those  of  their 
friends  who  did  not  persevere  in  the  struggle 
to  the  end.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§  7  ; 
10;  Ep.  82,  3,  note. 

Armis  .  .  detractis,  'after  arms  have 
been  laid  down  upon  terms,  or  thrown  away 
in  weariness,  or  wrested  from  one  side  by 
the  other*s  victory.'  Cicero  must  have 
written  this  before  the  news  of  the  battle  of 
Munda  reached  Rome.  It  was  fought  on 
March  17.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  12. 

11.  Condicione  =  *pactione.*     Forcell. 

12.  Respiraverit,  'shall  have  obtained 
relief  from  its  sufferings.*  The  verb  is  often 
used  metaphorically,  as  here. 

13.  Is  exitus  =  ' utter  ruin.' 

14.  Iam  tum,  'even  before  the  civil  war 
of  Marius  and  Sulla.'  Manut.  M.  Anto- 
nius the  orator  was  murdered  by  order  of 
C.  Marius  and  Cinna  87  b  c.  Cp.  Philipp. 
I.  14,  34;  Brut.  89;  Livy  Epit.  80.  Oa 
his  prophecy,  cp.  De  Orat.  i.  7,  26. 


474 


<; 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  ivi 


tantum  instate  malorum  suspicabatur,  misera  est  ilia  quidem 
consolatio,  tali  praesertim  civi  et  viro,  sed  tamen  necessana, 
nihil  esse  praecipue  cuiquam  dolendum  in  eo,  quod  accidat 
universis.      Quae   vis    insit    in    his    paucis   verbis-plura   emm  3 

scommittenda  epistolae  non  erant-,  si  attendes,  quod  facis, 
profecto  etiam  sine  meis  litteris  intelleges  te  aliquid  habere, 
quod  speres,  nihil,  quod  aut  hoc  aut  aliquo  rei  publicae  statu 
timeas  ;  omnia  si  interierint,  cum  superstitem  te  esse  rei  pubhcae 
ne  si  liceat  quidem  velis,  ferendam  esse  fortunam,  praesertim  quae 

lo  absit  a  culpa.  Sed  haec  hactenus.  Tu  velim  scribas  ad  me,  quid 
agas  et  ubi  futurus  sis,  ut  aut  quo  scribam  aut  quo  veniam  scire 
possim. 

101.     SERVIUS    SULPICIUS    to    CICERO 

(AD  FAM.  IV.  12). 

Athens,  May  31,  45  ^.c.  (709  a.u.c.) 


I.  On  landing  at  Piraeus  on  May  23rd,  I 
day  with  him.     2.  Two  days  afterwards  I 

4.  Quae  vis  ..  verbis,  'the  drift  of 
these  few  hints/ 

Plura  enim  .  .  non  erant,  'which  are 
all  that  I  wish  to  entrust  to  a  letter.'  Epi- 
stolary tense. 

Enim  explains  why  Cicero  did  not  write 
at  greater  length. 

5.  Si  attendes,  •  if  you  consider.'  In 
English  these  words  would  precede  'quae  vis 
..insit,'  'if  you  consider  the  force  of  these  few 
words.'  '  Attendes,'  sc.  '  auimum  ; '  but  the 
verb  is  often  used  absolutely,  as  here.  Forcell. 

6.  Sine  meis  litteris,  'without  any 
letter  from  me.'  On  this  use  of  the  poss. 
pron.,  cp.  Ep.  72,  i,  note. 

Aliquid  habere  quod  speres,  'that 
you  have  something  to  hope  for,'  i.e.  com- 
plete restoration  to  his  previous  position. 
Cp.  note  on  the  address  of  the  letter. 

7.  Aut  hoc  .  .  statu.  On  the  ablat. 
abs.,  cp.  Ep.  I,  2,  note,  '  if  the  present  or 
any  other  form  of  legal  government  be  main- 
tained.' Cicero  had  told  Torquatus  Ad  (Fam. 
6.  I,  6)  'non  debes  .  .  dubitare  quin  aut 
aliqua  re  publica  sis  is  futurus  qui  esse  debes, 
aut  perdita  non  adflictiore  condicione  quam 

ceteri.'  , 

Aliquo  seems  here  to  mean  '  any  other. 
Cp.  In  Cat.  I.  8,  20  '  Catilina  dubitas  .  . 


found  M.  Marcellus  there,  and  spent  the 
heard  that  he  had  been  badly  wounded 

abire  in  aliquas  terras;'  Tac.  Ann.  I.  4 
♦  Tiberium  .  .  ne  iis  quidem  annis  .  .  ali- 
quid quam  iram  .  .  meditatum.*  Aliquis 
is  used  in  negative  clauses  where  the 
negative  particle  is  attached  to  the  verb, 
or  where  the  negation  applies  to  a  special 
affirmative  idea.  Otherwise  '  ullus '  or  '  quis- 
quam  '  is  used.     Cp.  Madv.  494  a,  Obs.  i. 

8.  Omnia  si  interierint,  adversat. 
conj.  omitted.  '  Sin  autem  '  would  be  more 
regular.  Cp.  on  the  omission,  Ep.  6,  2,  note. 
Cum  superstitem  .  .  velis,  '  since  you 
would  wish  to  survive  the  Commonwealth, 
not  even  if  it  should  be  in  your  power  to 
do  so.'  So  these  words  may  be  literally 
translated.  In  English  the  order  of  the  two 
clauses  would  be  changed,  '  you  would  not 
wish  to  survive  the  Commonwealth,  even  if 
you  could.'  On  the  tenses  of  velis  and 
liceat,  cp.  Ep.  5,  3,  note. 

9.  Quae  absit  a  culpa,  '  as  you  have 
incurred  it  by  no  fault  of  yours.'     Cp.  Ep. 

16,  2,  note. 

II.  Ubi  futurus  sit  .  .  quo  veniam. 
This  seems  to  shew  that  Torquatus  had  a 
good  prospect  of  returning  to  Italy,  for  Cicero 
would  hardly  have  proposed  to  cross  the  sea 
to  him.  Manut.  thinks  that  Torquatus  was 
already  in  Italy. 


EP.  lOi.]     FPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IV,  la.    475 

by  P.  Magius  Gilo,  and  that  the  assassin  had  killed  himself.  As  I  drew  near 
Piraeus  at  dawn,  taking  surgeons  with  me,  I  heard  that  Marcellus  was  dead.  3.  I 
took  back  the  body  to  Athens  in  my  litter,  and  had  it  burned  in  the  Academy,  the 
most  honourable  place  where  such  a  ceremony  could  legally  be  performed.  I  also 
caused  the  Athenians  to  provide  for  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  Marcellus  there. 

SERVIUS  CICERONI  SAL.  PLUR. 

1  Etsi  scio  non  iucundissimum  me  nuntium  vobis  adlaturum, 
tamen  quoniam  casus  et  natura  in  nobis  dominatur,  visum  est 
[faciendum],  quoquo  modo  res  se  haberet,  vos  certiores  facere. 
A.  d.  X.  Kal.  lun.  cum  ab  Epidauro  Piraeum  navi  advectus  essem, 
ibi  M,  Marcellum,  collegam  nostrum,  conveni  eumque  diem  ibi  5 
consumpsi,  ut  cum  eo  essem.  Postero  die  cum  ab  eo  digressus 
essem  eo  consilio,  ut  ab  Athenis  in  Boeotiam  irem  reliquamque 
iurisdictionem  absolverem,  ille,  ut  aiebat,  supra  Maleas  in  Italiam 

2  versus  navigaturus  erat.     Post  diem  tertium  eius  diei^  cum  ab 
Athenis  proficisci  in  animo  haberem,  circiter  hora  decima  noctis  10 


1.  Vobis,  'to  you  and  to  our  common 
friends  at  Rome.* 

2.  CLponiam  .  .  .  dominatur,  'since 
you  will  be  the  less  surprised  from  knowing 
that  nature  and  chance  control  our  lives.' 
The  distinction  between  natura  and  casus 
is  rather  popular  than  philosophical.  Death 
by  disease,  however  sudden,  would  be  called 
natural ;  dtath  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin, 
casual ;  though  '  casus,*  in  the  strictest  sense, 
is  confined  to  events  which  exclude  human 
agency  altogether.  Cp.  Forcell.  Manut., 
however,  thinks  that  only  a  death  from  old 
age  could  be  strictly  called '  natural.*  On  the 
sing,  'dominatur,'  cp.  Ep.  34,  6,  note.  But 
Andr.  thinks  that  '  dominantur '  should  be 
read. 

Visum  est  =  'placuit.'     Forcell. 

3.  Quoquo  modo  res  se  haberet, 
•  the  circumstances,  however  painful,'  what- 
ever may  be  the  nature  of  the  case.'  '  Wie 
auch  immer  die  Sache  sich  verhalten  mochte.' 
Andr. 

Vos  certiores  facere.  The  infinitive 
is  to  be  accounted  for  as  following  one  of 
the  '  verba  voluntatis.'  Madv.  396.  We- 
senb.  has  *  faciendum  .  .  ut  facerem,'  which 
Cobet  also  suggests. 

4.  A.  d.  X.  Kal.  lun.,  'May  23.* 
Piraeum.      Cicero    thought    this    form 

more  correct  in  Latin  than  Piraeea.      Cp. 
Ad  Att.  7.  3,  10. 

Navi.  This  ablat.  has  an  adverbial  force. 
Siipfle.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  20,  i.  On  the 
form,  cp.  Madv.  42.  i  and  3, 


5.  Collegam  nostrum,  '  my  colleague 
as  consul?'  or  'our  colleague  as  augur?' 
Miiller  and  Andr.  think  the  former ;  Billerb. 
on  §  3,  and  Wesenb.  the  latter.  Ep.  90,  3, 
rather  supports  Miiller. 

7.  Reliquamque  iurisdictionem, 
•  the  rest  of  my  judicial  business,*  which 
he  had  to  discharge  before  leaving  his  pro- 
vince. It  was  usual  for  the  governor  to 
make  a  circuit  of  his  principal  towns  for  this 
purpose.  See  Cicero's  account  of  his  pro- 
ceedings in  Cilicia,  Ep.  36,  9.  The  province 
of  Achaia  would  include  nearly  all  Greece 
proper,  even  if  Macedonia  was  not  also 
under  the  government  of  Sulpicius.  Cp. 
Ep.  90,  2,  note;  Smith's  Diet,  of  Geog. 
I.  17. 

8.  Supra  Maleas,  *  round  Maleae.'  The 
singular  form  of  this  word  is  more  common 
than  the  plural,  which,  however,  occurs 
Herod.  1.  82.  Malea  was  the  S.E.  promon- 
tory of  Laconia. 

In  Italiam  versus.  'Versus' is  prob- 
ably a  preposition,  correcting  *  in.'  *To 
Italy,  I  mean  in  that  direction.*  Cp.  For- 
cell. 

9.  Post  diem  tertium  eius  diei. 
Probably  on  May  26.  This  expression  is 
not  apparently  Ciceronian,  cp.  Madv.  376, 
Obs.  6,  but  resembles  'postridie  eius  diei,* 
which  is  common  in  Caesar. 

10.  Hora  decima  noctis.  This  would 
be  about  two  hours  before  day-break,  or 
rather  before  3  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Cp. 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  *  hora,'  p.  614. 


47« 


V 


M.  TULLIl  CICERO mS 


[part  IV. 


P.  Postumius,  familiaris  eius,  ad  me  venit  et  mihi  nuntiavit  M. 
Marcellum,  collegam  nostrum,  post  cenae  tempus  a  P.  Magio  Ci- 
lone,  familiare  eius,  pugione  percussum  esse  et  duo  volnera  accep- 
isse,  unum  in   stomacho,  alterum  in  capite  secundum  aurem ; 

5  sperari  tamen  eum  vivere  posse  ;  Magium  se  ipsum  interfecisse 
postea  ;  se  a  Marcello  ad  me  missum  esse,  qui  haec  nuntiaret 
et  rogaret,  ut  medicos  cogerem.  Coegi  et  e  vestigio  eo  sum  pro- 
fectus  prima  luce.  Cum  non  longe  a  Piraeo  abessem,  puer  Acidmi 
obviam  mihi  venit  cum  codicillis,  in  quibus  erat  scriptum,  paulo 

10  ante  lucem  Marcellum  diem  suum  obisse.     Ita  vir  clarissimus 
ab  homine   deterrimo   acerbissima  morte   est  adfectus,  et,  cui 
inimici  propter  dignitatem  pepercerant,  inventus  est  amicus,  qui 
ei  mortem  offerret.     Ego  tamen  et  tabernaculum  eius  perrexi :  3 
inveni  duos  libertos  et  pauculos  servos  ;  reliquos  aiebant  profu- 

15  gisse  metu  perterritos,  quod  dominus  eorum  ante  tabernaculum 
interfectus'  esset.  Coactus  sum  in  eadem  ilia  lectica,  qua  ipse 
delatus  eram,  meisque  lecticariis  in  urbem  eum  referre,  ibique 
pro  ea  copia,  quae  Athenis  erat,  funus  ei  satis  amplum  facien- 
dum  curavi.     Ab  Atheniensibus,  locum  sepulturae  intra  urbem 


1.  P.  Postumius  is  apparently  only  here 
mentioned.     Oreil.,  Onom. 

2.  AP.  Magio  Cilone.  Some  suspected 
Caesar  of  instigating  Magius,  but  both  Bru- 
tus and  Cicero  disbelieved  the  charge,  and 
Cicero  thought  that  Magius  killed  Marcellus 
in  a  fit  of  rage  at  Marcellus  having  refused 
him  help  in  some  money  difficulties.     Cp. 

Ad  Att.  13.  10,  3.  ^    ,.  1. 

7.  Medicos  cogerem.  T.  has  'medi- 
cos ei  mitterem  itaque  medicos  coegi.' 

E  vestigio,  'at  once.'     Forcell. 

8.  Acidini.  C.  Manlius  Acidinus  was 
a  youth  of  good  family  studying  at  Athens 
apparently.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  12.  32,  2. 

9.  Codicillis,  'tablets,*  on  which  letters 
were  written.     Forcell. 

10.  Diem  suum  obisse:  cp.  Ep.  98,  4, 

note. 

11.  Acerbissima.  Perhaps  'most  un- 
timely.*    Cp.  Verg.  Aen.  6.  428-9. 

•  Ab  ubere  raptos 

Abstulit  atra  dies  et  funere  mersit  acerbo,* 

with  Conington's  note.      If  Marcellus  was 

elected  consul  as  early  as  he  was  qualified 

for  election,  he  would  be  forty-nine  years  old 

>"  45  B  c.  . 

13.  Ad  tabernaculum.     Piraeus  lay  m 

ruins  (cp.  Ep.  98,  4,  note),  so  that   those 

who  wished   to  spend  a  night   there   had 


either  to  pitch  a  tent  or  to  stay  on  board  ship 
in  the  harbour. 

Tamen,  'though  it  was  too  late  to  be  of 
service  to  Marcellus.'     Andr. 

14.  Profugisse   .  .  perterritos.    Lest 
they  should  be  punished  for  complicity  with 
the  assassin,  or  for  failing  to  defend  their 
master.     A  provision  for  the  punishment  of 
slaves  in  such  a  case  was  probably  contained 
in  the  Leges  Corneliae  (L.  SuUae) ;  and  a 
decree  of  the  senate  embodying  a  similar 
provision  was  adopted  under  Augustus— the 
Senatus  Consultum  Silanianum.     Cp.  Digest. 
29.  5,  25.     Later  legislation  was  very  severe 
on  this  subject.     Cp.  the  case  of  Pedanius 
Secundus  (Tac.  Ann.  14.  42-45).  o"  ^^^^^ 
the  historian  remarks   that   it   was  'vetus 
mos'  for  the  whole    of  a  man's   domestic 
slaves  to  be  executed  if  he  had  been  mur- 
dered in  his  house.     Cp.  Tac.  Ann.  13.  32. 

17.  Meisque  lecticariis,  '  and  by  the 
hands  of  my  bearers.*  Ablat.  instr. ;  '  per 
meos  lect.'  would  be  more  common.  Cp. 
Madv.  254.  Obs.  3.  The  word  '  lectica- 
rius*  occurs  Pro  Rose.  Am.  46,  134. 

Referre.  Marcellus  then  had  probably 
passed  through  Athens  on  his  way  to  Piraeus. 
See  Andr. 

18.  Pro  ea  copia  .  .  erat,  *so  far  as 
the  means  available  at  Athens  allowed.* 


EP.  102.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIIL  4.  477 

ut  darent,  impetrare  non  potui,  quod  religione  se  impediri  dice- 
rent  ;  neque  tamen  id  antea  cuiquam  concesserant :  quod  proxi- 
mum  fuit,  uti  in  quo  vellemus  gymnasio  eum  sepeliremus,  nobis 
permiserunt.  Nos  in  nobilissimo  orbi  terrarum  gymnasio  Aca- 
demiae  locum  delegimus  ibique  eum  combussimus,  posteaque  5 
curavimus,  ut  eidem  Athenienses  in  eodem  loco  monumentum 
ei  marmoreum  faciendum  locarent.  Ita,  quae  nostra  officia 
fuerunt,  pro  coUegio  et  pro  propinquitate  et  vivo  et  mortuo 
omnia  ei  praestitimus.     Vale.     D.  pr.  Kal.  lun.  Athenis. 

102.    To  Q.  VALERIUS  ORCA  (AD  FAM.  XIII.  4). 
Rome,  October  (Bait.),  45  ^-^-  (7^9  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  on  very  good  terms  with  the  people  of  Volaterrae,  and  shall  be  much 
indebted  to  you  if  you  can  save  their  lands  from  distribution  to  military  colonists. 
During  my  consulship  2.  I  interposed  for  their  protection,  and  Caesar  exempted 
their  territory  from  distribution  four  years  afterwards.  I  think  you  should  either 
follow  his  example  or  wait  till  you  can  refer  the  whole  matter  to  him.  3.  I  now 
turn  from  argument  to  entreaty,  and  recommend  the  city  to  your  protection  in  the 
strongest  terms.  4.  I  should  certainly  appeal  to  the  people  on  their  behalf  if  the 
times  admitted  of  it,  and  hope  I  may  have  as  much  influence  with  you  as  I  might 
have  with  the  people. 


1.  Quod  .  .  dicerent:    cp.  Epp.  I,  3; 
20,  6,  notes. 

2.  Neque  tamen,  foil.  These  words 
admit  some  justice  in  the  Athenians'  plea  ; 
•  quod  .  .  dicerent '  would  rather  imply  that 
it  was  a  mere  pretext.  *  However,  I  may 
say  in  their  defence  that  they  had  never 
granted  the  privilege  to  any  one  before.* 
The  words  are  rather  obscure ;  every  step  in 
the  argument  is  not  drawn  out,  but  this  is 
natural  enough  in  a  letter.  The  Greeks 
generally  buried  their  dead  without  the 
walls  of  their  cities.  See  Thucyd.  2,  34 ; 
but  cp.  Plut.  Timol.  39.  Mr.  Jeans  re- 
marks, that  this  passage  'shows,  as  Mr.  Long 
justly  points  out,  the  toleration  of  the  Ro- 
mans for  the  national  and  religious  customs 
of  the  different  people  in  their  empire.* 

Q.uod  proximum  fuit,  'the  next  best 
thing,'  or,  as  Andr.  '  my  next  request.' 

3.  Gymnasio.  The  gymnasia  were 
places  held  in  much  esteem.  Cp.  Corn.  Nep. 
Timol.  5.  4.  The  term  was  now  extended 
$0  as  to  include  schools  and  places  of  dis- 
cussion, perhaps  because  originally  the  public 
places  of  exercise  were  chosen  by  philoso- 
phers for  their  lectures  and  conversations, 
Cp.  p.  31. 


4.  Orbi  terrarum,  *  in  the  whole  world.* 
Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  4.  38,  82  '  cuius  amplis- 
simum  orbi  terrarum  clarissimumque  monu- 
mentum est.'     Andr.  reads  *  orbis.' 

Academiae.  The  celebrated  gardens 
where  Plato  taught,  on  the  north  side  of 
Athens. 

6.  Curavimus,  i.e.  by  command  or  re- 
quest. There  would  be  little  difference 
between  the  two  when  made  by  a  Roman 
governor. 

7.  Quae  nostra  .  .  fuerunt, 'the  atten- 
tions which  could  be  expected  from  mc* 
Wesenb.  omits  the  comma  after  'fuerunt* 
and  places  one  after  *  propinquitate.' 

8.  Collegio,  'our  relation  as  colleagues.' 
Cp.  Livy  10.  22  'nihil  concordi  collegio 
firmius  ad  rem  publicam  tuendam  esse ;  *  lb. 
10.  24  'invidisse  Decium  concordibus  colle- 
giis  tribus.' 

Propinquitate,  'intimacy.*  Forcell. 
does  not  give  this  sense  as  Ciceronian,  but 
Sulpicius  may  have  been  less  precise,  and  I 
cannot  find  that  he  was  connected  with 
Marcellus  by  blood  or  marriage.  Andr., 
however,  assumes  a  relationship  betweeo 
Sulpicius  and  Marcellus. 


478 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV. 


M.  CICERO  S.  D.  Q.  VALERIC  Q.  F.  ORCAE  LEGATO  PROPR. 

Cum  municipibus  Volaterranis  mihi  summa  necessitudo  est  ;  i 
magno  enim  meo  beneficio  adfecti  cumulatissime  mihi  gratiam 
rethilerunt ;  nam  nee  in  honoribus  meis  nee  in  laboribus  umquam 
defuerunt.     Cum  quibus  si  mihi  nulla  causa  intercederet,  tamen, 
5  quod  te  vehementissime  diligo  quodque  me  a  te  plurimi  fieri 
sentio,  et  monerem  te  et  hortarer,  ut  eorum  fortunis  consuleres, 
praesertim  cum  prope  praecipuam  causam  haberent  ad  ius  obti- 
nendum  :   primum  quod  Sullani  temporis  acerbitatem  deorum 
immortalium  benignitate  subterfugerunt,  deinde,   quod  summo 
10  studio  populi  Romani  a  me  in  consulatu  meo  defensi  sunt.    Cum  2 
enim  tribuni  plebi  legem  iniquissimam  de  eorum  agris  promul- 
gavissent,  facile  senatui  populoque  Romano  persuasi,  ut  eos  cives, 


Q^VALERIO.    This  Valerius  had  been 
praetor  57  b.c,  and  had  supported  Cicero's 
recall  from  exile.     Post  Red.  in  Sen.  9,  23. 
Next  year  he  governed  Africa  as  propraetor 
or   proconsul    (Ad   Fam.   13-  6  a,  2),  and 
when  this  letter  was  written  he  was  one  of 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  Caesar  to 
superintend  an  assignation  of  lands  in  Italy, 
on  which  cp.  Ep.  89.     Similar  letters  to  this 
are  found,  as  5,  7,  and  8  of  this  13th  book 
Ad  Familiares. 

I.  Municipibus.  The  people  of  Vola- 
terrae  had  probably  received  the  Roman 
franchise  by  the  '  Lex  lulia '  90  b.c.  Their 
city  was  an  ancient  and  famous  one  in  the 
north  of  Etruria,  still  called  Volterra. 

1.  Magno.  .  beneficio  adfecti:  cp. 
notes  on  §  2  for  the  facts.  On  the  expres- 
sion 'adficere  beneficio,'  cp.  Pro  Muren.  2, 
4,  '  honore  adfecto.' 

3.  Honoribus  .  .  laboribus.^  These 
two  words  seem  to  refer  to  Cicero's  days  of 
good  and  evil  fortune  respectively.  Cp.  Ad 
Fara.  13,  7,  for  a  similar  contrast. 

4.  Defuerunt,  so.  ' suflFragiis/  'failed  to 
support  me  *  by  their  votes. 

Cum  quibus  si  .  .  intercederet,  'and 
if  no  such  tie  existed  between  us.' 

Causa  =  'coniunctio.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Pro 
Quinct.  15,  48  'quicum  tibi  .  .  omnes  .  . 
causae  et'necessitudines  veteres  intercede- 
bant.'  '"Intercedere"  de  iis  dicitur  per 
quae  alteri  iungimur  vel  alienamur.'   Forcell. 

5.  Quod  te  .  .  diligo.  Cicero's  regard 
for  Valerius  induced  him  to  warn  him  how 
Caesar  had  interposed  for  the  protection  of 
Volaterrae.     Cp.  next  section. 

6.  Ut    eorum    fortunis    consuleres. 


•that  you  would  protect  them  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  their  property.' 

7.  Prope  praecipuam  causam, 'well- 
nigh  the  strongest  claim.' 

8.  Sullani     temporis     acerbitatem. 
Volaterrae  had  afforded  an  asylum  to  some  of 
the  proscribed  partisans  of  Marius,  and  had 
stood  a  siege  of  two  years,  surrendering  at  last 
to  Sulla  upon  terms.    Sulla  had  then  declared 
its  lands  confiscated,  but  had  not  assigned 
them  to  new  occupants ;  and  had  carried  a 
law  at  Rome  depriving  the  people  of  Vola- 
terrae of  their  rights   as  Roman  citizens. 
The  courts,  however,  refused  to  recognize  the 
vaHdity  of  the  latter  law,  and  the  confiscation 
was  never  actually  carried  out.    Hence  Cicero 
represents  that  the  gods  had  interposed  to  pro- 
tect the  people  of  Volaterrae.   Their  sufferings 
in  the  cause  of  Marius  would  give  them  a 
claim   upon  Caesar.     Cp.  Pro  Caec.   7,  18 
and  35,  102;  De  Dom.  30,  79;  Livy  Epit. 

89. 

9.  Summo  studio  populi  Romani, 
'with  the  most  hearty  approval  of  the 
Roman  people.* 

10.  In  consulatu  meo.  If  this  was  the 
first  service  which  Cicero  rendered  to  the 
people  of  Volaterrae,  it  seems  probable  that 
the  first  obligation  must  have  been  conferred 
by  them,  for  'in  honoribus'  can  hardly  refer 
to  a  time  subsequent  to  Cicero's  consulship. 

11.  Tribuni  plebi.  RuUus  took  the 
lead  among  them.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  1,  §  9. 
Cicero  pleaded  again  for  the  exemption  of 
the  lands  of  Volaterrae  from  the  operation 
of  the  law  of  Flavius  in  60  B.C.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  I.  19,  4.  Plebi,  a  rare  gen.  from 
•  plebes.*     Forcell. 


EP.  102.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIII.  4.    479 


quibus  fortuna  pepercisset,  salvos  esse  vellent.  Hanc  actionem 
meam  C.  Caesar  primo  suo  consulatu  lege  agraria  comprobavit 
agrumque  Volaterranum  et  oppidum  omni  periculo  in  perpetuum 
liberavit,  ut  mihi  dubium  non  sit  quin  is,  qui  novas  necessi- 
tudines  adiungat,  Vetera  sua  beneficia  conservari  velit.  Quam  5 
ob  rem  est  tuae  prudentiae  aut  sequi  eius  auctoritatem,  cuius 
sectam  atque  imperium  summa  cum  tua  dignitate  secutus  es, 
aut  certe  illi  integram  omnem  causam  reservare ;  illud  vero 
dubitare  non  debes,  quin  tam  grave,  tam  firmum,  tam  honestum 
municipium  tibi  tuo  summo  beneficio  in  perpetuum  obligari  velis.  10 

3  Sed  haec,  quae  supra  scripta  sunt,  eo  spectant,  ut  te  horter  et 
suadeam  :  reliqua  sunt,  quae  pertinent  ad  rogandum,  ut  non 
solum  tua  causa  tibi  consilium  me  dare  putes,  sed  etiam,  quod 
mihi  opus  sit,  me  a  te  petere  et  rogare.  Gratissimum  igitur 
mihi  feceris,  si  Volaterranos  omnibus  rebus  integros  incolumes-  15 
que  esse  volueris :  eorum  ego  domicilia,  sedes,  rem,  fortunas, 
quae  et  a  dis  immortalibus  et  a  praestantissimis  in  nostra  re 
publica  civibus  summo  senatus  populique  Romani  studio  conser- 

4  vatae  sunt,  tuae  fidei  iustitiae  bonitatique  commendo.     Si  pro 


1.  Fortuna:  cp.  •deorum  immortalium 
benignitate,'  in  §  i. 

2.  Lege  agraria.  In  59  b.c.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Parti,  §  17. 

3.  Omni  periculo  .  .  liberavit,  '  se- 
cured against  all  danger'  of  seeing  its  lands 
assigned  under  an  agrarian  law.  This  might 
perhaps  be  effected  by  clauses  inserted  in  the 
law  of  59  B.C. 

4.  Qui  .  .  adiungat,  'seeing  that  he  is 
forming  new  connections,'  i.e.  by  favours 
conferred  on  different  cities. 

6.  Auctoritatem,  'the  authority  of  his 
example.' 

7.  Sectam,  'party,'  whether  philoso- 
phical or  political.  For  the  latter  sense,  cp. 
Livy  8.  19  'Vitruvio  sectamque  eius  secutis.' 

Summa  .  .  dignitate,  'without  any 
sacrifice  of  independence  on  your  part.* 

8.  Illi  integram  .  .  reservare,  'to 
keep  the  whole  case  for  Caesar's  free  deci- 
sion,' i.e.  not  to  take  any  step  that  would 
commit  Caesar. 

Illud  vero  .  .  quin  .  .  velis.  On  the 
accus.  'illud,'  cp.  Madv.  229  a.  The  words 
'dubitare  .  .  quin  .  .velis'  mean  'hesitate  to 
desire.'  Cp.  Ep.  71,  5,  note,  on  the  con- 
struction. 

9.  'Grave,  moribus;  firmum,  opibus : 
honestum,  splendore  municipum.'    Manut. 


11.  Eo  spectant  .  .  suadeam,  'are by 
way  of  exhortation  and  advice.* 

12.  Reliqua  .  .  rogandum,  '  the  pur- 
pose of  what  follows  is  to  entreat  you,' 
'  I  have  hitherto  advised  you  with  a  view  to 
your  own  interest ;  I  now  entreat  you  to  do 
me  a  favour.'  On  'pertinere  ad,'  cp.  Ep.  55, 
I,  note. 

13.  Quod  mihi  opus  sit,  *  what  I  ought 
to  ask.'  On  the  difference  of  '  opus  esse ' 
and  *  necesse  esse,'  cp.  Ep.  29,  25,  note. 

15.  Feceris,  si  .  .  volueris.  The 
double  future  perfect  implies  that  the  com- 
pletion of  both  actions  will  be  simultaneous. 
Cp.  Madv.  340,  Obs.  2. 

Omnibus  rebus,  foil.,  'with  all  their 
property  untouched  and  unimpaired.' 

16.  Rem  =' rem  publicam.'  Wiel.,  For- 
cell. Cp.  Livy  I.  28  'inter  Fidenatem  Ro- 
manamque  rem.' 

17.  Praestantissimis  .  .  civibus. 
Cicero  probably  refers  to  himself  and  Cae- 
sar.    See  the  preceding  section.     Miiller. 

19.  Bonitatique,  '  bonitas  speciatim  su- 
mitur  pro  benignitate,  liberalitate,  dementia.' 
Forcell.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  meaning 
of  '  bonitas  '  and  '  malitia  *  was  narrowed 
down  from  general  goodness  and  badness  to 
benevolence  and  unkindness. 

Si    pro    meis    .  .    daret,   'if  circum- 


480 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  IV, 


meis  pristinis  opibus  facultatem   mihi  res  hoc  tempore  daret, 
ut  ita  defendere  possem  Volaterranos,  quern  ad  modum  consuevi 
tueri  meos,  nullum  officium,  nullum  denique  certamen,  m  quo 
illis  prodesse  possem,  praetermitterem ;   sed  quoniam  apud  te 
5  nihilo  minus  hoc  tempore  valere  me  confido,    quam  valuerim 
semper  apud  bonos  omnes,  pro  nostra  summa  necessitudine  pari- 
que   inter  nos   et   mutua   benevolentia  abs  te  peto,  ut  ita  de 
Volaterranis  mereare,  ut  existiment  eum  quasi  divino  consilio 
isti  negotio  praepositum  esse,  apud  quern  unum  nos  eorum  per- 
10  petui  defensores  plurimum  valere  possemus. 

103.    To  Q.  CORNIFICIUS  (AD  FAM.  XII.  18). 
Rome,  late  tn  45  ^-^-  (7^9  a.u.c.) 

1.  I  have  taken  advantage  of  every  opportunity  of  writing  to  you.  I  am  glad  to 
learn  that  you  will  wait  to  see  how  the  enterprise  of  Bassus  turns  out.  Pray  write  to 
me  frequently.  The  aspect  of  affairs  has  suddenly  changed,  both  2.  m  Syria,  where 
it  is  now  warlike,  and  here,  where  it  is  peaceable.  But  the  peace  we  enjoy  has 
several  unpleasant  accompaniments— which  are  distasteful,  I  believe,  to  Caesar  him- 
self.  But  I  have  learned  to  acquiesce  m  them ;  and  only  need  some  congenial  com- 
panion  like  yourself  to  share  my  amusement  at  some  of  the  things  that  are  taking 
place. 

CICERO  S.  D.  CORNIFICIO  COLLEGAE. 
Quod  extremum  fuit  in  ea  epistola,  quam  a  te  proxime  accepi,  1 


stances  gave  me  at  this  time  power  to  pro- 
tect the  people  of  Volaterrae  as  effectively  as 
my  previous  influence  did. 

I.  Res  =* factum/  Forcell.  Cicero  re- 
fers probably  to  the  years  between  63-60 
B.C.,  when  he  had  bten  one  of  the  most 
influential  men  in  the  Slate. 

3.  Meos,  'my  friends'  or  clients.  Not 
opposed  to  *  Volaterranos,'  but  including 
them  in  a  larger  class. 

Certamen,  *  contest '  with  those  who 
attempted  to  wrong  them. 

5.  Hoc  tempore,  *  even  now.' 

6.  Bonos.  The  insertion  of  this  word 
seems  necessary,  for  it  would  be  no  compli- 
ment to  Valerius  to  say,  •  I  have  as  much 
influence  with  you  now  as  1  have  always 
had  with  all,'  unless,  indeed,  •  semper '  mean 
*  always  in  better  times.' 

8.  Mereare.  The  form  in  *-re'of  the 
2nd  pers.  sing,  of  passive  verbs  is  most  com- 
monly used  by  Cicero,  except  in  the  present 
indie.     Cp.  Mad  v.  114  b. 


9.  Tsti  negotio,  'the  business  in  which 
you  are  engaged,'  i.e.  the  assignation  of  lands. 
Cp.  the  introductory  note  on  this  letter. 

CORNIFICIO.  This  Comific'us  was  prob- 
ably the  son  of  one  mentioned  Ep.  1,1.    He 
took  Caesar's  side  in  the  civil  war,  and  after 
the  battle  of  Pharsalus  was  entrusted  with  the 
government  of  Illyricum.   Cp.  Bell.  Alex.  42. 
In  ^4-43  B.C.  we  find  him  governing  Africa, 
where    he   supported  the    authority  of  the 
senate,  and  afterwards  of  Octavian,  against 
Antony.     He  was,  however,  defeated^  and 
killed  by  T.  Scxtius,  aciing  in  Antony's  in- 
terest as  governor  of  Numidia.     Cp.  Dion 
Cassius  48.  21.     He  is  mentioned,  Ep.  124, 
I,  as  joint  colleague  of  Cicero  and  Antony, 
probably  as  augur.     On  his  position  at  the 
date  of  this  letter,  cp.  §  i,  note. 

II.  Quod  extremum  fuit.  A  com- 
plaint, apparently,  that  Cicero  did  not  write 
often  enough.  Cp.  below  'epislolas  requiris 
meas.* 


EP.  103.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XII.  i8.   481 

ad  id  primum  respondebo  ;  animum  advorti  enim  hoc  vos  magnos 
oratores  facere  nonnumquam  :  epistolas  requiris  meas  ;  ego  autem 
numquam,  cum  mihi  denuntiatum  asset  a  tuis  ire  ahquem,  noa 
dedi      Quod  mihi  videor  ex  tuis  litteris  intellegere  te  nihil  com- 
missurum  esse  temere  nee  ante,  quam  scisses,  quo  iste  nescio  qui  5 
Caecilius  Bassus  erumperet,  quicquam  certi  constiturum,  id  ego 
et  speraram  prudentia  tua  fretus  et,  ut  confiderem,  fecerunt  tuae 
gratissimae  mihi  litterae  ;  idque  ut  facias  quam  saepissime,  ut  et 
quid  tu  agas  et  quid  agatur  scire  possim  et  etiam  quid  acturus  sis, 
valde  te  rogo.     Etsi  periniquo  patiebar  animo  te  a  me  digredi,  10 
tamen  eo  tempore  me  consolabar,  quod  et  in  summum  otium  te 
ire  arbitrabar  et  ab  impendentibus  magnis  negotus  discedere : 


I  Hoc  . .  facere,  i.e.  answer  the  last  re- 
mark of  another  first.  Cp.  Ep.  8,  i.  where 
Cicero  speaks  of  the  practice  as  Homeric. 

Vos  magnos  oratores.  Cornificius 
seems  to  have  had  some  pretensions  to  elo- 
quence and  learning.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  17. 
2.  It  has  been  thought  that  Quintihan 
assigns  the  Rhet.  ad  Herenn.  to  him.  Cp. 
Inst.  Orat.  3.  i,  21  ;  9.  3.98- 

2.  Requiris:  cp.  Ep.  91,  I. 
Meas,  as  often,  =  ' a  me.' 

3.  Cum  mihi  .  .  a  tuis, 'whenever  I 
had  received  information  from  your  friends 

here.*  ^       ,  .•  ^       » 

Denuntiatum  differs  from'renuntiatum, 

on  which,  cp.  Ep.  98,  i,  note. 

Esset  This  tense  is  used  because  num- 
quam non  dedi  means  '  I  never  failed  to 
give,'  a  tuis,  'from  your  agents  and  repre- 
sentatives  here.'  Wesenb.  suggests  '  est,^ 
saying  that  the  sense  of  '  quotiescunque 
suits  '  cum'  here  better  than  that  of  'post- 
quam.' 

Ire   sc  ^adte,"that  someone  was  gomg 

to  you''  as  a  messenger.     On  the  tense,  cp. 

Ep.  I,  I,  note. 

4.  Quod  mihi  .  .  intellegere,  as  for 
what  I  think  I  may  infer.'  Cp.  Ep.  97,  3. 
note.  ♦  Quod '  =  *  whereas.'  Smith.^  Lat. 
Diet.  *  Inservit  continuandae  orationi.  For- 
cell. ,  •       ^i.„ 

Nihil  temere,  foil.  In  acceptmg  the 
dangerous     commission     offered    him     by 

Caesar. 

5.  Nee  ante  .  .  constituturum.  It  is 
doubtful  where  Cornificius  was  at  this  time. 
From  Ad  Fam.  12.  17,  i  'ex  Syria  nobis 
tumultuosiora  quaedam  nuntiata  sunt:  quae 
quia  tibi  sunt  propiora  quam  nobis  .  .'  we 
may  infer  that  he  held  some  commission  in 
the  East,  and  was  in  doubt  how  to  act  with 


regard  to  Q^  Caecilius  Bassus.  He  was  sub- 
sequently entrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the 
war  in  the  East,  and  with  the  province  of 
Syria,  by  Caesar  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  19,  l), 
but  seems  speedily  to  have  resigned  it,  for 
in  44  B.C.  he  was  governing  Africa.  Cp. 
introductory  note  on  this  letter. 

Scisses.  Videor  intellegere  implies 
a  past  tense, '  I  seem  to  have  gathered,'  and 
the  construction  soon  drops  into  the  past 
tense  altogether. 

Quo  .  .  erumperet,  'what  that  Bassus 
was  aiming  at.'     Wiel. 

6.  Bassus  rose  in  insurrection  against 
Caesar's  authority  in  Syria,  organized  a  plot 
which  led  to  the  death  of  Sex.  Caesar,  lieu- 
tenant of  the  dictator,  and  procured  Par- 
thian support  for  his  enterprise.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
14.  9,  3  ;  Pro  Reg.  Deiot.  9.  25  ;  Dion  Cas- 
sius  47,  26  and  27.  The  prospects  of 
Bassus  might  influence  the  decision  of  Cor- 
nificius about  accepting  the  government  of 

Syria.  ,  ,    r 

7.  Speraram,  'I  had  hoped  before  I 
heard  from  you;  et  .  .  litterae,  'and 
your  letter  gave  me  confidence.' 

8.  Idque  ut  facias.  The  context 
requires,  apparently,  a  reference  to  'lit- 
terae,' 'that  you  will  continue  to  write. 

Wiel.  *  , 

9.  Quid  tu  agas,  'your  own  proceed- 
ings;' '  quid  agatur/  the  news.     Cp.  Ep. 

18,  6,  note,  p.  114« 

10.  Periniquo,  a  rare  word.     It  occurs 

Pro  Leg.  Man.  22,  63.  ^ 

11.  Eo  tempore.  Cobct  om. '  tempore. 

In  summum  otium,  'to  a  most  peace- 
ful district.'  This  would  hardly  be  true  of 
Africa,  where  Orell.  (cp.  his  Onomasticon) 
thinks  that  Cornificius  now  was. 

12.  Ab  impendentibus  .  .  negotiis. 


I  1 


( 


4^2 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONI S 


[part  IV. 


utrumque  contra  accidit ;  istic  enim  bellum  est  exortum,  h.c  pax  2 

consecuta,  sed  tamen  eius  modi  pax,  in  qua,  si  adesses,  multa  te 

non  delectarent,  ea  tamen,  qua  ne   ipsum    Caesarem   qmdem 

delectant ;  bellorum  enim  civilium  ii  semper  exitus  sunt,  ut  non 

5  ea  so  urn  kant,  quae  velit  victor,  sed  etiam,  ut  iis  mos  gerendus 

"t  quibus  adiutoribus  sit  parta  victoria.     Equidem  s.c  .arn  ob- 

durui,  ut  ludis  Caesaris   nostri   animo  -^^"-^''"«J,"^™  ^ 

Plancum,  audirem  Laberii  et  Publilii  poemata.     N.h.l  m.hi  tarn 

d  e  se  sc ito  quam  quicum  haec  familiariter  docteque  ndeam  :  .s 


'  From  great  troubles  impending  here.  Per- 
haps this  refers  to  the  war  in  Spain  But 
as  we  do  not  know  the  date  of  Cormficius 
departure  it  is  difficult  to  say  for  certain. 
The  contrast  of  '  otium  .  .  negotium  may 
be  noticed.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  17,  i/  R«"^^^ 
summum  otium  est  sed  ita  ut  mahs  salubre 
aliquod  et  honestum  negotium.         ^.    .     . 

I.  Utrumque  contra  accidit,    inboth 
points  my  expectations  have  been  falsified. 

Istic,  *  where  you  are,'  in  Syria. 

3.  Ea  tamen,  foil.,  •  which,  however.  I 
allow.'     A  very  candid  admission.    Cp.  Ep. 

^^' ufnon  ea  solum,  foil.  The  fol- 
lowing  clause  sed  etiam  ut.  foil.,  does  not 
precisely  correspond  to  this :  we  should  ex- 
pect '  sed  etiam  ea  quae  velint  adiutores. 
On  the  position  of  ut  after  'sed  etiam  in- 
stead of  between  those  two  words,  cp.  Madv. 

4,6 1;  b.  Obs. 

^5.  Mos  gerendus  sit.  '  Morem  ge- 
xere'  =  'obsequi.'  Forcell.  'Those  also 
must  be  humoured  [by  Caesar?  or  by 
people  in  general]  who  have  aided  m  win- 
ning the  victory.' 

6.  Quibus  adiutoribus,  abl.  abs. :  cp. 

Ep.  88,  2,  note. 

Obdurui :  cp.  Ep.  70.  i-  Cicero  often 
uses  the  word  in  a  metaphorical  sense. 

7  Ludis.  The  games  which  Caesar  cele- 
brated in  honour  of  his  victory  in  Spam. 
They  took  place,  probably,  in  October, 
45  B c,  and  help  to  fix  the  date  of  this 
letter  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  12  ;  Iischer, 
Rom.  Zeitt.  pp.  302.  304.  sub  ann.  45  b  c. 

Caesaris  nostri ;  Cicero  is  writing  to  a 

Caesarian.  . 

Animo  aequissimo,  'with  the  greatest 

indifference.'  , 

Viderem  T.  Plancum,  audirem.. 
poemata.  There  is  much  pungency  in 
this  comparison  of  the  personal  worthless- 
ness  of  Plancus  and  the  badness  of  the  poems 
of  Laberius  and  Publilius.  Mr.  Jeans  renriarks 
that   Mommsen  4.  a.  581    speaks   of  the 


•mimes*  of  Laberius  with  high  praise.  So 
does  Mr.  W.  B.  Donne  (Diet,  of  Biography, 
2.  693):  and  there  is  much  to  be  said  for 
Mr.  Jeans'  view  that  what  disgusted  Cicero 
was  the  sight  of  a  Roman  knight  acting  in 
his  own  piece.  But  this  would  not  apply 
to  Publilius  Syrus.  And  Cicero  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  on  good  terms  with  La- 
berius: cp.  Macrob.  Sat.  2.  3,  10. 

T  Plancum.  T.  Munatius  Plancus 
Bursa  was  tribune  53-52  B.C.  He  was 
banished  under  the  '  Lex  Pompeia  de  vi, 
but  restored  by  Caesar.  He  was  a  bitter 
enemy  of  Cicero,  and.  after  Caesar  s  death, 
an  active  supporter  of  Antony.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  7.  2.  2  ;  Ad  Att.  6.  1,  10 ;  Phihpp. 
6.  4,  10;  13.  12.  27.  It  is  uncertam  in 
what  character  he  was  prominent  at  Caesar  s 
games.     Supfle  suggests  that   it  was  as  a 

gladiator.  _, 

8.  Audirem,   an    asyndeton,     i^p.    i^p. 

20,  6,  note.  .  , 

Laberii  et  Publilii.  This  form  of  the 
genitive  of  nouns  in  '-ius'  and  '-ium  was 
fhe  later  one ;  the  old  genitive  was  m  1, 
e  g  in  Plautus  and  Sallust,  the  latter  affect- 
ing archaic  forms.  It  is  also  retained  by 
Horace  and  Virgil. 

Decimus  Laberius,  a  writer  of  farces 
('  mimi ')  appeared  at  Caesar's  request  or  com- 
mand as  an  actor  in  one  of  his  own  pieces, 
but  lamented  his  dishonour  in  a  prologue 
quoted  by  Macrobius,  Sat.  2.  7.     Cp.  Suet, 
lul   30      He  received  a  present  of  500,000 
sesterces   from    Caesar,  but   not  the  prize, 
which  was  awarded  to  Publilius  Syrus,  the 
other     farce     writer    here    mentioned    by 
Cicero,   who  had  been  a  slave.     Cp.  Ma- 
crob. 1.  C.  .  .     i-u        » 

9.  Familiariter  = 'amice    et    libere. 

Forcell.  .  ,    ,     .    . 

D  octe  =  •  scite'  (Forcell.),  •  with  the  taste 
of  philosophers,'  who  would  scorn  such 
entertainments  as  those  to  which  Cicero 
heie  refers.  'Docti'  =  'philosophi.  Cp. 
•doctrinae,'  Ep.  91.   3.      Cicero  had  re- 


EP.  104.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XIII.  52.      4^3 

tu  eris,  si  quam  primum  veneris ;  quod  ut  facias,  non  mea  solum, 
sed  etiam  tua  interesse  arbitror. 


104.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  XIII.  5^). 
Near  Puteoli  (?),  December  19,  45  ^-^^-  (7^9  a.u.c.) 

I  I  do  not  regret  having  entertained  my  formidable  visitor.  His  numerous  escort 
had  given  trouble  at  the  villa  of  Philippus.  but  mine  was  protected  from  mtrusion  by 
sentries.  Caesar  heard  about  Mamurra.  My  entertainment  was  handsoine  2.  and 
Caesar  seemed  to  enjoy  himself.  The  conversation  was  mainly  literary.  I  shall  shortly 
go  to  Tusculum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  O  hospitem  mihi  tam  gravem  afxera/xeXr^roi; !  fuit  enim  periu- 
cunde.  Sed  cum  secundis  Saturnalibus  ad  Philippum  vesperi 
venisset;  villa  ita  completa  militibus  est,  ut  vix  triclinium,  ubi  5 

reform.  But  this  seems  hardly  likely,  for 
not  only  does  Cicero  here  use  the  words 
'secundis  Saturnalibus'  without  any  hint 
that  they  imply  a  recent  change,  but  the 
words  '  tertiis  Saturnalibus  *  occur  (Ad  Att. 
5.  20,  5)  in  a  letter  written  before  the  re- 
fbrm  of  the  Calendar  took  place.  Perhaps 
Prof.  W.  Ramsay  is  right  in  suggesting  [see 
art.  'Saturnalia,'  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of 
Antiquities]  that  the  popular  practice  had 
been  for  some  time  to  keep  three  days,  but 
that  Augustus  first  formally  sanctioned  the 
prolongation.     Cp.  Macrob.  Sat.  i.  10,  4. 

Andresen's  note  has  called  my  attention 
to  the  insufliciency  of  my  own  note  in  pre- 
vious editions,  but  I  can  hardly  agree  with 
him  in  thinking  that  the  festival  was  cele- 
brated from  December  19  to  December 
21,  before  Caesar's  reform  of  the  Calendar, 
and  from   December  17  to  December   19 

after  it. 

Ad  Philippum.  L.  Marcius  Philippus 
was  one  of  the  consuls  for  56  B.C.,  and  step- 
father of  Octavian.  He  seems  to  have  had 
a  villa  near  Puteoli. 

5.  Completa  militibus.  The  best  MS. 
seems  to  have  *  a  militibus,'  which  slightly 
changes  the  meaning  from  *  filled  with  sol- 
diers '  to  *  thronged  by  soldiers,*— the  latter 
bringing  out  their  action  more  prominently. 

Ut  vix  triclinium,  foil.,  'that  a  room 
where  Caesar  was  to  dine  could  hardly  be 

kept  free.* 

Triclinium  =  'cenatio.*  Forcell.  It 
originally  meant  a  couch  for  three  people. 


marked  the  increasing  popularity  of  the 
'mimes,'  which  Supfle  thinks  Caesar  en- 
couraged for  political  reasons. 

Puteoli.  Boot  thinks  that  this  letter 
was  written  from  Formiae,  as  we  learn  from 
Ad  Att.  15.  13,  5  that  Dolabella  had  a  villa 
there.     But  cp.  infr.  §  2. 

3.  O  hospitem  .  .  d/xfTa/ieXT^TOj/. 
The  accus.expressesastonishment.Cp.  Madv. 
236.  '  My  formidable  guest's  visit  gave  me 
no  cause  to  regret  itl'  Cp.  §  2  '  babes  .  . 
imaraeixiiav:  foil.  The  Greek  word  is  quite 
classical.     Liddell  and  Scott. 

Gravem,  perhaps  referring  to  the  num- 
ber of  Caesar's  escort. 

Fuit  enim  periucunde,  *  for  he  was  in 
a  very  good  humour.'  The  word  'periu- 
cunde' occurs  Pro  Cael.  ii,  25.  On  the 
adverb  as  a  predicate,  cp.  Ep.  4,  l,  note  ; 

Nagelsb.  144,412.  •  . ,  c-  a 

4.  S  e  d,  *  but  to  come  to  the  point,  buptte. 
It  is  resumptive,  after  the  exclamation  with 
which  the  passage  opens. 

Secundis  Saturnalibfts,  *  on  the  second 
day  of  the  Saturnalia,'  i.e.  on  Dec.  18.  Livy 
(2  21,  i)  says  'Saturnalia  institutus  festus 
dies,'  from  which  it  appears  that  the  festival 
originally  only  lasted  one  day.  It  was  held  xiv 
Kal.  Ian.,  i.e.,  before  Caesar's  reform  of  the 
Calendar,  on  December  17th  according  to 
Macrobius,  Sat.  1.  10,  2,  if  I  understand  him 
rightly.  The  same  writer  says  that  the  fes- 
tival was  prolonged  for  three  days  owing  to 
the  diversity  of  practice  caused  by  Caesar  s 


I  1  2 


84  M.  TULLII  CICERONIS  [PART  IV. 

cenaturus  ipse  Caesar  esset,  vacaret ;  quippe  hominum  CID  CID. 

Sanerm  commotus,  quid  futurum  esset  postridie,  ac  m.h.  Barba 

bane  sum  v^uim  ,  ^  Pacfra  in  ap-ro  *  villa  defensa 

Cassius  subvenit :  custodes  dedit.     Castra  in  agro    v 

est      Ille  tertiis  Saturnalibus  apud  Philippum  ad  h.  VII.,  nee 

TLuit  •  rationes  opinor  cum  Balbo  ;  inde  ambulavit 

•  '  ril'rP  "h  VIU  rbaln'eum  ;  tum  audivit  de  Mamurra ; 

non  mut'avit.    Unctus  est,  accubuit.    'E.enK^.  agebat ;  itaque  et 


I  Esset.  Ubi  seems  to  have  the  force 
of  in  qua,*  and  thus  the  mood  may  be  ex- 
plained by  Madv.  364,  and  Obs.  i.       ^ 

Quippe  hominum  cio  cio,  sc.  tue- 
ninr  'For  there  were  two  thousand  ot 
them:'  genitivus  generis.  ^P^ ^ad^' ^^5  ^^ 
If  as  Wieland  seems  not  to  doubt  all  these 
men  were  entertained  in  the  establishment 
of  Philippus.  the  passage  gives  ^  g'^^^t  idea 
of  its  size  and  resources.  Cp.  Menvale  7. 
332  foil.,  for  another  account  of  a  Roman 

villa.  *  •  J  • 

2    Sane  cum  commotus..  postridie, 

'  I  was  disturbed  to  think  what  was  going  to 
happen  on  the  next  day.'  sup.  '  reputans 
fror' commotus  sum.'  or,  «I  was  d>sturbed 
and  anx  ously  asked  n,yself.'  Andr  Caesar 
had  probably  given  Cicero  notice  of  his  in- 
tention to  visit  him,  and  Cicero  did  not  like 
the  prospect  of  entertaining  so  large  a  body 

of  men.  .     »     r»  «* 

Ac,  •  when '  =*  et  statim.      Boot. 
Barba  Cassius  is  mentioned  as  one  ot 
the    'naufragia    Caesaris    amicorum      who 
were  with  Antony  before  Mutina.     Philipp. 

'V'c^stodes  dedit,  'set  a  guard  over 
mv  villa.'  explained  by  what  follows  The 
soldiers  were  obliged  to  encamp  in  the  open 
fields  instead  of  crowding  Cicero  s  villa. 

4.  Ille,  Caesar. 

Apud  Philippum,  sc.  'mansit. 

Ad  horam  vii.,  'till  a  little  after  noon. 

Cp.  Ep.  loi,  2,  note.  .  .      •    ,» 

\.  Admisit,  -admitted  to  an  interview. 
Rationes  opinor,  sc.  '  conferebat,  or 
'  conficiebat,'  '  he  was  settling  accounts  with 
Balbus'  his  treasurer,  on  whom  cp.  Epp.  27, 
2.  note;  44.6;  S»-  For  alleged  instances 
of  his  influence  with  Caesar,  cp.  Suet.  lul. 

78  ;  Plut.  Caes.  60.  .   x.    v. 

6.  In  litoFc'on  the  shore  of  the  bay 
of  Baiae.'  Boot  suggests,  very  probably, 
that  words  have  dropped  out  after  post  h. 
VI  IT,  describing  Caesars  arrival  at  Cicero  s 

^\  balneum,  sc.  Mvit.'     This  was  pro- 
bably  at  Cicero's  villa. 


Audivit  de  Mamurra.     This  obscure 
allusion    has   been    explained    as    meaning 
CO    Heard    of    Mamurra  s   death.       Boot. 
(2^   Heard   of  Mamurra's  offences  against 
the  sumptuary   laws.     Manut.     (3). Heard 
of  the  bitter  attacks  of  Catullus  (Epigr.  29 
and    57)    upon    Mamurra.       Lambin.    and 
Slipfle       There  is  no  evidence  that  Catullus 
lived  I'ater  than  47  B.C. ;  it  is  doubtful  there- 
fore  if  one  of  his  epigrams  could  be  referred 
to  as  a  piece  of  news  in  45  B.C.     On  the 
whole  I  incline  to  (2),  but  the  subject  is 
very  obscure.     On  Mamurra,  cp.  Ep.  44,  0, 
note.    Wesenb.  has  '  dum  audivit  de  Ma- 
murra. vultum  non  mutavit.'     Andr.  thinks 
that  the  allusion  is  to  Mamurra  s  death  and 
reads  '  vultum  non  mutavit.' 

7  Non  mutavit.  'Non  mutare  dicun- 
tur  qui  aliquid  ab  alio  dictum  factumve 
laudant  probanf  Forcell.  But  in  one  of 
the  passages  which  he  quotes  the  reading  is 
doubtful.  This  would  make  good  sense  it 
we  suppose  that  Mamurra  had  been  convicted 
of  transgressing  the  sumptuary  law,  and 
that  Caesar  approved  his  conviction.  1  he 
sumptuary  law  is  noticed  Ad  Fam.  7.  26,  2  ; 

Ad  Att.  13-  7.  I-  ,  ^  f       ..  „,r 

Unctus  est,  as  was  usual  before  dinner. 

Cp.  Hor.  Carm.  2.  ii,  16 

'  Assyriaque  nardo 

Potamus  uncti.'  , 

Accubuit,  'he  took  his  place  at  table 
|u€Ti«T)K  agebat,  'he  intended  to  take 
an  emetic'  after  dinner.     Imperf.  of  the  at- 
tempt.    Cp.  Ep.  42,  4 ;  J^^f  •  337'  Obs.  I. 
So  Billerb.,  Supfle,  Matth.,  Andr.     But  the 
fem.  lu€Ti/f77  seems  not  to  be  classical  as  a 
substamive,   and   the  passage    is  otherwise 
very  harsh.     Perhaps  Peerlkamp  s  (ap  Boot) 
suggestion    ./x^r./ccJv    is     to     be    adopted. 
=  ' agebat  partes   eius  qui   vomere  vellet. 
Cp.  Pro  Reg.  Deiot.  7.  21  'cum  .  .vomere 
te    post   cenam   velle    dixisses.       ^n^riKov 
is  approved  by  Mr.  H.  A.  J.  Munro,  Journal 
of  Philology,  2.  3,  p.  21,  1869.      For  the 
use  of  a  Greek  medical  term,  cp.  Ep.  75,  i, 
note. 


EP.  104.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XIII.  52.       485 
edit  et  bibit  h.U&s,  et  iucunde,  opipare  sane  et  apparate,  nee  id 

solum,  sed 

bene  cocto, 

condito,  sermone  bono  et,  si  quaeri',  libenter. 
2  Praeterea  tribus  tricliniis  accepti  ol  «pi  avro.  valde  cop.ose ;  5 
libertis  minus  lautis  servisque  nihil  defuit :   ^^^^  ^^'^^^'l^^ 
ganter  accepti.   Quid  multa  ?  homines  visi  sumus.    Hospestamen 
non  is,  cui  diceres:  'amabo  te,  eodem  ad  me,  cum  rev  rtere- 
Semel  satis  est.     2,o«5aZo.  ovUv   in  sermone,   ./.tAoXoya  multa. 
QuTd  quaeris?  delectatus  est  et  hbenter  fuit.     Puteohs  se  a.ebat  .0 
unum  diem  fore,  alterum  ad  Baias.     Habes  hosp.t.um  s.ve  ...- 


</ 


I.  d8f  tus,  ♦  freely,'  as  he  intended  to  pro- 
vide against  indigestion. 

Opipare  .  .  et  apparate.  sc.  'aeceptus 
est*   to   be   supplied  from    'edit  et  bibit, 
♦  he  was  entertained  with  plenty  and  in  good 
style.'     Forcel!.  gives  'copiose'  as  an  equi- 
valent for  'opipare;'  'magnifice'  for  '  ap- 

^^r^Bene  cocto.  foil.  This  is  a  frag- 
ment from  Lucilius  which  Cicero  quotes, 
also  de  Fin.  2.  8,  25.  The  construction  is 
not  very  clear.  Forcell.  sub  voc.  '  coi>- 
ditus' takes  all  the  epithets  as  applying  to 

*  sermone,'  in  which  case  the  ablatives  will 
be  of  the  manner,  in  apposition  to  '  opipare. 
Mr.  Munro  also  appears  to  connect  all  the 
epithets  with  '  sermone.'     P.  and  B  render 

♦  bene  cocto  condito,'  something  well  cooked 
and  seasoned.'  and  say  that  the  ablatives 
probably  depend  on  some  verb  preceding 
them  in  the  original.     Mr.  Jeans  renders 

^^^  ^  '  Though  the  cook  was  good, 

Twas  Attic  salt  that  flavoured  most  the 

food.'  , 

4.  Libenter, 'to  his  taste. 

5.  Tribus  tricliniis,  'in  three  dining 

rooms.'     Cp.  sup. 

oi   irepl  avTdv,  ♦  his  immediate  attend- 

Copiose  = '  large,  cum  copia.'     Forcell. 
6    Nihil  defuit,  'wanted  for  nothing. 
Nam:  cp.  Epp.  9,  8 ;  26,  2,  notes. 
Lautiores,  sc.  ' liberti.'     Mautus  ='qui 

laute  vivit.'     Forcell.       .      ,    ,    . .  , 

Eleganter,  'appropriately,  ^'m  good 
taste  '  = '  apte,  concinne,  laute.  r  orcell. 
It  is  contrasted  with  the  abundant  supply 
of  necessaries  mentioned  above—'  nihil  de- 
fuit.'  The  best  MS.  seems  to  have  '  accepi, 
and  Wesenb.  retains  it.  ^ 

7.  Quid  multa  ?  '  in  a  word. 
Homines,  'a  man  who  understood  hos- 


pitality,' or.  as  Andr.  'a  man  of  taste.' 
*  Homo'  is  also  used  in  a  good  sense  Ep.  2«, 
2  '  si  vis  homo  esse.'  P.  and  B.  say  that 
the  words  mean  'we  seemed  on  friendly 
terms  as  men  should  be  with  one  another. 

Hospes  tamen,  '  yet  though  so  agree- 
able he  was  not  a  guest,'  etc.  ^ 

8.  Amabo  te,  '  if  you  would  oblige  me. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  2.  7,  2   'amabo  te  cura  et 

cogita;'  also  Ep.  35,  5-  ^  . 

Eodem  ad  me,  'come  and  see  me  the 
next  time  you  pass  this  way.'  Boot,  after 
Peerlkamp,  says  that  these  words  form  an 
iambic  line  from  a  comic  poet.  In  that  case 
the  '  dem  *  in  '  eodem '  must  not  be  elided.  ^ 

9.  ffirovdaiov  .  .  multa,  sc.  'fuerunt.* 
« Nihil  de  re  publica  multa  de  libris  et  doc- 

trinae  studiis  *  Boot.  .     _    „      ^       -  . 

^tAoAo7a  =  'erudita.'     Orell.     Cp.  Ad 

Att.  15   15,  2. 

10.  Quid  quaeris:  cp.  p.  51.  "^te  on 
1.  13;  P-  .«iS.  "ote  onl.  6. 

Libenter  fuit:  cp.  §  i,  note. 

11.  Ad  Baias  icp.Ep.  71,  10,  note, '  m 
the  neighbourhood  of  Baiae.  ^    ^ 

Habes,  'you  now  know  all  about.  '  Ha- 
bere' in  this  sense  of '  being  informed  about' 
is  usually  found  in  the  second  person.  Cp. 
Epp.  29,  20;  88,  6. 

UiffTaeixiiav.     Liddell  and  Scott  ex- 
plain this  word  as  meaning  a  *  liability  to 
have  soldiers  quartered  upon  one,'  and  Orell. 
gives  substantially  the  same  explanation.    It 
seems  to  me  to  be  equivalent  to  the  Latin 
'deductio,'  'a  billeting,'  and   Cicero  refers 
partly   to   the  numerous   escort  which   ac- 
companied Caesar,  partly  to  the  fact  that  a 
proposal  from  Caesar  to  visit  him  was  equi- 
valent to  a  command.     The  Greek  word  is 
found  in  Diodorus  and  Plutarch  in  the  mili- 
tary sense.     Andr.  thinks  that  Cicero  uses  it 
to  express  the  shortness  of  Caesar's  visit, 
which  he  could  hardly  call  '  hospilium. 


486    M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS  EP.  AD  ATT,  XIIL  52. 

cri^Q^dav  odiosam  mihi,  dixi,  non  molestam.  Ego  paulisper  hie, 
deinde  in  Tusculanum.  Dolabellae  villain  cum  praeteriret,  omnis 
armatorum  copia  dextra  sinistra  ad  equum  nee  usquam  alibi. 
Hoc  ex  Nicia. 


1.  O  iosam  ..  molestam, 'which  as  I 
said  was  distasteful  to  me,  though  not  an- 
noying.' Forcell.  makes  these  two  words 
synonymous. 

Dixi.  In  the  first  words  of  this  letter. 
Cicero  means,  I  think,  that  he  did  not  like 
being  virtually  compelled  to  entertain  Caesar 
though  he  found  him  an  agreeable  guest 
enough  when  he  did  come.  Orell.  puts  a 
semicolon  after  '  odiosam,'  which  does  not 
much  alter  the  sense  'I  have  described  to 
you  a  visit  of  an  unpleasant  kind,  though  to 
me,  as  I  said,  it  was  not  annoying.'  For  a 
free  translation  of  this  letter,  cp.  Merivale 

2-  457- 

Ego  paulisper  hie  manebo  deinde  in 

Tusculanum  ibo.     Such  ellipses  are  very 

common  in  letters. 

2.  Dolabellae  villam.  Probably  at 
Baiae.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  12,  l  (a  tetter 
written    about    this   time)    'gratulor    Bails 


nostris  si  quidem,  ut  scribis,  salubres  repente 

factae  sunt.' 

Cum  praeteriret,  Caesar. 

Omnis  armatorum  ..  ad  equum,  *his 
whole  escort  paraded  on  either  side  of  him,* 
i.e.  in  regular  military  array. 

3.  Dextra  sinistra.    On  the  asyndeton, 

cp.  Madv.  434. 

Ad  equum,  sc.  Caesaris,  Andr. 

Nee  usquam  alibi,  'and  this  happened 
nowhere  else.'  It  was  a  special  honour  paid 
to  Dolabella.     Boot. 

4.  Hoc  ex  Nicia,  sc.  *  audivi.'  SUpfle. 
Curtius  Nicias  was  a  grammarian  of  Cos, 
intimate  both  with  Cicero  and  with  Dola- 
bella. He  was  with  Cicero  in  Cilicia  (cp. 
Ad  Att.  7.  3,  10),  but  Cicero  does  not  seem 
to  have  had  a  high  opinion  of  him  (lb.  12. 
26,  2),  and  Nicias  subsequently  attached 
himself  to  Dolabella  (lb.  13.  28,  3). 


APPENDIX  VIIL 


487 


APPENDIX  VIII. 


On  the  Calendar. 

Bekoke  the  reformation  of  the  Roman  Calendar  by  5«''";  <^^^^*^ 
seven  months  had  39  days  each;  four     March,  May,  NX- -^  «f*^^- 

h.,1  01  •  and  February  28,  thus  making  up  a  year  of  365  days,  in 
;:tle  'yeis  rn.onth  was  intercalated  after  the  ^^^^^^l^^ 
which  in  the  intercalated  years  had  only  23  days  Th.s  >nte  caUted 
lo  th  had  alternately  27  and  28  days.  Thus  '^^  qua  ~^^^^^^^^^^ 
would  consist  of  1465  days.  For  355  x  4=i4f  o  +  55  (two  mtercalaj 
Lnths)-io  (five  days  twice  deducted  from  ^^b^"^'^>')  =  '*'5.  Th« 
Ze  four  days  too  many,  and  Macrobius  (Saturn,  x.  .3)  says  that  n 
Tery  Zd  pTriod  of  eight  years  only  66  days  were  inserted,  wh.ch  would 

Trelttre'^S'  however,  prevailed  with  regard  to  intercalation;  the 
Great  irregularity,  no  'V  ^^^  \rAtxt%\.%  of 

magistrates  anu  g  Cicero's  consulship  the  first  of 

between  that  year  and  52  bx    ana  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^   ^^^^^^  ^^ 

and  solar  year  constantly  mcreasea.     ins  but  an  inte'- 

the  unreformed  calendar  fell  really  on  Nov.  21,  53  b-C  biit  an  mte 
clrymo^th  of  27  days  being  inserted  after  the  23rd  o    February  as 
usual  the  nominal  Jan.  i  of  51  was  postponed  to  Dec.  3,  S^; 

After  this  year  no  intercalation  is  found  till  47  b-C  which  had  377 
days  it  St  day  fell  on  Oct  X2th  of  the  corrected  calendar.  Then 
folLed  the  year  of  transition,  708  ..c  or  46  B.C.  Its  Jan.  ^  fell  on 
Oct  13  707  U.C.  of  the  corrected  calendar,  and  Caesar  inserted  in  it. 
beid  '  he  ordinary  intercalary  month,  two  extraordinary  intercalary 
Months  lumbering  29  and  28  days  respectively,  which  were  ins  ted 
between  November  and  December,  46  b.c,  and  ten  ^^^'^^^^^ 
itional  year  would  thus  number  445  days,  i.e.  355-5  deducted  trom 
Februar'yT(29  +  ^8  +  .8  +  xo)  intercalated,  and  its  last  day  would  cor- 

To^seMSLrcirorpp.  ^^^  ^i^)  -^^-  ^- ^-r 

rather  drrently.     He  thinks  that  the  official  year  began  on  March  x 


88  APPENDIX  Vlll. 

till  ..BC    and  that  all  that  Caesar  did  in  46  was  (i)  to  insert  between 
NoveX;  aTd  December  two  intercalary  months  instead  of  January  and 
Februty  •  for  as  46  would  naturally  end  with  February,  and  he  mtended 
!    to  beg  n  with  January,  the  repetition  of  two  months  so  soon  after  each 
oAr  would  cause  confusion;   (.)  to  add  ten  days  to  the  year  wh.ch 
Lm  to  have  been  appended  to  the  «mensis  -^-l-?  P-'^^    ^^^. 
The  ordinary  year  from  45  b.c.  was  one  of  365  days,  but  to  com 
pje  the  quadrennial  cycle  the  insertion  of  one  day  every  four  years 
wa    rrquisUe,  and  this  took  place  in  February  after  the  vi.  Ca .  Mart. 
The  eXda^  was  called  'bis  vi.  Cal.  Mart.,'  whence  the  term  b.ssext  e 
1  ne  exira  u  y  1  ear.    Cp.  Mommsen,   Romische 

for   leap   year.     45  b.c  was   a   leap  ycii.     ^y 

Chron  279-281.  The  Julian  year  of  365  days  6  hours  exceeded  the 
S  r  ye  by  about  eleven  minutes.  A  table  is  appended  of  the  days  on 
tlZZL  of  January  of  the  unreformed  calendar  fell  according  to 
one  reckoned  back  on  the  Julian  system  to  63  b.c.  mclusive. 

In     63  B.C.,  March  14. 


62 
61 
60 

59 
58 

57 
56 

55 
54 
53 
52 

5* 

50 

49 
48 

47 
46 


»> 


» 


>> 


>» 


» 


» 


j> 


j> 


» 


» 


>> 


March 
Feb. 


» 


>^ 


i> 


>> 


» 


» 


» 


>» 


Jan. 

Dec. 

» 

>» 
Nov. 

Dec. 

Nov. 

Oct. 
>> 


4- 

22. 

II. 
I. 
22. 
12. 
I. 
22. 
12. 
2. 
2-1. 

3- 

23- 

2. 

23- 
1^3- 


698  u.c. 

699 

700 
701 
702 

704 
705 

706 

707 


>> 


>» 


» 


>» 


}> 


>» 


»> 


)> 


» 


In  drawing  up  this  table  a  day  has  been  inserted  accordmg  to  the 
Julian  system  in  6i,  57-  53>  and  49-reckoning  back  ^om  45  B.C. 
The  authorities  consulted  have  been  Korb's  tables  m  OreUis  Ono- 
masticon;  Suringar's  Annales  Ciceroniani;  Smith's  D.ct.onary  of  AnU. 
quities,  art.  'Calendarium;'    and  Th.  Mommsen's  Romische  Chro- 


nologie. 


APPENDIX  IX. 


489 


APPENDIX   IX. 
Caesar's  Laws  enacted  from  49~44  b.c 

I.  Laws  proposed  by  Caesar  as  dictator  in  49  B.C. 

1.  Lex  lulia  (?)  de  exsulibus,— restored,  according  to  some  accounts, 
all  exiles  who  had  been  sentenced  under  the  'Leges  Pompeiae'  of  52 
B.C.,  except  Milo.  Caesar's  own  statement,  however,  says  that  it  only 
applied  to  a  few  persons.  The  plea  for  this  enactment  was  that  the  pro- 
ceedings for  bribery  (* ambitus')  under  those  laws  had  been  irregular ^ 
The  restoration  included  all  exiles  whatever  except  Milo,  according  to 
Appian  and  Dion  Cassius.  The  act  of  restoration  seems  actually  to  have 
been  proposed  by  the  praetors  and  tribunes,  and  Cicero  charges  Antony, 
one  of  the  latter,  with  having  been  its  author  ^. 

2.  Lex  lulia  de  pecuniis  mutuisl  Caesar  proposed  this  law  as  dic- 
tator towards  the  close  of  49  b.c  It  was  intended  to  provide  a  remedy 
for  the  scarcity  of  money  caused  by  the  civil  war,  and  enacted  that  public 
valuers  should  be  appointed  to  ascertain  what  the  worth  of  land  and 
other  property  had  been  before  the  civil  war.  Creditors  were  then 
obliged  to  take  land  at  the  value  so  ascertained  in  payment  of  their 
claims;  whereby  about  a  quarter  of  what  they  could  otherwise  have 
claimed  was  lost.  Dion  Cassius*  mentions  also  a  law  limiting  to 
15,000  drachmae  the  amount  of  gold  or  silver  coin  which  any  one 
might  possess,  but  he  does  not  describe  it  as  a  new  law.  Tacitus' 
seems  to  include  it  under  2,  but  his  language  is  not  very  precise,  Megem 
dictatoris  Caesaris  qua  de  modo  credendi  possidendique  intra  Italiam 

cavetur.' 

3.  Lex  lulia  de  Transpadanis  ^— granting  the  Roman  franchise  to  the 
Gauls  living  beyond  the  Po  and  south  of  the  Alps.  Tacitus,  however, 
affirms  "^  that  that  grant  was  made  during  a  time  of  peace. 

4.  Lex  Rubria,  passed  probably  at  Caesar's  instance  to  regulate  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  magistrates  of  municipal  towns  in  Cisalpine  Gaul^ 

Perhaps  5.  a  Lex  Hirtia  de  Pompeianis  may  belong  to  this  year. 
A.  Hirtius  was  tribune  in  49-48  and  praetor  in  47  b.c  The  import 
of  the  law  is  doubtful ;  perhaps  it  excluded  those  who  had  served  in 
Pompey's  army  from  public  offices  ^ 

1  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  i  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  48  ;  Dion  Cassius  41.  36. 

Cic.  Philipp.  a.  -23,  56.                    »  Caes.  I.  c.  *  41.  38. 

16.                   *  Dion  Cassius  4 1.  36.                ^  '  Ann.  il.  24. 
Lat.  I.  pp.  1 1 5-1 19.                    9  D»,:i:. 


41.  36. 
»  Philipp.  13.  16,  32. 


*  Caes.  1.  c. ; 

*  Ann.  6. 

*  Corp.  Insc. 


490 


APPENDIX  IX. 


APPENDIX  IX. 


491 


6.  Lex  Antonia?  de  proscriptomm  filiis,— admitting  the  children  of 
those  whom  Sulla  had  proscribed  to  curule  offices.     Pansa  was  one  of 

them  ^. 

This  measure  apparently  was  passed  early  in  the  year. 

7,  8.  Other  laws,  giving  citizenship  to  the  people  of  Gades  and 
depriving  the  people  of  Massilia  of  some  of  their  privileges,  may  belong 
to  this  time  ^ 

II.  Laws  of  Caesar  as  '  dictator  iterum '  47  b.c' 

1.  Increase  of  the  number  of  praetors  to  ten. 

2.  Increase  of  the  three  greatest  priestly  colleges  by  one  member 

each. 

3.  Remission  of  a  proportion  of  rents  due  for  houses  in  Rome  and 

Italy. 

III.  Laws  of  Caesar  as  'consul  iii,  dictator  in'  46  b.c. 

1.  Lex  lulia  iudiciaria,— providing  that  the  judges  should  be  taken 
exclusively  from  among  the  senate  and  the  equestrian  order,  excluding 

the  *  tribuni  aerarii  *.' 

2.  Leges  luliae  de  vi  et  de  maiestate,— fixed  as  the  penalty  of  those 
crimes  '  interdictio  aquae  et  ignis,'  and  forfeiture  of  half  the  offender's 
property  \  As  the  trials  would  be  before  one  of  the  permanent  courts 
an  appeal  to  the  people  would  be  ipso  facto  excluded. 

3.  Lex  lulia  de  collegiis :  abolished  all  guilds  and  political  clubs  re- 
cently instituted.  This  law  was  probably  designed  to  rescind  the  Lex 
Clodia  of  58  B.C.'    An  exception  from  its  penalties  was  granted  to  the 

Jews  ^. 

4.  Lex  lulia  de  sacerdotiis,— apparently  provided  that  candidates  for 

priestly  offices  need  not  canvass  in  person  \    It  was  perhaps  connected 
with  a  law  of  47,  or  with  a  law  of  45  b.c  vid.  sub  ann. 

5.  Lex  lulia  sumptuaria  ^— forbade  the  use  of  litters,  of  purple 
dresses,  and  of  pearls,  except  to  persons  of  a  certain  age  or  position. 
It  restricted  also  the  liberty  of  buying  certain  dainties.  A  strict  watch 
was  k^pt  on  the  markets,  and  sometimes  dishes  which  had  been  already 
set  on  table  were  forcibly  removed  by  Caesar's  orders. 

6.  Lex  lulia  de  provinciis,— providing  that  the  praetorian  provinces 
should  not  be  held  for  more  than  one  year  by  the  same  governors,  nor 

1  Dion  Cassius  41.  18;  45.  1?;  ^^«t-  Caes.  37;  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  9;  Ad  Att.  2.  i,  3, 
note  '  Dion  Cassius  41.  24;  25.  Livy  Epit.  no.  »  pion  Cassius  42.  50-51  ; 

Suet.  lul.  ^8  ;  41.         *  Philipp.  i.  8,  19 ;  Suet.  lul. 41  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  25.         ^  Ph,i,pp. 
1.9.23;  Suet.  lul.  42.  «  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  19 ;  Suet.  lul.  42  '  Josephus 

An?iqq   i^.  10,  8.  «  Cic.  ad  Brut.  I.  5.  3-  '  Suet.  lul.  43  ;  Dion 

Cassius  43.  25  ;  Ad  Att.  13.  7,  I ;  Ad  Fam.  7.  26,  2 ;  9.  15,  5. 


the  consular  for  mor«  than  two  ^  The  assignation  of  praetorian  pro- 
vinces had  been  already  conceded  to  Caesar,  while  that  of  the  consular 
provinces  remained  nominally  with  the  senate  ^. 

7.  Lex  lulia  de  liberis  legationibus— probably  extended  the  time  for 
which  their  privileges  were  enjoyed.  Cicero  had  limited  this  to  a  year 
by  a  law  proposed  in  his  consulship  ^  Caesar  also  reduced  the  number 
of  recipients  of  corn  furnished  at  the  public  expense  from  320,000  to 
150,000*. 

IV.  Leges  agrariae. 

Those  of  59  B.C.  have  been  already  mentioned.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I, 
§  17.  A.  W.  Zumpt  thinks^  that  they  remained  legally  valid,  and  might 
be  put  into  operation  whenever  there  was  money  in  the  treasury  to  buy 
land;  and  that  as  dictator  Caesar  actually  did  revive  the  laws  of  his  con- 
sulship with  only  two  alterations,  viz. 

1.  That  their  operation  was  extended  to  lands  out  of  Italy  ^ 

2.  That  '  vigintiviri  *  were  no  longer  appointed  to  superintend  their 
execution,  which  was  now  entrusted  to  Caesar's  legates  ^ 

In  any  case  lands  were  assigned  to  veterans  in  various  parts  of  Italy ' 
in  46  B.C.  Such  lands  had  probably  either  been  previously  unoccupied, 
or  recently  confiscated,  or  were  purchased.  The  towns  where  such  sol- 
diers were  settled  were  not  necessarily  called  'coloniae,'  and  the  lands 
assigned  were  for  the  most  part  not  contiguous.  None  but  soldiers 
received  lands  in  Italy®. 

V.  Laws  of  Caesar  as  '  consul  iv,  dictator  iv'  (?  see  p.  494)  45  b.c. 

1.  Increase  of  the  senate  to  900  ^^ 

2.  Creation  of  new  patrician  families  ^\ 

3.  Increase  of  the  'triumviri  monetales'  to  4.     Connected  perhaps 

with  a  permission  granted  to  Caesar  to  stamp  coin  with  his 
name  ^^ 

4.  Addition  of  a  third  class,  called  luliani,  to  the  Luperci ". 

5.  Continuation  of  distribution  of  lands  begun  46  B.c." 


»  Philipp.  I.  8,  19  ;  5.  3,  7  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  25.  -  ^  Dion  Cassius  42.  20. 

»  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  9,  with  Ad  Att.  15.  11,  4.  *  Livy  Epit.  115  ; 

Dion  Cassius  43.  21  ;  Suet.  lul.  41 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  202  ;  Plut.  Caes.  55.  *  Com- 

ment. Epigr.  I.  300  foil.  «  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  14;  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment. 

Epigr.  I.  301,  foil.  ^  Ad  Fam.  13.  4.  »  Intr.  to  Part  IV.  §  11  ; 

Ad  Fam.  9.  17 ;  Dion  Cassius  42.  54 ;  Suet.  lul.  38.  *  Suet.  lul.  1.  c. ; 

A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigr.  i.  302.  ^^  Ad  Fam.  13.  5,  2  ;  Suet.  lul.  41 ; 

76  ;  80  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  47.  "  Dion  Cassius  1.  c.  ;  Tac.  Ann.  H-  25. 

"  Suet.  lul.  76 ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  4  ;  Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc.  '  Moneta/  p.  766. 
"  Philipp.  13.  15,  31 ;  Suet.  lul.  76 ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  6.  "  Ad  Fam.  13.  4 ; 

13-  5  ;  13-  7  ;  13-  8  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  47. 


492 


APPENDIX  X. 


APPENDIX  X. 


493 


6.  Increase  of  the  number  of  quaestors  to  40;  of  praetors,  first  to  14 

and  then  to  16 ;  of  aediles  to  6 '. 
,    Lex  lulia  municipalis.    This  appears  to  have  comprised  firstly,  re- 
gulations as  to  the  distribution  of  corn  at  the  public  expense  at 
Rome ;   secondly,  police  regulations  especially  relatmg  to  the 
traffic  in  the  streets  of  Rome ;  thirdly,  regulations  as  to  the 
qualifications  and  duties  of  magistrates  and  senators  m  mum- 
cipal  towns  ^. 
Other  laws  of  uncertain  date,  but  which  must  have  been  enacted  within 
the  period  here  referred  to,  are  mentioned  by  Suetonius '. 

1.  A  law  restraining  the  liberty  of  Roman  citizens,  especially  of  the 
higher  classes,  to  travel  or  reside  out  of  Italy. 

2.  A  law  providing  that  a  third  part  of  the  herdsmen  employed  on 

estates  consisting  of  pasture  lands  should  be  freemen. 

3.  A  law  granting  citizenship  to  physicians  and  teachers  of  liberal  arts 

who  should  settle  at  Rome. 

4.  A  law  increasing  the  severity  of  penalties  for  the  higher  crimes. 

APPENDIX   X. 

On  the  honours  voted  to  Caesar. 

§  1.     I.  49  B.C. 
Perhaps  when  Caesar  met  the  senate  on  April  i  he  received  procon- 
sular power  throughout  the  whale  empire,  by  virtue  of  which  he  disposed 

of  different  provinces  *.  c  e  A 

Chronological  writers^  assigned  to  Caesar  a  reign  of  four  years  and 
seven  months,  evidently  dated  from  his  first  dictatorship.  This  would 
fix  its  grant  to  the  middle  of  August,  49  b.c.  ;  a  date  supported  by  the 
probability  that  his  nomination  followed  the  announcement  of  his  victory 
over  Afranius  and  Petreius,  who  surrendered  on  August  2  ^ 

His  nomination  took  place  under  a  law  proposed  by  Lepidus,  and  he 
held  the  office,  probably/ comitiorum  habendorum  causa  ^' for  he  had 
no  'magister  equitum/  He  held  the  dictatorship  for  eleven  days,  and 
resigned  it  on  leaving  Rome  for  Brundisium-  in  December,  according 
to  the  Calendar,  in  October,  according  to  the  real  season. 

1  T^-      ro.c-nc  .,   A^  and  Ki  *  Cp.  Mommsen  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  I.  119-125. 

C  "Ditn  Cassius  41,  I5-I7.         ^  Cp  A.  W.  Zun.pt,  S   R^  204.         «  lutr.  ^o  Pa.  8 

'  Ad  Att.  q.  9,  3;  Dion  Cassius  41.  36 ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  21.  ^^i.  ^        a 

App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  48 ;  Dion  Cassius  41.  36-39. 


2.    48  B.C. 

Second  consulship.     He  was  absent  from  Rome  throughout  its  dura- 
tion, as  he  entered  upon  it  at  Brundisium  \ 

After  Pompey's  death  was  known  at  Rome,  the  senate  and  people 

voted  to  Caesar 

1.  The  consulship  for  five  years; 

2.  A  dictatorship  for  one  year^ 

The  consular  power  would  last  from  48  to  44,  or  from  47  to  43  b.c, 
according  as  the  year  48  was  included  or  not. 

He  entered  upon  his  second  dictatorship  '  at  once,'  says  Dion  Cas- 
sius ^  That  is,  probably,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  his  nomination.  Now 
Pompey  was  killed  on  Sept.  28*,  and  his  death  might  be  known  in 
Rome  by  the  middle  of  October,  from  which  time  Caesar's  dictatorship 
probably  dated.  M.  Antonius  was  named  his  master  of  the  horse, 
probably  by  the  consul  P.  Servilius^  Caesar  seems  to  have  retained 
this  dictatorship  till  the  end  of  47  B.C.,  if  we  may  trust  the  statements 
of  Dion  Cassius^  and  Plutarch"^;  and  Mommsen  (Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  i. 
pp.  451-453)  believes  that  this  dictatorship  was  conferred  for  an  un- 
defined period  '  rei  publicae  constituendae  causa.'  Coins,  with  the  in- 
scription '  Cos.  tert.  Diet,  iter.'  support  this  view.  lb.  p.  449,  and  Lange 
3.  420. 

3.  47  B.C.     Second  dictatorship,  till  the  close  of  the  year. 
Third  consulship  (.?).     So  Suetonius  \     But  Caesar  only  held  a  titular 

consulship  in  476.0.,  and  both  the  Fasti  Capitolini»  and  Dion  Cassius  ^° 
place  in 

4.  46  B.C.     Caesar's   third   consulship,  to  which  he  seems  to 
have  been  regularly  elected  with  Lepidus  ^\ 

Third  dictatorship,  decreed  to  him  when  the  news  of  the  battle  of 
Thapsus  reached  Rome.  It  was  for  ten  years,  and  probably  *  rei  pub- 
licae constituendae  causa.'  Caesar  was  named  by  his  colleague  Lepidus, 
who  named  himself  master  of  the  horse,  contrary  to  precedent  ^^ 

The  Fasti  Capitolini  place  this  dictatorship  in  45  b.c;  either,  as 
W.  Henzen  (Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  i.  pp.  448-449)  thinks,  because   the 


*  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  48  ;  Dion  Cassius  41.  39. 
lb.  42.  21.  *  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  3. 


2  Dion  Cassius  42.  20. 
*  Philipp.  2.  25,  62  :  Dion 


Cassius  42.  21  ;  A.  W.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  212  ;  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  5  ;  but  Lange,  R- A.  3.  421- 
422,  says  he  was  named  by  Caesar  as  usual.  '  42.  55.  Caes^  51. 

»  lul.  76;  cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  215  ;  e  contr.  Fasti  Cap.  sub  anno. 

rz i    c    x>     «/^«,  10    j^     T  11  ■pocti  r!anitnli*ni.  sub  annO. 


Zumpt,  S.  R.  200. 


43. 1. 


1^  Fasti  Capitolini,  sub  anno.     Mommsen,  C.  I.  L. 
,     /      -^  .    1 j:xr 4.  „:^..,  12  r»;«n 


I.  452.     Suetonius,  (lul.  76)  and  Dion  Cassius,  (43,  33)  take  a  different  view. 
Cassius  1.  c. :  cp.  43.  14. 


Dioa 


494 


APPENDIX  X, 


greater  part  of  its  duration  was  comprised  in  that  year,— a  remark 
which  applies  equally  to  his  second  dictatorship  with  reference  to  the 
years  48  and  47  B.C.,— as  the  fourth  dictatorship  only  began  late  m  45  b.c. 
at  the  earliest;  or,  as  Mommsen  (Corpus  Inscr.  Lat.  i.  452)  thmks,  be- 
cause the  ten  years'  dictatorship  voted  to  Caesar  in  46  was  to  begm  Jan., 

45  B.C. 

5.  45  B.C.    Fourth  consulship,  without  a  colleague. 

The  consulship  for  ten  years  was  decreed  to  him  when  the  news  of 
the  battle  of  Munda  reached  Rome  \  He  accepted  the  grant  at  first, 
but  resigned  the  consulship  on  entering  the  capital  early  in  October,  when 
Q  Fabius  and  C.  Trebonius  were  elected  as  '  consules  suffecti  V 

According  to  Dion  Cassius  ^  Caesar  did  not  discharge  the  functions 
of  the  consulship  to  which  he  was  regularly  elected  for  long :  but  Appian ' 
seems  to  affirm  that  he  declined  the  ten  years'  consulship  offered  to  him, 
and  was  content  with  that  which  he  held  by  regular  election  from  Jan.  i, 

45  B.C. 

He  was  made  Praefectus  Morum  for  three  years  after  his  African 

victories  ^  ,  ,  •  •      • 

And  received  the  tide  *  Imperator '  for  himself  and  his  posterity  in 

45  B.C.* 

6.  44  B.c.  Fourth  dictatorship.  Perhaps  Caesar  entered  upon 
this  before  the  close  of  45b.c.^  It  was  perpetual;  perhaps  an  exten- 
sion for  life  of  that  granted  him  in  46  b.c.«  for  ten  years.  But  it  was 
regarded  apparently  as  a  series  of  yearly  dictatorships,  as  the  masters  of 
the  horse  changed  from  year  to  year.  Cp.  Fast.  Capit.  sub  anno  44  b.c. 
Mommsen,  C.  I.  L.  I.452» 
Fifth  consulship  ^ 

§  2.  The  title  *  Imperator  ^°.' 
•  It  was  used  as  a  prefix  to  the  names  of  the  emperors  ^^ ;  but  it  is 
doubtful  if  Caesar  used  it  thus.  A.  W.  Zumpt  thinks ''  that  he  only  used 
it  after  his  name,  as  had  been  the  practice  of  the  republican  period,  and 
without  numbers,  e.g.  11,  iii,  appended  to  it.  Mommsen  considers  ^«  the 
new  *  imperium '  to  have  been  a  continuation  of  the  old  consular  or  pro- 
consular  '  imperium '  without  the  *  pomoerium.' 

i  Dion  Cassius  43-  45-   The  news  arrived  the  day  before  the  Parilia,  i.e.  on  April  20.  lb. 
AX  A  2  '  Veil.  2.  56  ;  Suet.  lul.  76 ;  Dion  Cassius  43   46.  43.  40. 

4  Retl  Civ  2   w;  107.  «  Dion  Cassius  43.  14-  Mb.  43- 44-       ^     'The 

rema  ks  on  the  wa;  of  dating  the  third  dictatorship  apj^y  equally  ^o  tj-  f  ^th  Cp  sup.  4. 
e  Dion  Cassius  43-  HI  Appian,  De  Bell.  C.v.  2.  106;  AW.  Zumpt  S.  R.  22g  m. 
•  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §12.  "  Note  E^  p.  123;  Zumpt.  S.  R.  233  foil.  Suet, 

lul.  76  ;  Dion  Cassius  43.  44.  "  *•  «•  .    4-  2,  47°- 


APPENDIX  X. 


495 


§3. 

For  the  year  48  B.C.  the  usual  magistrates  were  elected  \ 

In  47  B.C.  no  curule  magistrates  were  elected  except  for  the  last  three 

months  ^. 

For  46  B.C.  the  usual  m^istrates  were  elected  ^     But  on  leaving  for 
Spain  Caesar  appointed  praefects,  not  praetors  ^  to  govern  Rome  in  his 

absence. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  45  b.c  the  usual  magistrates  were  elected  for  its 

last  few  months  ^ 

§  4.     Tribunicia  potestas. 
Granted  to  Caesar  for  life  in  48  b.c.«      The  most  important  privileges 
which  it  included  were 

(1)  lus  auxilii  ferendi. 

(2)  lus  intercedendi. 

(3)  lus  senatum  consulendi  '^. 

(4)  lus  agendi  cum  plebe. 

(5)  Personal  inviolability  *. 

In  45  B.C.  he  received  the  power  of  deciding  who  should  be  tribunes  ^ 

1  A.  W.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  241.  ^  lb.  243 ;  Dion  Cassius  42.  27.  «  Dion 

Cassius  42.  51.  *  lb.  43.  28.  '  lb.  43  46 ;  Zumpt,  S.  R.  245  :  I"tr-  to  Part 

IV    §  12.  «  Dion  Cassius  42.  20:  cp.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  252.  A.  Cjell.  N.  A. 

147;  Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.  1 151.  The  tribunes,  if  no  one  of  their  own  body  interfered, 
could 'probably  bring  questions  before  the  senate  even  if  a  consul  opposed  them;  the 
Caesars  probably  had  this  power  personally,  without  being  subject  to  intercession. 
Zumpt,  S.  R.  262.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  16.  i ;  Ep.  22,  2,  note.  •  Dion  Cassius 

(44  O  App.  (Bell.  Civ.  2.  106),  and  Livy  (Epit.  116),  say  that  Caesar  was  declared 
inviolable  44  b.c.  A.  W.  Zumpt  suggests  that  this  inviolability  was  not  limited  locally, 
while  that  of  the  tribunes  could  only  be  vindicated  in  the  capital— and  that  it  protected  the 
emperor  at  all  times— not  only  in  his  official  acts.     S.  R.  252,  foil.  »  Dion  Cassius 

43-  45- 


7 


PART  V. 


From  the  Death  of  Caesar  to  that  of  Cicero. 
March  15,  44  B.C.  to  December  7,  43  ^-c 


INTRODUCTION. 

§  I.  It  has  been  mentioned  that  after  Caesar's  murder  Antony  fled  to 
his  home  \  and  the  senate  broke  up  in  confusion  ^.  Lepidus  heard  of  the 
event  in  the  forum ^  He  was  master  of  the  horse*  and  governor  of 
Narbonensis  and  Hither  Spain,  and  had  a  legion  in  the  island  of  the 
Tiber.  Many  also  of  Caesar's  veterans  filled  the  city  \  On  the  other 
hand,  D.  Brutus  had  at  his  disposal  a  body  of  gladiators  ^ ;  and  under 
their  protection,  after  a  fruitless  appeal  to  the  people  \  the  conspirators 
occupied  the  Capitol,  where  they  were  presently  joined  by  Cicero  and 
other  nobles  ^  including  Dolabella,  who  Caesar  had  intended  should 
succeed  him  as  consul  for  the  last  part  of  44  B.C. 

The  conspirators  employed  the  i6th  apparently  in  making  a  second 
appeal  to  the  people  ^  and  in  attempting  to  sound  the  disposition  of 
Antony  and  Lepidus.  Meanwhile  Calpurnia  ^^  Caesar's  widow,  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  Antony  her  husband's  papers  and  a  considerable  sum 

of  money. 

§  2.  On  the  17  th  an  important  meeting  of  the  senate  was  held  in  the 
temple  of  Tellus  ".  Cicero  took  a  leading  part  in  the  debate.  Appeals 
had  been  made  to  him  by  the  conspirators  immediately  after  the  murder  ^2, 
and  Antony  afterwards  accused  him  of  complicity  with  them.  It  is  not 
likely  however,  that  he  was  in  the  secret ;  nor  did  he,  like  some  others, 
pretend  to  have  been  so  ",     He  now  advocated  a  general  amnesty  ^*,  and 

1  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  15.  ^  lb.  ^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  -2.  118;  Dion  Cassius 

44.  22.  *  App.  I.  c;  Dion  Cassius  43.  49-51-  ^  ^pp.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  119. 

»  lb.  2.  122;  Veil.  2.  58.  "^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  119;  Dion  Cassius  44.  20. 

8  App.  Bell.  Civ.  1.  c.  ;*Dion  Cassius  44.  22 ;  Veil.  2.  58 ;  Philipp.  2.  35,  89  ;  Ad  Att.  14. 
10,  I.  »  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  122-124.  ^^  lb.  125  ;  Plut.  Ant.  15.  "  Ad 

Att.  14.  14,  2  ;  Philipp.  I.  I,  I  ;  2.  35,  89  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  126.  "  Philipp.  2. 

12  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  20.  "  Philipp.  2.  ii.  25 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  119  ;  Dion 

Cassius  44.  21.  "  Philipp.  I.  I ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  135  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  34. 

K   k 


r 


/^ 


498 


INTRODUCTION 


TO  THE  FIFTH  PART, 


499 


the  senate  adopted  his  proposal,  combining  with  it,  however,  a  ratification 
of  Caesar's  acts.  An  apparent  reconciliation  followed  between  Antony 
and  the  conspirators.  But  Caesar's  friends,  headed  by  his  father-in-law 
L  Piso  \  procured  the  consent  of  the  senate  to  the  publication  of  his  will 
and  to  a  public  funeral  for  his  body.  Brutus  subsequently  addressed^ 
the  people  in  defence  of  Caesar's  murder,  trying  especially  to  quiet  the 
apprehensions  of  the  veterans;  and  his  speech,  which  produced  a  good 
effect,  was  followed  next  day  by  one  from  Cicero  *  in  defence  of  the 

amnesty. 

About  the  same  time  Caesar's  will  was  read  ^  in-  which  Octavius  was 
adopted,  and  named  his  heir,  and  a  sum  of  money,  variously  stated,  was 
bequeathed  to  every  Roman  citizen.  A  painful  feeling  was  excited  when 
the  name  of  D.  Brutus  was  read  among  the  '  second  heirs ; '  and  was 
intensified  by  the  public  funeral «  which  followed,  and  by  Antony's  ad- 
dress on  that  occasion.  The  people  and  the  veterans  committed  many 
acts  of  violence,  and  the  conspirators  had  to^  hide  themselves  or  to  with- 
draw from  Rome. 

But  Antony  presently  reassured  the  nobles  by  consulting  some  of  the 
more  eminent  of  their  number  as  to  his  measures  \  and  by  proposing 
the  abolition  of  the  dictatorship,  which  the  senate  gladly  sanctioned. 
Nor  did  Antony  oppose  the  adoption  by  the  senate  of  a  decree «  forbid- 
ding the  registration  of  any  resolution  found  in  Caesar's  papers  to  confer 
immunities  or  similar  special  privileges  on  individuals  or  communities. 
The  favourable  impression  thus  created  was  deepened  by  the  suppression 
of  disorders  caused  by  an  impostor  named  Herophilus  or  Amatius,  who 
pretended  to  the  name  of  C.  Marius,  and  was  executed  by  Antony's 

order®. 

§  3.  These  hopes,  however,  were  presently  dispelled  by  the  use  which 
Antony  made  of  Caesar's  papers  ^^  and  of  the  aid  of  Faberius,  a  scribe 
who  had  been  in  Caesar's  service,  and  who  now  forged  many  documents 
purporting  to  be  Caesar's.  Exiles  were  restored ;  privileges "  and  ex- 
emptions granted  to  individuals  and  communities ;  and  the  aid  of  Dolabella 
purchased  with  a  large  sum  '\  The  populace  was  offended  by  Antony's 
vigorous  maintenance  of  order,  and  he  made  its  hostility  a  plea  for  sur- 

>  Philipp.  I.  I.  2  ;  2.  36.  90;  Veil.  2.  58.  '  Ad  Att.  14.  ^0'/^  ApP.  Bell.  Civ. 

2    1:16  •   il^  :  Veil.  2.  59;  Dion  Cassius  44.  35-  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  I37-I4I. 

*  lb'  2.'  142  =  lb-  2.  143  ;  Dion  Cassius  44   35-  \  ™!PP   2   36  ;  App. 

3.?an'J3  •  Dio'n  Jasfiu's  ^Z.  5^-    The  execution  probab\v  took  place  in  April.   Ad  AU  14. 
1.  I.         -  phiiipp.  I.  8-10  ;  2.  36-39  ;  Veil.  2.  60  ;  App.  Bell.  CiJ.  V  S-  P^^  'PP- 

1.  10,  24;  2.  36-38  ;  Plut.  Ant.  15  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  53-  Ad  Att.  14.  18,  1. 


rounding  himself  with  a  guard  ^.  The  senate  sanctioned  this  step,  and 
the  number  of  the  guard  was  gradually  increased  to  several  thousands. 
But  Antony  was  anxious  to  revive  his  failing  popularity,  and  with  that 
object  procured,  with  the  aid  of  his  brother  Lucius,  now  tribune,  the 
enactment  of  an  agrarian  ^  law.  He  left  Rome  in  April  to  superintend 
its  execution. 

Meanwhile  Dolabella,  who  had  acted  as  consul  since  Caesar's  death, 
overthrew  an  altar  erected  in  memory  of  Caesar  by  Amatius,  and 
punished  with  great  severity  those  who  had  assembled  to  worship  there ; 
a  service  which  Cicero  praised  in  extravagant  terms  ^. 

§  4.  Octavius  landed  in  Italy  apparently  in  April*.  He  came  to  claim 
his  inheritance,  and  to  assume  the  name  of  his  adoptive  father.  As  he 
approached  Rome  he  received  promises  of  support  ^  from  the  veterans 
settled  in  Campania,  but  declined  them.  Antony  had  returned  to  the 
capital  when  Octavius  arrived  there  and  claimed  Caesar's  bequest  ^ 
Antony  had  already  spent  the  money,  but  Octavius  borrowed  from  his 
friends  enough,  added  to  his  own  resources,  to  pay  a  portion  at  least  of 
Caesar's  legacies  to  the  people,  and  to  celebrate  some  days  afterwards 
the  games  of  Venus  Victrix  in  honour  of  Caesar's  victory  at  Pharsalus '. 
Owing  to  the  opposition  of  Antony's  friends  the  enactment  of  a  *  Lex 
Curiata '  for  his  adoption  was  delayed  *. 

Trebonius  had  already,  apparently,  left  for  Asia,  and  D.  Brutus  for 
Cisalpine  Gaul  ® — where,  if  we  judge  by  results,  he  was  not  warmly  wel- 
comed, and  undertook  various  petty  operations  ^*^  to  gratify  his  soldiers 
with  plunder.  M.  Brutus  and  C.  Cassius  still  lingered  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Rome  ". 

An  important  meeting  of  the  senate  took  place  on  June  i  ^^,  when 
Macedonia  was  assigned  to  Antony,  and  Syria  was  assigned  about  the  same 
time  by  a  vote  of  the  people  ^^  to  Dolabella,  who  then  finally  broke  with 
the  republican  leaders.  On  the  5th,  apparently,  M.  Brutus  was  released 
from  his  obligation  to  reside  in  Rome  as  praetor  ^*,  and,  with  C.  Cassius, 
commissioned  to  supply  corn.     Both  remained,  however  ^^,  in  Italy  to 


*  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  4  and  5  ;  cp.  Philipp.  i.  II,  27.  ^  Ad  Att.  14.  21,  2 ; 

Philipp.  2.  39  ;  5.  3,  7 ;  5.  7,  20.  ^  Ad  Att.  14.  15,  2  ;  Ad  Fam.  9.  14  ; 

Philipp.  I.  2,  5.  *  Ad  Att.  14.  10,  3;  14.  12,  2  ;  Veil.  2.  59  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 


9-II. 


App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  II  and  12. 


'  lb.  3.  23  ;  Ad  Att.  15.  2,  3 ;  Dion  Cassius  45,  6. 
'  Ad  Att.  14.  10,  I ;  14.  13,  2  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  2. 


*  lb.  3.  1  7  and  20. 
®  Dion  Cassius  45.  5. 


***  Ad  Fam.  11.  4. 
^^  App.  1.  c. ;  Ad  Att.  14.  10,  i.  "  Philipp.  I.  2,  6  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  7  and  8. 

"  ?  in  April,  Halm.  Intr.  to  Philipp.  §§46.47.  "  Ad  Att.  15.  9,1  ;  15.  Il,  i  ;  15.  12,  i  ; 
Philipp.  2.  13,  31 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  6  and  8.  ^  Ad  Att.  15.  26,  I ;  15.  28  ;  16.  i,  1 ; 
App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  24. 

Kka 


INTRODUCTION 


500 

see  what  effect  might  be  produced  by  the  Ludi  ApolUnares '  celebrated 
n  the  name  of  M.  Brutus  on  the  7  th  of  Quinctilis,  now  first  called  luUus^ 
The  people  applauded,  but  their  cheers  were  not  followed  by  any  ,m- 

""r^sTnct  March  17^  Cicero  had  been  living  mostly  in  retirement. 
h!  L  soonTndeceiJed  as  to  the  probable  results  of  Caesar's  death. 
H  s  Tst  letter»  after  that  event  was  written  in  great  exultat.on,  a  feelmg 
foon  e  ch  nged  for  regret»  that  the  deed  had  been  done  with  so  htt  e 
lard  or  consequences,  and  that  Caesar's  power  had  passed  wUh 
SedirnLion  into  the  hands  of  Antony.  Cicero  left  Rome'  early  m 
April  and  exchanged  friendly  letters»  with  Antony  as  to  the  restorat.on 
of  one  Sex.  Clodius  from  exile.  His  gratification  at  the  vgorous  mea- 
sures of  Dolabella  has  been  already '  mentioned. 

The  landing  of  Octavius-  at  first  gave  him  no  pleasure,  and  he  was 
alanned  by  the  prospect  of  civil  war  "  with  D.  Brutus  and  Sex.  Pompe.us 
and  by  rumours  that  Antony  would  attempt  to  seize  the  Gallic  pro 
Ices'^     He  had  not  as  yet"  much  confidence  in  the  consul^,  elect 
ffirtLs  and  Pansa,  but  was  pleased  with  an  edict »  of  Brutus  and  Cassms 
in  which  they  seem  to  have  held  moderate  languag^'^  d'sm.ssmg    h 
friends  who  came  from  the  country  towns  to  protect  them.    The  re 
'ts    however,  openly  expressed'»  for  Caesar  by  Matius  and  others 
Cieted  him,  nor  was  he  much  reassured  by  a  correspondence  >»  with 

^'f  6.' Cicero  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  spring  and  early  summer  in 
different  villas :  we  find  him  dating  letters  from  Tusculum  ",  Lanuvmm  , 
Puteoli",  Sinuessa-  Pompeii-  Arpinum-  Antium -,  and  other  place. 
It  Intium  he  had  an  interview  with  Brutus  and  Cassius  and  ound  both 
of  them  discontented  with  the  commissions  proposed  for  them  and 
Cassius  very  violent ".  Cicero  was  alarmed  by  Anton/s  intrigues «  with 
the  veterans  settled  in  Campania,  and  annoyed  by  the  name  luUus 
given  to  the  seventh  month.  These  anxieties  did  not,  however,  make 
him  careless  of  his  private  interest;  his  affairs  seem  to  have  been  m  a 

2   A^  Att    rfi   T    T  •   16   J.    I  ;  Cens.  de  Die  Nat. 
*  P'»""".-  L'l/.'e  ^3  • -Phiupp.  ..15   36"-  iL^^ng  'to-A^^pian  CBe...  Civ.  3^  .4) 

people  broke  into  the  theatre  and  silenced  them  J»PJ^,  S     •  ,  ^^  ^„ 

'.^b.- 14. 13.  ^ ;  .5.  -.  I  -  PhniPP.;.  3. « ;  A-i  Att. .,.  .4. 4.-  ^^      ^^_  a^ 

AdFam.  II.  2.  "  Ad  Att.  14.  i,  I  !  U- J.  3 .  «4    "•  \-  »  j^.  g. 

27  and  .8.  "A-^  Att.  '4- 3-       ,3  ib   „"■  ^'         «  lb.  /5   w. '•  "^  ">• 

•a     lb      17  32    lb.    15.    26.  ID.    II.  At 

1421,2;  PhiUpp.  2.  39.  100.  -  Ad  Att.  16.  I,  I ;  16.  4,  I- 


TO  THE  FIFTH  PART 


501 


very  disorderly  state,  and  this  increased  his  eagerness  to  get  money 
owing  him,  from  Dolabella  and  others,  repaid  ^  Seeing  little  hope  of 
doing  any  good  by  remaining  at  Rome,  he  decided  on  retiring  to 
Athens  ^  till  the  beginning  of  the  next  year.  Dolabella  had  named  him 
his  legate  with  peculiar  privileges  on  June  2  ^,  and  this  gave  him  a  pre- 
text for  leaving  Italy.  He  was  also  anxious  to  see  his  son,  then  studying 
at  Athens,  of  whose  behaviour  unfavourable  rumours  had  reached 
him*. 

Early  in  July  ^  he  saw  M.  Brutus  at  Nesis,  where  he  also  heard  news  ^ 
of  Sextus  Pompeius,  who  was  still  in  arms.  He  was  much  pleased  by 
the  behaviour  of  his  brother  Quintus  '^  at  this  time,  and  the  good  under- 
standing between  them  seems  not  to  have  been  again  disturbed. 

§  7.  Cicero  seems  to  have  embarked  about  the  middle  of  July.  He 
touched  at  Vibo  on  the  23rd  ^  and  at  Syracuse  ^  on  August  i.  He  set 
sail  next  day  for  Greece,  but  was  presently  driven  back  by  contrary  winds 
which  he  encountered  off  Leucopetra  in  the  territory  of  Rhegium.  On 
landing,  he  heard  ^^  that  there  was  a  fair  prospect  that  Antony  would  be 
reconciled  to  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  would  renounce  the  Gallic  pro- 
vinces. He  also  read  a  satisfactory  speech  of  Antony,  and  a  proclamation 
of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  in  which  they  expressed  their  willingness  to  retire 
from  Rome  in  the  interest  of  public  tranquillity.  He  was  not  aware 
that  an  angry  correspondence  "  was  probably  going  on  at  that  very  time 
between  Antony  and  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  was  eager  to  return  to 
Rome  in  time  for  a  meeting  of  the  senate  announced  for  September  i. 
A  letter  from  Atticus,  reproaching  him  ^^  for  deserting  his  country, 
strengthened  him  in  this  resolution. 

He  travelled  back,  accordingly,  towards  Rome;  a  meeting  with  Brutus 
at  Velia  ^^  from  whom  he  learned  that  L.  Piso  had  spoken  against  Antony 
in  the  senate  on  the  first  of  August,  undeceived  him  as  to  political  pros- 
pects, but  he  persevered  and  arrived  at  Rome  on  August  3 1  ^*. 

§  8.  Important  events  had  happened  during  his  absence.  Antony  had 
procured  early  in  the  summer  ^^  a  vote  of  the  people  sanctioning  an 
exchange  of  provinces  between  him  and  D.  Brutus,  and  empowering  him 
to  transport  the  army  of  Macedonia  to  Cisalpine  Gaul.  He  owed  his 
success  in  this  manoeuvre  to  the  co-operation  of  Octavius,  with  whom 


*  Ad  Att.  14.  18,  I  ;  14.  19,  I  ;  14.  21,  4;  15.  20,  4  ;  16.  i,  5.  ^  n,.  16.  3; 

Philipp.  I.  2,  6.                 ^  Ad  Att.  15.  II,  4;  Philipp.  1.  c.  *  Ad  Att.  14.  16,  3. 

*  lb.  16.  4,  I.                    «  lb.  16.  4/2.                    '  lb.  16.  5,  2.  *  lb.  16.  6,  I. 
^  Philipp.  I.  3,  7.                            w  Ad  Att.  16.  7,  i  ;  Philipp.  i.  3,  8  ;  Ad  Fam.  11.  3,  3. 

"  Ad  Fam.  11.  3.                         "  y^j  ^^^   jg    ^^  ^  ^^^  ^  13  ^^   jg    ^^  ^  . 

Philipp.  1.4.  »*  Plut.  Cic.  43 ;  cp.  Philipp.  5.  7,  19.  "  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 

27-30  ;  Dion  Cassius  45.  9;  Appendix  11.  11. 


502  INTRODUCTION 

he  had  effected  a  temporary  reconciliation.  An  enactment  ^  presently 
followed,  extending  the  duration  of  proconsular  governments  from  two 
years  to  six.  This  was  in  direct  violation  of  a  law  of  Caesar. 
Notice  was  also  given  ^  of  measures  introducing  a  more  popular 
element  into  the  courts  of  law,  and  granting  the  privilege  of  appeal 
to  the   people   to   criminals    convicted    of  riot   or   treason   ('  vis '   or 

§  9.  On  September  i  ^  the  senate  was  convoked  to  consider  the  propriety 
of  adding  a  day  to  the  public  thanksgivings,  in  honour  of  Caesar.     Cicero 
sent  an  excuse  to  Antony  for  his  absence,  but  Antony  spoke  of  him  with 
much  violence.     On  the  next  day  Cicero  addressed  the  senate,  Antony 
being  absent.    His  speech,  the  first  Philippic,  was  a  criticism  of  Antony's 
policy,  free,  however,  from  personal  hostility.     He  complained  *  espe- 
cially of  the  promulgation  of  measures  directly  violating  laws  of  Caesar, 
and  of  the  use  ^  made  of  Caesar's  papers  ;  artfully  mixed  praise  and  cen- 
sure  '  of  the  presiding  consul  Dolabella  ;  spoke  of  Hirtius '  with  much 
regard ;  and  warned «  Antony  what  his  fate  would  probably  be  if  he 
persisted  in  his  actual  course.     Antony  replied»  on  September  19  with 
a  violent  attack  on  Cicero's  whole  career,  and  left  Rome  ^'  on  October  9 
for  Brundisium,  where  three  or  four  legions  of  the  army  of  Macedonia 
had  landed.      They  had  been   tampered  with,  probably,  by  agents  of 
Octavius,  and   received  Antony  badly.      The  good  understanding  be- 
tween Antony  and  Octavius    had   not   lasted   long;    and  Antony  had 
charged  "  Octavius  with  plotting  his  assassination.     Having  punished  ^^ 
some  of  the  mutinous  soldiers,  Antony  set  out  for  Rome  attended  by  the 
fifth  legion  ^^  ('Alaudae').     The  legions  of  Macedonia  were  to  proceed 
along  the  coast  road  to  Cisalpine  Gaul. 

Antony  returned  to  Rome  ^*  about  the  middle  of  November.  He 
left  the  greater  part  of  his  troops  at  Tibur,  but  brought  an  escort  into 
the  capital.  Having  heard  of  the  open  mutiny  of  the  Martian  legion  he 
summoned  the  senate  for  a  meeting  on  the  28  th  ^\  when  he  probably 
intended  to  ask  its  sanction  for  decisive  measures  against  Octavius.  But 
he  heard  during  the  sitting  that  the  fourth  legion  had  followed  the  example 
of  the  Martian  ^^  and  contented  himself  with  procuring  a  vote  in  honour 

'  Philipp.  I.  8,  19  ;  5.  3.  7 ;  8.  9.  28.  Mb.  I.  8  and  9.                    '  lb.  i. 

4-6  ;  5.  7,  19.                     *  lb.  I.  8  and  9.  '  lb.  i.  10.                        lb.  I.  12. 

^  lb.  I.  15,  37.                     '  lb.  I.  14,  34.  ^  Ad  Fam.  12.  2,  i  ;  Philipp.  5.  7. 

'«»  Ad  Fam.  12.  23,  2  ;  Ad  Att.  16.  8,  2 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  40  and  43  ;  Dion  Cassius  45, 


12. 


"  Ad  Fam.  12.  23,  2  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  39. 


App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  43  ; 


Philipp.  3.  2,  4;  3.  4,  10.  ^^  Ad  Att.  16.  8,  2  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  44  and  45  ; 

Dion  Cassius  45.  13 ;  Appendix  il,  li.  ^*  Ad  Att.  16.  10,  i ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 

45.  ^  App.  1.  c. ;  Philipp.  3.  8.  »«  Philipp.  3-  3»  6  ;  3-  9  ;  5-  8-9 ;  I3-  9» 

19.      Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  45)  says  that  he  only  heard  of  the  revolt  of  the  Martian  legion 
as  he  was  entering  the  senate  house. 


TO  THE  FIFTH  FART. 


503 


of  Lepidus  \  and  with  making  provision,  with  the  apparent  approval  of 
the  senate,  for  the  government  of  the  provinces  during  the  year  '^  43  b.c. 
The  most  important  nomination  was  that  of  his  brother  Gains  to  super- 
sede M.  Brutus  in  Macedonia.  Antony  then  retired  to  Tibur  ^,  where  an 
attempt  at  mediation  was  made  by  several  senators  who  attended  him  to 
his  quarters,  but  failed,  owing  to  the  opposition  of  his  brother  Lucius  *. 
He  then  set  out  for  Cisalpine  Gaul  at  the  head  of  a  large  force  ^  D. 
Brutus  prepared  to  resist  ^  him,  but  was  obliged  to  evacuate  one  town 
after  another,  and  finally  was  besieged  in  Mutina. 

§  10.  Octavius  meanwhile  had  raised  a  considerable  force  of  veterans 
in  Campania ;  during  Antony's  absence  he  approached  Rome,  and  on 
the  invitation  of  the  tribune  Cannutius  he  entered  the  city  and  addressed 
the  people,  professing  his  readiness  to  oppose  Antony.  The  Martian 
legion  had  occupied  Alba  for  him ;  and  he  named  Arretium  as  the 
gathering-place  for  his  followers  '^. 

Cicero  seems  not  to  have  appeared  in  Rome  between  the  middle 
of  October  and  the  9th  of  December  ^ ;  he  employed  himself  in  compos- 
ing a  reply  •  to  Antony's  attack  of  September  19.  This  reply,  the  second 
Philippic,  after  being  submitted  to  Atticus  for  criticism,  was  probably 
published  after  Antony  had  left  Rome.  Cicero  was  not  satisfied  with 
the  demeanour  of  Octavius  ^^,  and  wrote  to  various  provincial  governors  ^^ 
to  confirm  them  in  their  allegiance  to  the  senate.  His  leisure  was  occu- 
pied in  the  composition  of  philosophical  ^-  works,  as  it  had  been  earlier 
in  the  year.  On  December  20,  however  ^^,  an  opportunity  presented 
itself  to  him  for  resuming  his  duties  as  a  senator.  The  new  tribunes  of 
the  people  had  then  come  into  office,  and  convoked  the  senate  on  that 
day  to  take  steps  for  securing  the  freedom  of  its  deliberations  on  January  i. 
Cicero,  however,  did  not  confine  himself  to  the  question,  but  suggested  votes 
in  honour  of  D.  Brutus,  Octavius,  and  others,  and  commented  severely  on 
the  proceedings  of  Antony  and  his  brother  Lucius.  He  also  proposed  ^* 
that  the  provisions  made  by  Antony  for  the  government  of  the  provinces 
during  the  year  43  b.c.  should  be  treated  as  null  and  void,  a  suggestion 
which  the  senate  seems  to  have  approved.  On  the  same  day  he  addressed  ^^ 
the  people,  to  stimulate  their  zeal  on  behalf  of  the  senate. 

§  II.  M.  Brutus  and  C.  Cassius  had  probably  by  this  time  entered  the 


Philipp.  3.  9. 


lb.  3.  10;  Appendix  11. 


App.  Bell. 


Civ.  3.  45  and  46;  Dion  Cassius  45.  13.  ♦  Philipp.  6.  4,  10;  App.  Bell.  Civ. 

3.  46.  °  App.  1.  c. ;  Dion  Cassius  1.  c. ;  Philipp.  3.  12,  31.  *  App. 

Bell.  Civ.  3.  49 :  Dion  Cassius  45.  14;  Philipp.  3.  4,  8.  ^  Ad  Att.  16.  8,  i  ;   16. 

9;  16.  15,  3;  Philipp.  3.  2,  3;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  40-42.  »  Ad  Fam.  11.  5,  i  : 

cp.  12.  23,  2,  and  Ad  Att,  15.  .13,  1.  »  Ad  Att.  15.  13,  l  ;  16.  11,  i  and  2. 

i<>  lb.  16.  8;  16.9;  16.  II,  6;  16.  15;  3.  ^i  Ad.Fam.  10.  i  ;  11.  5. 

'2  Ad  Att.  16.  II,  3-4.  "  Ad  Fam. ,11.  6,  2;  Philipp.  3,  passim.  '♦  Philipp. 

3.  15.  38  ;  cp.  Philipp.  3.  10;  Ad  Fam.  12.  22,3.  ^^  Philipp.  4.  i,  i. 


504 


INTRODUCTION 


provinces '  assigned  them  under  Caesar's  arrangements,  Macedoma  and 
Syria.  Dolabella  ^  to  whom  Syria  had  been  granted  (by  a  vote  of  the 
people)  about  the  same  time  that  Macedonia  had  been  assigned  to 
Antony,  had  also  left  Rome. 

Sex  Pompeius^  had  been  induced  by  M.  Lepidus  to  disband  his  army 
under  a  promise  of  the  restoration  of  his  father's  property,  and  of  his 
being  allowed  to  return  himself  to  Rome.  He  waited,  however,  for 
some  time  at  Massilia  to  watch  events  *. 

§  12.  On  the  first  of  January^  an  important  meeting  of  the  senate  took 
place.     That  body  was  convened  by  the  two  consuls  Hirtius  and  Pansa, 
for  discussion  of  the  policy  to  be  adopted   towards  Antony.     Cicero 
proposed «  to  invest  the  consuls  with  full  powers,  and  to  offer  an  amnesty 
to  such  of  Antony's  followers  as  might  leave  him  before  the  first  of 
February.     He  also '  proposed  votes  in  honour  of  D.  Brutus,  Lepidus, 
Octavius,  and  others.     The  senate,  however,  after  a  long  debate,  decided 
on  Jan.  4  to  send  envoys  to  Antony,  who  should  require «  him  to  evacuate 
the  province  of  D.  Brutus  and  to  obey  the  senate  and  people.    Ser.  Sulpicius 
Rufus  ^  L.  Piso,  and  L.  Philippus  were  chosen  as  envoys,  and  Cicero's 
proposals  as  to  honorary  votes  were  adopted  ;  but  he  was  much  dissatisfied 
with  the  result  of  the  proceedings,  and  expressed  his  discontent  in  a 
speech  ^'  delivered  to  the  people  after  the  division  in  the  senate  had  taken 
place,  and  also  in  a  letter  written  shortly  afterwards  to  Cassius,  in  which  ^\ 
as  in  one  to  Trebonius,  he  complains  of  the  weakness  of  the  consulars,  but 
praises  the  behaviour  of  the  consuls  and  of  the  majority  of  the  senate. 

Appian  ^^  charges  Cicero  with  having  tampered  with  the  instructions 
given  by  the  senate  to  the  envoys,  so  as  to  make  them  less  conciliatory 
than  the  senate  had  intended  them  to  be.  This  charge  is  not,  however, 
preferred  by  any  other  writer,  and  Cicero ''  says  that  the  instructions 
were  drawn  up  in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  Sulpicius. 

The  envoys  set  out  for  Antony's  camp;  but  as  they  approached  it 
Ser.  Sulpicius  died  ^' ;  his  colleagues  went  on,  but  did  not,  according  to 
Cicero,  execute  their  commission  with  sufficient  firmness.  During  their 
absence  Hirtius  ^^  set  out  to  take  the  command  of  the  forces  destined  to 
relieve  Mutina,  and  Cicero  again  addressed ''  the  senate,  to  prove  that 
peace  was  dangerous,  disgraceful,  and  impossible. 

I  Ad  Fam.  12.  2,  3;   12.  3-  2;  Philipp.  10.  i,  i;  10.  4,  9;  Livy  Epit.  V^' T^Bell' CiV 

App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  24  and  26 ;  Plut.  Brut.  24 ;  Appendix  11.  App.  Belh  C.v. 

3.  7  and  8  ;  24  and  26  ;  Philipp.  11.  2.  4  ;  Appendix  11  ;  supra,  §  4.  pu-iinn   t?* 

5.  14 ;  Veil.  2.  73 ;  App.  Bell.  C.v.  4.  84  ;  pi-.  C-sms  45.  10.  Phihpp.    3- 

6    x\  ■  App.  Bell.  Civ.  1.  c.                           '  Philipp.  5.  1.  lb-  5-  12,  34- 

'  lb  «;   1^-10                '  lb.  6.  I,  3;  6.  2,  4.               '  lb.  9.  I.  I.  ''  Phihpp.  6. 

"  Vvll  ?2.  4.  I ;  cp.  10.  28.  3'             '    Bell.  Civ.  3.  61.              -  Philipp.  9   3.  7  ; 

see  Cobefs  notes  -•    the  Philippics  in  Mnemosyme  7.  m-^U-     (1879).  0.^^00   , P* 

9.  3,  7 ;  Ad  Fam.  10.  28,  3 ;   12.  4.  I ;  12.  5.  3-         "  Philipp.  8.  2^  5.  Phihpp.  7- 


TO  THE  FIFTH  PART. 


S^i 


§  13.  After  the  return  of  Piso  and  Philippus,  who  had  not  been 
allowed  to  confer  with  D.  Brutus  \  and  brought  counter  proposals  from 
Antony,  the  senate  met  to  consider  those  proposals.  Cicero  was  anxious  '^ 
for  an  immediate  declaration  of  war  against  Antony,  but  the  senate 
substituted  for  war  the  less  decided  term  '  tumult  ^'  greatly  to  Cicero's 
annoyance.  He  tried  to  promote  his  object  indirectly,  by  proposing* 
that  the  memory  of  Ser.  Sulpicius  should  receive  honours  which  had 
previously  been  only  granted  in  the  case  of  envoys  who  had  been  killed 
in  the  service  of  their  country,  and  the  senate  seems  to  have  adopted  his 
proposal  ^. 

Shortly  afterwards  a  despatch  ®  arrived  from  M.  Brutus  describing  his 
successful  operations  in  Macedonia.  During  the  last  months  of  44  and 
the  beginning  of  43  b.c,  he  had  been  actively  employed,  and  had  made'' 
himself  master  both  of  Macedonia  and  of  Illyricum.  He  gained  over 
some  troops  which  should  have  followed  Dolabella  into  Asia,  and  levied 
others  in  Greece  :  a  large  sum  of  money  and  considerable  stores  of  arms 
also  fell  into  his  hands.  In  these  operations  he  was  effectively  supported 
by  Cicero's  son  Marcus,  and  the  poet  Horace  held  a  command  in  his 
army.  Q.  Hortensius,  governor  of  Macedonia  for  44  b.c,  recognized 
Brutus  as  his  lawful  successor,  and  P.  Vatinius  in  Illyricum  was  unable 
or  unwilling  to  oppose  him ;  but  C.  Antonius,  brother  of  Marcus,  landed 
late  in  44  to  assume  the  government  of  Macedonia  by  virtue  of  an 
appointment  already  referred  to  ^.  Brutus,  however,  defeated  him,  and 
wrote,  as  before  mentioned,  to  announce  his  successes  to  the  senate. 

In  the  debate  which  followed,  Q.  Calenus  *  recommended  that  Brutus 
should  be  required  to  surrender  his  army  and  provinces  to  Vatinius  and 
C.  Antonius;  but  Cicero  opposed ^°  this  strongly,  and  proposed  that  the 
proceedings  of  Brutus  should  be  approved  and  his  authority  confirmed. 
The  senate  seems  to  have  adopted  this  suggestion. 

§  14.  Important  events  were  presently  reported  from  the  East". 
Dolabella  had  left  Rome  in  the  autumn  of  the  previous  year  to  take 
the  command  in  Syria,  as  he  had  been  authorized  to  do  by  a  vote  of  the 
people.  Some  of  his  soldiers  had  been  gained  ^^  over  by  Brutus  on  their 
march  through  Macedonia,  but  at  the  head  of  such  as  remained  faithful, 
he  marched  through  the  province  of  Asia  ",  captured  its  governor,  Tre- 
bonius, by  a  treacherous  surprise,  and  had  him  put  to  death.     When  the 


1  Philipp.  8.  7-10.  2  lb.  8.  1,  I.  3  lb.  *  lb.  9.  i.  3. 

5  Pomponius  de  Origine  luris  ap.  Digest,  lib.  i,  tit.  2,  43,  recogn.  T.  Mommsen.         *  Philipp. 
10.  1,1.  ''  lb.  10.  5  and  6;  Plut.  Brut.  24  26;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  79;   Dion  Cassius 

47.  21  and  22.  8  Supra,  §  9.  ^  Philipp.  10.  3,  6.  ^®  lb.  10.  11. 

"lb.  n.  I,  I.  "  ji,  jQ  5^  j^^  13  ib  ji^  3.  ^jj  p^n^    12.  j2,  1 ;  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  3.  26  ;  Dion  Cassius  47.  29. 


< 


5o6 


INTRODUCTION 


news  of  this  event,  which  may  have  happened  in  February,  43  ^.c.y 
reached  Rome,  the  senate  was  convoked  to  consider  what  steps  should 
be  taken  in  consequence.  There  was  a  general  agreement  as  to  the 
atrocity  of  Dolabellas  conduct.;  Calenus^  proposed  that  he  should  be 
declared  a  public  enemy,  and  his  property  confiscated.  The  senate 
seems  to  have  adopted  this  proposal ;  but  Cicero  was  unable,  owing  to 
the  opposition  ^  ef  Pansa,  to  secure  that  the  conduct  of  hostilities  against 
Dolabella  should  be  entrusted  to  C.  Cassius,  of  whose  successful  opera- 
tions in  Syria  Cicero  had  heard  ^ 

The  conduct  of  the  war  with  Dolabella  was  actually  entrusted  to  the 
consuls  *,  who  were,  after  relieving  D.  Brutus,  to  cast  lots  for  Syria  and 
Asia.  Many,  no  doubt,  supported  this  proposal  in  the  hope  that  the  con- 
suls' attention  might  be  diverted  from  Mutina.  Events,  however,  deprived 
the  vote  of  any  practical  importance.  Cicero  attempted,  apparently,  to 
get  it  reversed  at  once^  by  the  people,  but  failed,  owing  to  the  opposition 
of  Pansa  and  the  fears  of  the  nearest  relatives  of  Cassius. 

On  March  17  a  despatch^  arrived  from  Q.  Cornificius,  describing  his 
resistance  to  the  officers  of  Calvisius,  Anton/s  nominee  for  the  govern- 
ment of  Africa.  The  senate  approved  his  proceedings,  but  declined  to 
adopt  any  severe  measures  against  his  opponents. 

§  15.  After  the  return  of  Piso  and  Philippus  from  the  seat  of  war, 
it  was  proposed^  in  the  senate  that  a  fresh  embassy  should  be  sent 
to  Antony.  Cicero  had  always  opposed  such  a  step;  but  Antony's 
friends  now  held  very  despondent  language  ^  as  to  his  prospects,  repre- 
sented that  he  would  make  great  concessions,  and  by  these  artifices 
inveigled  Cicero  into  a  promise  to  serve  as  an  envoy.  No  sooner,  how- 
ever, had  he  made  that  promise  than  he  was  eager  to  retract  it,  for  the 
language  of  Antony's  supporters  ^  presently  changed.  P.  Servilius,  another 
of  the  envoys  proposed,  shewed  equal  unwillingness  to  serve,  and  the 
scheme  fell  to  the  ground. 

The  senate  paid  Cicero  a  compliment^''  on  the  19th  of  March,  by 
voting  for  the  restoration  of  a  statue  of  Minerva  which  Cicero  had 
dedicated  in  the  Capitol  on  the  eve  of  his  exile  in  58  B.C.,  and  which 
had  been  thrown  down  by  a  storm. 

On  the  20th",  apparently,  Pansa  left  Rome  at  the  head  of  his  new 

1  PhiUpp.  II.  6,  15.  ^  Ad  Fam.  12.  7,  I.  "  lb.  12.  5,  I  ; 

Philipp.  II.  13.  *  The  language  of  Ad  Fam.  12.  7,  I,  supports  Dion  Cassius 

47.  29,  rather  than  Appian  Bell.  Civ.  3.  63.     Cp.  Philipp.  11.  9.  ^  Ad  Fam. 

T2   7.  I.  «  Ad  Fam.  12.  25,  i.  '  Philipp.  8.  7,  20.  »  lb. 

'        -  "  "  '"Ad  Fam.  12.  25,  I  :  cp.  Plut. 


12.  I  and  2. 


lb.  12.  2,  4. 


Cic.  31 ;  Dion  Cassius  38.  17.  "  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  6.  3,  with  Philipp.  13.  7, 

.16,  alib.     Pansa  was  not,  apparently,  present  during  the  delivery  of  the  thirteenth  Philippic: 
see  note  2  on  the  next  page. 


TO  THE  FIFTH  PART. 


507 


levies.  M.  Cornutus,  the  praetor  urbanus^  was  left  in  charge  of  the 
capital;  and  seems,  on  the  very  day'^  of  Pansa's  departure,  to  have 
convoked  the  senate  for  the  consideration  of  despatches  ^  from  Lepidus 
and  Plancus  which  recommended  the  adoption  of  a  conciliatory  policy 
towards  Antony.  P.  Servilius*  spoke  against  their  recommendations, 
and  was  followed  by  Cicero  in  a  long  speech  ^  Cicero  warned  Lepidus 
against  disloyalty,  and  read  aloud,  with  a  running  commentary,  a  letter  ^ 
lately  addressed  by  Antony  to  Hirtius  and  Octavius.  Antony  complained 
bitterly  of  the  hostility  to  the  Caesarian  cause  which  the  senate's 
measures  implied,  and  invited  Hirtius  and  Octavius  to  combine  with  him 
against  their  common  enemies.  The  result  of  the  discussion  seems 
to  have  been  that  the  senate  renounced  all  idea  of  negotiations  ;  and 
Cicero  wrote  an  account  '^  of  the  proceedings  at  once  to  Plancus,  and 
perhaps  to  Lepidus  also.  To  Plancus  he  used  a  tone  of  friendly  re- 
proof ;  to  Lepidus  he  coldly  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  the  ingratitude 
which  he  shewed  to  the  senate.  Cicero  heard  about  the  same  time,  pro- 
bably, from  Pollio  ®  that  he  was  anxious  for  peace,  and  would  oppose 
its  disturbers;  but  that  he  regretted  the  absence  of  instructions  from 
the  home  government,  which,  however,  he  was  prepared  to  support. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  month  another  letter®  arrived  from  Plancus 
of  more  satisfactory  import.  Plancus  excused  himself  for  the  hesitation 
of  his  previous  language,  alleging  that  it  was  necessary  to  secure  the 
affection  of  his  soldiers  and  of  the  provincials  before  he  committed 
himself  by  a  declaration  of  opinion.  Cicero  wrote  '^^  to  thank  him,  and  to 
exhort  him  to  persevere  in  his  good  disposition.  He  also  wrote  to 
C.  Cassius  ",  to  say  that  D.  Brutus  was  reduced  to  the  last  extremity 
by  famine,  and  that  the  main  hope  of  the  Commonwealth  was  in  the 
armies  of  Syria  and  Macedonia. 

§  16.  Meanwhile  Pansa,  with  four  legions^-  of  recruits,  drew  near  to 
the  seat  of  war.  Some  partial  engagements  ^^  had  already  taken  place ; 
Antony's  outposts  had  been  driven  from  Claterna,  and  he  afterwards 
evacuated  Bononia  without  a  battle  to  concentrate  his  forces  nearer 
to  Mutina.  He  commissioned  his  brother  Lucius^*  to  watch  D.  Brutus, 
while  he  himself  prepared  to  resist  the  advance  of  Hirtius  and  Octavius. 

*  Ad  Fam.  10.  12,  3.  '  Cicero  writing  to  Plancus  on  March  20  (cp.  Ad  Fam. 

10.  6)  speaks  of  the  despatches  of  Plancus  and  Lepidus  as  having  been  already  read  in  the 
senate,  while  in  a  letter  to  Cornificius  (Ad  Fam.  12.  25,  i)  he  mentions  Pansa  as  having 
been  present  in  the  senate  on  March  19,  and  in  the  thirteenth  Philippic  (7.  16)  speaks  of 
him  as  having  already  left  Rome  when  the  despatches  of  Lepidus  and  Plancus  were  consi- 
dered in  the  senate.  ^  Ad  Fam.  10.  6,  i  ;  10.  27.  *  Philipp.  13.  21,  50. 
*  Philipp.  13.  «  lb.  cap.  10,  foil.  ^  Ad  Fam.  10.  6  ;  10.  27.  "  lb.  10.  31. 
»  lb.  10.  8.  10  lb.  10.  10.  "  lb.  12.  6.  '=*  lb.  10. 
30,  I  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  66.  "  Philipp.  8.  2,  6 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  65  ;  Dioa 
Cassius  46.  36  and  37.                     "  Dion  Cassius  46.  37. 


5o8 


INTRODUCTION 


Antony  had  a  decided  superiority^  in  cavalry,  but  the  country  was  not 
well  suited  for  its  action.     On  receiving  news  of  Pansa's  approach  he 
inarched  out  with  his  cavalry  ^  two  veteran  legions,  two  praetorian  co- 
horts, and  other  veterans  to  intercept  him.     Hirtius,  however,  had  already 
sent  out  the  Martian «  legend  and  two  praetorian  cohorts  under  D.  Carfu- 
lenus  to  escort  Pansa  to  his  camp  ;  Ser.  Galba*,  one  of  Caesar's  mur- 
derers,  went  on  to  announce  their  approach,  and  when  jomed  by  these 
troops,  Pansa  advanced   along   the  AemiUan   way  till  he  encountered 
Antony,  a  little  to  the  east  of  Forum  Gallorum,  on  April  15th.      An 
obstinate  engagement  followed,  in  which  Pansa  was  severely  wounded, 
and  his  forces  defeated  with   great  slaughter  ;   but   Hinius    fell   upon 
Antony  as  he  returned  to  his  lines,  and  inflicted  gr-at  loss  upon  him  \ 
Octavius,  meanwhile,  repulsed  an  attack  made  upon  his  camp. 

Galba  reported  '=  this  action  to  Cicero,  and  despatches  from  the  consuls 
and  from  Octavius  arrived  at  Rome  about  the  same  time  with  his  letter. 
Reports  had^  been  previously  flying  about  of  a  victory  of  Antony  ;  others 
of  usurpation  contemplated  by  Cicero.  They  met  with  little  credence, 
however ;  the  truth  was  known  on  April  20,  and  Cicero  went  up  to  the 
Capitol  to  thank  the  gods  for  the  victory  they  had  granted  \ 

Next  day  the  senate '  met,  and  Cornutus  read  the  despatch  of  the 
consuls,  which  begged  that  a  thanksgiving  might  be  ordered  in  honour 
of  their  victory.  P.  Servilius^^  argued  that  their  request  should  be 
granted,  but  did  not  apply  the  term  '  hostis '  to  Antony,  nor  the  term 
'  imperatores  '  to  the  consuls.  On  this  Cicero  remarked  "  that  thanksgiv- 
ings  could  only  be  ordered  with  propriety  in  cases  when  those  two  words 
would  be  appropriate.  He  ^^  proposed  that  thanksgivings  for  fifty  days 
should  be  offered;  that  a  monument  should  be  erected  in  honour  of  the 
soldiers  who  had  fallen,  and  that  the  promises  made  to  them  should 
be  fulfilled  to  their  surviving  relatives.  The  senate  adopted  these  sug- 
gestions, and  declared  Antony  a  public  enemy. 

Cicero  had  been  much  embarrassed  at  this  time  by  the  personal 
jealousies  which  prevailed  at  Rome.  Plancus  ^«  was  evidently  discon- 
tented by  the  senate  s  inadequate  recognition,  as  he  thought  it,  of  his 
services,  and  Cicero  had  some  difficulty  in  soothing  him.     P.  Servihus 


1  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  65  and  66.         ^  Ad  Fam.  10.  30,  i J  App.  Bell  Civ.  3. 66  ^  Ad 

Fam  1  c  •  App.  Bell.  Civ   3.  66.  *  Ad  Fam.  1.  c. ;  Philipp.  13   16,  33.  Ad  Fam 

^"30 ;  PhiUpp.  14.  9  and  10  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  69-70  ;  Djou  Cass.us  46^  37.  [ ^^ 

F»m   10   xQ  '  Philipp.  14.  5  and  6.  «  lb.  1.  c  Philipp.  H-.S- 

>oTb   14  f '7  "  lb.  S^and  9.  ^  lb.  14  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3-74  ;  D.on  Cassms 

46   39      ThI'two  latter,  however,  in  their  condensed  accounts,  place  the  votes  af  er  the 
7aisiug  of  the  siege  of  Mutina.     Cp.  Livy  Epit.  1 19  ;  Corn.  Nep.  Att.  9.  Ad  ham. 

10.  12  ;  cp.  10.  11,  3. 


TO  THE  FIFTH  PART 


509 


Isauricus,  M.  Cornutus,  and   P.  Titius,  one  of  the  tribunes,  were  all 
unfriendly  to  Plancus. 

§  17.  After  the  batdes  near  Forum  Gallorum,  Hirtius  and  Octavius 
had  brought  together  the  forces  which  they  could  employ  against  Antony  \ 
After  some  days  of  inactivity,  the  consul's  manoeuvres  ^  drew  Antony 
from  his  entrenchments  towards  the  close  of  April,  and  a  general  action 
followed,  in  which  Antony  was  completely  beaten,  and  compelled  to 
raise  the  siege  of  Mutina.  Hirtius,  however,  fell  ^  and  Pansa  died  not 
long  afterwards  of  his  wounds.  D.  Brutus  was  unable  S  for  want  of 
transport,  and  Octavius  probably  unwilling,  to  press  Antony  hard  on  his 
retreat ;  and  the  latter  was  thus  able  to  form  a  junction  ^  at  Vada  in 
Liguria  with  P.  Ventidius  Bassus,  who  had  raised  three  ^  legions  in  Pice- 
num  and  elsewhere,  and  after  threatening,  perhaps  entering,  Rome,  had 
led  his  forces  to  North  Italy.  After  his  union  with  Ventidius,  Antony  saw 
himself  again  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  force,  and  marched  rapidly  ^ 
towards  Gallia  Narbonensis.  The  senate  seems  now  to  have  summoned 
Lepidus  and  Plancus  to  Italy  ^  but  Antony »  arrived  at  Forum  lulii  on 
May  15,  and  encamped  ^°  near  Lepidus,  whose  army  was  posted  near 
Forum  Voconii,  and  on  the  Argenteus  ".  Intrigues  soon  began  for  an 
union  of  the  two  armies,  and  Lepidus  either  was^'^,  or  pretended  to 
be,  compelled  by  his  soldiers'  outcries  to  consent  to  it.  The  united 
armies  must  have  numbered  nearly  80,000  men,  mainly  veterans ;  and 
Plancus,  who  had  crossed  the  Isara  ^^  to  support  Lepidus  against  Antony, 
now  recrossed  ^*  that  river,  on  June  4,  to  await  in  security  the  arrival 
of  D.  Brutus.  Lepidus  wrote  ^^  to  the  senate  to  plead  compulsion  as  an 
excuse  for  his  treachery,  but  was  declared^®  a  public  enemy  by  its 
unanimous  vote  on  June  30.  He  had  written  eight "  days  before  his 
revolt  to  assure  Cicero  of  his  loyalty. 

§  18.  During  the  past  month  the  senate,  under  Cicero's  guidance,  had 
been  trying,  without  much  discretion,  to  impair  the  influence  of  Octa- 
vius by  teaching  his  army  to  look  to  them  for  rewards,  and  by  placing 
Pansa's  recruits  under  the  command  of  D.  Brutus,  who  was  commissioned 
to  prosecute  the  war  against  Antony  ^^      Nor  was  a  place  found  for 


1  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  71  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  38.  ^  App.  1.  c.  '  lb. ; 

Veil.  2.  61  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  39.  *  Ad  Fam.  11.  10,  4;  11.  13  a,  i. 

Mb.  II.  10,  3.  «  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  66.  '  lb.  3.  72 ;   Dion 

Cas«ius  46.  50;  Ad  Fam.  11.  II,  i  ;  Veil.  2.  63.  *  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  74; 

Ad  Fam.  lo.  33,  i.  ^  lb.  10.  17,  I.  "  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  8.{ 

and  84;  Dion  Cassius  46.  51  ;  Plut.  Ant.  18.  "  Ad  Fam.  10.  34,  i  and  2, 

*2  lb.  10.  23,  2  ;  10.  35,  I  ;  App.  and  Dion.  11.  cc.  "  Ad  Fam.  10.  18,  4. 

'*  lb.  10.  23,  3.  "  lb.  10.  35.  "  lb    12.  10,  l;  Dion  Cassius  46.  51. 

1^  Ad  Fam.  10.  34.  *^  VtU.  2.  62  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  74;  Dion  Cassius  46. 

40  and  41. 


510 


INTRODUCTION 


Octavius  on  a  commission^  often,  which  seems  to  have  been  appointed  to 
distribute  the  rewards  intended  for  the  conquerors  of  Mutina.  Cicero 
had  already  proposed  ^  a  decree  in  honour  of  Sex.  Pompeius,  who 
was  now  invested  with  the  chief  command  at  sea  ^  As  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces were  almost  entirely  controlled  by  Cassius  and  M.  Brutus,  the 
senate's  measures  would  naturally  alarm  even  moderate  Caesarians ;  and 
their  apprehensions  would  be  increased  by  the  appointment  of  a  fresh 
commission  of  ten,  nominally  to  review  the  administration  of  Antony, 
but  really,  Appian  suggests  *,  to  reverse  Caesar's  acts. 

Cicero  continued  to  urge  ^  D.  Brutus  and  Plancus  to  energetic  co- 
operation, and  was  encouraged  by  news  of  their  union,  which  took  place 
early  in  June  ^  Their  combined  forces  must  have  outnumbered  "^  those 
of  Antony  and  Lepidus,  but  comprised  only  four  legions  of  veterans. 
They  did  not,  therefore,  venture  to  take  the  offensive  ^  while  their  adver- 
saries hoped  to  prevail  without  a  batde.  Pollio  remained  inactive  ^  in  Spain, 
thinking  himself  slighted  that  the  senate  did  not  seek  his  aid.  Mean- 
while the  contest  of  intrigue  was  waged  unremittingly  in  Italy.  Octavius 
was  ordered  to  support  D.  Brutus,  but  had  been  offended  by  the  ambi- 
guous language  of  Cicero,  by  the  preference  shewn  for  Caesar's  murderers 
in  the  distribution  of  honours  and  power,  and  by  the  persistent  efforts 
made  to  estrange  his  soldiers  from  him  ^\  Having  allowed  the  effects  of 
these  insults  to  ripen  in  the  minds  of  his  men,  and  having  made  over- 
tures''  for  reconciliation  to  Antony  and  Lepidus,  Octavius  caused  his 
soldiers  to  demand  ^^  ^j^g  consulship  for  him.  His  youth  was  a  legal 
disqualification  for  that  office,  but  had  been  disregarded  in  the  vote " 

of  file  first  of  January. 

The  dominant  party  in  the  senate  made  desperate  appeals  for  aid 
to  the  officers  commanding  ^*  in  the  East  and  in  Africa.  Cicero's  last 
letter  ^^  preserved  to  us,  is  a  request  to  C.  Cassius  to  come  to  Italy. 
From  Africa  two  legions  ^*  did  actually  land,  but,  as  will  be  seen,  subse- 
quently went  over  to  Octavius.  The  last  letter  addressed  to  Cicero, 
which  is  still  extant,  is  one"  from  Plancus,  dated  July  28,  in  which 
Plancus  speaks  of  his  reluctance  to  risk  a  battle,  and  complains  of  the 
ambition  of  Octavius.      Letters   subsequently   written   or   received  by 

1  Ad  Fam.  11.  14,  i  ;   ii.  20,  i ;  11.  21.  ^  Philipp.  13.  21,  50.  ^  Dion 

Cassius  46.  40.  *  Bell.  Civ.  3.  82.  *  Ad  Fam    lo.  13.  alib.  ; 

II.  12,  alib.  •  lb.  10.  23,  3.     A  few  days  before  D.  Brutus  had  made  a  most 

earnest  appeal  for  reinforcements;  lb.  Ii.  26.  '  lb.  10.  24,  3.  lb. 

•  lb   10.  33,  I.  "  lb.  II.  20,  I  ;  Veil.  2.  62  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  74 ;  85  ;  86. 

'1  Dion  Cassius  46.  41,  43.  "  Ad  Fam.  10.  24,  6  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  88  ;  Dion 

Cassius  46.  42,  43.  »^  Supra,  §  12  ;  Philipp.  5.  17.  '*  App.  Bell  Civ.  3.  85 : 

cp.  91  and  92.  "  Ad  Fam.  12.  10.  "  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  91  ;  Dion  Cassius 

46.  44.  "  Ad  Fam.  10.  24. 


TO  THE  FIFTH  PART. 


511 


Cicero  have  probably  been  destroyed  by  men  whose  reputation  would 
have  suffered  by  their  preservation. 

§  19.  When  a  deputation  from  the  army  of  Octavius  arrived  in 
Rome  ^  to  demand  the  consulship  for  him,  the  senate  refused  him  leave 
to  stand,  on  account  of  his  age.  His  soldiers,  when  the  deputation  re- 
turned, demanded  to  be  led  to  Rome,  and  he  complied  ^  with  their  wish. 
He  had  eight  legions,  with  cavalry  and  light  troops,  and  the  news 
of  his  advance  caused  a  great  panic.  It  was  allayed,  however,  for 
a  time  by  the  arrival  of  the  African  legions^;  they  were  encamped, 
together  with  one  left  behind  by  Pansa,  for  the  defence  of  the  city, 
and  new  levies  were  ordered.  But  the  African  legions  consisted  in 
great  measure  of  old  soldiers  of  Caesar;  Octavius  probably  did  not 
spare  promises,  and  on  his  approach  the  troops  which  should  have 
opposed  him  submitted  to  him.*.  The  senate  was  now  defenceless; 
the  praetor  M.  Cornutus  slew  himself,  and  Cicero  went  to  greet 
Octavius,  who  replied  to  his  salutation  in  ambiguous  terms.  In  the 
night  a  rumour  was  spread^  abroad  that  two  legions  had  revolted 
against  Octavius,  and  Cicero  and  the  senate  regained  courage  for 
a  moment,  but  were  speedily  undeceived. 

Nothing  now  remained  but  submission;  the  necessary  forms  were 
hurried  through,  and  Octavius  was  elected  consuP  in  his  20th  year, 
with  Q.  Pedius  for  his  colleague.  The  news  of  this  event  produced 
great  effects  in  the  provinces;  Pollio  seems  at  once  to  have  declared 
for  Antony  and  Lepidus.  Plancus  remained  faithful  to  the  senate 
for  some  time  longer,  till  Pollio  effected  by  his  mediation  a  recon- 
ciliation between  him  and  Antony"^.  D.  Brutus  was  now  quite  unable 
to  hold  his  ground,  and  desertion  rapidly  thinned  his  ranks.  He  resolved, 
therefore,  to  try  to  force  his  way  to  M.  Brutus,  and  by  a  difficult  route 
reached  Aquileia,  where  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  Gaulish  chief 
to  whom  he  had  formerly  done  service,  but  who  now  killed  bim  at 
Antony's  bidding,  probably  in  October  ®. 

§  20.  M.  Brutus,  meanwhile,  had  captured  ^  C.  Antonius,  but  treated 
him  very  well  at  first.     He  secured  his  position  in  Greece,  and  after 


*  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  88 ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  43.  *  App.  Dion.  11.  cc.  '  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  3.  91 ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  44.  *  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  92  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  45. 

5  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  93.  ®  lb.  3.  94;  Dion  Cassius  46.  46.     According  to  Suetonius 

(Octavius  31)  in  August;  Dion  Cassius  56,  30  says  on  the  19th;  according  to  Vdleius  (2. 
65)  on  September  22.  Perhaps  the  first  date  is  that  of  the  senate's  decree  authorizing  him 
to  stand;  the  second  that  of  the  election.  Cp.  Dion  Cassius  55.  6;  56.  30.  Lange,  Rom. 
Alt.  3.  535-536,  agrees  with  Suetonius  and  Dion  Cassius.  See  also  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat. 
I.  pp.  310;  4C0.  '  Veil.  2.  63  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  97  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  53. 

^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  97  and  98  ;  Veil.  2.  64 ;   Dion  Cassius  1.  c.  '  App.  Bell.  Civ. 

3.  79;  Dion  Cassius  47.  21. 


512 


INTRODUCTION 


visiting  Asia,  returned  to  Europe,  and  obtained  successes  against 
some  Thracian  tribes,  which,  however,  were  a  poor  compensation 
for  his  absence  from  Italy  at  a  critical  moment  ^  The  operations  of 
Cassius  had  been  more  important;  after  the  battie  of  Mutina  the 
senate  commissioned  ^  him  to  act  against  Dolabella,  whom  he  besieged 
in  Laodicea.  A  strict  naval  blockade  of  the  same  place  was  main- 
tained by  Patiscus,  Turullius,  and  C.  Cassius,  a  quaestor.  Some  of 
the  gates  were  subsequently  betrayed  to  Cassius,  and  Dolabella  killed 
himself.  Cassius,  after  occupying  the  place,  marched  towards  Egypt, 
but  was  recalled  by  a  letter  from  Brutus,  and  went  to  meet  him  in 
the  province  of  Asia^ 

§  21.    The  remainder  of  Cicero's  life  may  be   described  in  a  few 

words. 

When  Octavius  had  received  the  consulship,  he  ascended  to  the 
Capitol  to  make  the  usual  vows  and  sacrifices ;  paid  Caesar's  bequests 
to  the  people ;  thanked  the  senate  for  releasing  him  from  the  restric- 
tion of  the  '  Leges  Annales,'  and  procured  the  enactment  of  a  '  Lex 
Curiata*'  to  sanction  his  adoption.  Other  laws  of  importance  fol- 
lowed ;  one  removing  the  outlawry  of  Dolabella,  and  another  ^  directing 
that  an  enquiry  should  be  made  about  the  murder  of  Caesar,  and 
fixing  a  punishment  for  the  principals  and  accomplices  in  it.  Under 
this  law,  the  conspirators  and  others  who  had  merely  sympathised  with 
them  were  condemned  in  their  absence  to  exile  and  confiscation, 
which  of  course  implied  the  loss  of  commands  and  provinces  \ 

§  2  2.  Octavius  now  left  Rome,  professedly  to  act  against  Antony. 
But  on  his  way  a  message  reached  him  from  the  senate,  saying  that 
his  colleague  had  proposed  the  reversal  of  the  outiawry  of  Antony 
and  Lepidus.  He  signified  his  approval,  and  the  reversal  was  car- 
ried^. Meanwhile  Antony  and  Lepidus,  leaving  L.  Varius  Cotyla 
in  charge  of  Gaul,  marched  into  Italy «  at  the  head  of  a  large  army, 
and  met  Octavius  near  Bononia,  where,  in  an  island «  formed  either 
by  the  Lavinius  or  the  Rhenus.  the  three  generals  met  to  provide 
for  the  government  of  the  western  part  of  the  empire,  for  the  prose- 
cution of  the  war  with  Brutus  and  Cassius,  for  the  removal  of  their 
own  most   formidable   enemies,   and   for   the  reward  of  their  soldiers 


1  Livy  Epit.  122  ;  Plut.  Bnit.  27  ;  28;  Dion  Cassius  47.  24  and  25.  Dion 

Cassius  46.  40.  »  Veil.  2.  69  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  60-62  ;  Dion  Cassius  47.  30  ; 

Plut.  Brut.  28.  *  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  94  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  47-  \Lex  Pedia  , 

cp.  Veil.  2.  69.  '  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  95 ;  D-.on  Cassius  46.  48  ;  Plut.  Brut.  27 

Veil    2   60  ''  V.U.  2.  65 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  96  ;  Dion  Cass.us  46.  52.  Plut. 

Ant.'  18;  6ion  Cassius  46.  54-  '  ^1"^.  Ant.  19;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  2  ;  Dion  Cassius 

46.  55  and  56. 


TO  THE  FIFTH  PART. 


513 


by  confiscation  \  Their  measures  were  agreed  upon  by  about  the 
end  of  October'*,  and  a  despatch^  was  at  once  sent  off  to  Rome 
bidding  the  consul  Pedius  to  put  to  death  at  once  seventeen  of  the 
proscribed,  including  Cicero.  According  to  some  accounts  *,  Octa- 
vius had  struggled  long  before  sacrificing  him  to  Antony.  A  terrible 
agitation  followed  the  arrival  of  the  despatch  at  Rome,  and  Pedius 
died^  from  excitement  caused  by  his  efforts  to  restore  confidence. 

Shortly  afterwards,  at  the  close  of  November,  the  triumvirs  ap- 
peared^, and  received  a  commission  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  the 
Commonwealth  for  five  years.  Octavius  then  laid  down  the  consul- 
ship, and  P.  Ventidius  Bassus  and  C.  Albius  (?)  Carrinas  were  elected 
consuls  for  the  remainder*^  of  43  b.c. 

§  23.  Cicero  was  at  this  time  at  Tusculum,  and  ill-provided  with 
money ;  he  was  anxious  to  fly  to  Macedonia,  and  his  brother  and 
nephew  entered  Rome  to  procure  supplies  for  the  journey,  but  were 
taken  and  put  to  death  ®.  Cicero  himself  travelled  to  Astura ;  coasted 
along  to  Circeii;  returned  to  Astura,  and  thence  sailed  to  Caieta, 
landed,  and  passed  a  night  in  his  Formian  villa.  He  was  weary  of 
suspense,  and  disliked  the  thought  of  a  voyage  in  winter;  but  his 
slaves  persuaded  him  to  let  them  carry  him  to  his  ship.  He  was 
driven  back  more  than  once  by  bad  weather,  and  returned  to  his 
villa,  saying,  *Let  me  die  in  the  country  I  have  often  saved.'  He 
passed  another  night  there;  next  day  a  party  sent  in  search  of  him 
approached,  and  his  slaves  made  a  last  effort  to  carry  him  to  the 
ship,  but  were  overtaken  in  a  wood  by  soldiers,  under  the  command 
of  Popilius  Laenas,  a  tribune,  and  Herennius,  a  centurion.  The 
slaves  prepared  to  defend  their  master,  but  Cicero  forbade  them, 
and  stretched  out  his  neck  to  the  sword  of  Herennius  or  Popilius. 
The  latter  had  once  been  Cicero's  client  in  an  action*. 

Cicero  was  killed  on  December  7 ;  he  had  nearly  completed  his 
64th  year.  His  head  and  hand  were  cut  off,  and  displayed  on  the 
Rostra  at  Rome,  after  his  head  had  received  insults  from  Fulvia. 
Antony  paid  to  his  murderers  ten  times  the  reward  promised  them 


10 


^  Veil.  2.  66  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  2  and  3 ;  Plut. ;  Dion  Cassius ;  11.  cc.  *  Fischer, 

Romische  Zeittafeln,  sub  anno.  ^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  6.  *  Suet   Oct.  27  ; 

Veil.  2.  66  ;  Plut.  Ant.  19.  *  App.  1.  c.  •  Dion  Cassius  47. 

2  :  cp.  46.  55  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  7.  ^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  2  ;  Veil.  2.  65 ; 

Fasti  Consulares  (apud  Orell.  Onomast.),  sub  anno.  '  Plut.  Cic.  47  ;  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  4.  20;  Dion  Cassius  47.  10.  *  Dion  Cassius  47,  II ;  M.  Seneca,  Controv. 

3.  17.  ^»  Livy,  Fragm.  50,  e  lib.  120  ;  Plut.  Cic.  47-49  ;  Veil.  2.  64  and 

66 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  19  and  20  j  Dion  Cassius  47.  8  and  li. 


Ll 


II 


V 


SELECT    LETTERS 


OF 


M.    TULLIUS    CICERO. 


PART   V. 


105.    To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.   XIV.    i). 

Matius'  Suburban  Villa,  about  April  7,44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  come  to  visit  Matius,  who  says,  with  some  satisfaction,  that  Caesar's  death 
will  cause  great  confusion.  2.  Tell  me  any  news  you  hear,  especially  about  Brutus. 
I  remember  a  striking  remark  of  Caesar's  about  him;  and  that  reminds  me  of  another! 
referring  to  my  humiliation  under  the  late  system. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1  DEVERTI  ad  ilium,  de  quo  tecum  mane.  Nihil  perditius : 
'  explicari  rem  non  posse  ;  etenim  si  ille  tali  ingenio  exitum 
non  reperiebat,  quis  nunc  reperiet  ? '  Quid  quaeris  ?  perisse  omnia 
aiebat,  quod  haud  scio  an  ita  sit;  verum  ille  guadens,  adfir- 
matque  minus  diebus  XX.  tumultum  Gallicum,  in  sermonen  se  5 

About  April  7.  A  comparison  of  Ad 
Att.  14.  2,  4  with  14.  5,  3  makes  this  date 
seem  probable. 

I.  Deverti,  *I  have  come  on  a  visit.' 

Ad  ilium.  Probably  to  C.  Matius.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  14.  3,  I  ;  and,  for  an  account  of 
Matius,  Ep.  T13,  note. 

De  quo  tecum  mane,  sc.  Mocutus  sum.' 
Cp.,on  the  ellipse,  p.  70,  note  onl.  7;  p.  97, 
1.  13. 

Nihil  perditius.  Probably  Cicero's 
words,  'nothing  could  be  more  desperate' 
than  his  tone.  Boot  says  of  the  words  •  si 
Ciceronis  sunt  indicant  ilium  ^C.  Matium 
non  esse  bonarum  partium.' 

Ll 


2.  Ille,  sc.  Caesar. 

3.  Non  reperiebat.  There  is  rather  a 
harsh  transition  from  the  *  oratio  obliqua'  to 
the  '  directa '  in  this  clause. 

4.  Quod  haud  scio  .  .  sit,  «which  per» 
haps  is  the  case.'     Cp.  Madv.  453. 

Ille  gaudens,  sc.  'aiebat.'  See  above; 
adfirmatque.  Wesenb.  has  *adfirmabat 
que.' 

5.  Tumultum  Gallicum,  sc.  *fore.' 
The  word  '  tumultus '  was  only  applied  by 
the  Romans  to  a  war  in  Gaul  or  Italy.  Cp. 
Philipp.  8.  I,  3.  The  fears  of  Matius  were 
not  justified  by  the  event. 


s 


z 


516 


M,  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


i 


post  Idus  Martias  praeterquam  Lepido  venisse  nemini ;  ad  sum- 
mam,  non  posse  istaec  sic  abire.  O  pudentem  Oppium !  qui 
nihilo  minus  ilium  desiderat,  sed  loquitur  nihil,  quod  quemquam 
bonum    ofifendat.     Sed   haec   hactenus.     Tu,   quaeso,   quicquid  2 

Snovi— multa  autem  exspecto-scribere  ne  pigrere:  in  his,  de 
Sexto  satisne  certum,  maxime  autem  de  Bruto  nostro,  de  quo 
quidem  ille,  ad  quem  deverti,  Caesarem  solitum  dicere,  *  magni 
refert,  hie  quid  velit,  sed  quicquid  volt,  valde  volt;'  idque  eum 
animadvertisse,  cum  pro  Deiotaro  Nicaeae  diceret ;  valde  vehe- 

lomenter  eum  visum  et  libere  dicere;  atque  etiam  — ut  enim 
quidque  succurrit,  libet  scribere— proxime,  cum  Sestii  rogatu 
apud  eum  fuissem  exspectaremque  sedens,  quoad  vocarer,  dixisse 
eum,  'ego  dubitem  quin  summo  in  odio  sim,  cum  M.  Cicero 
sedekt  nee  suo  commodo  me  convenire  possit?   atqui,  si  quis- 

15  quam  est  facilis,  hie  est ;  tamen  non  dubito  quin  me  male 
oderit.'  Haec  et  eius  modi  multa.  Sed  ad  propositum  :  quic- 
quid erit,  non  modo  magnum,  sed  etiam  parvum,  scribes ;  equi- 
dem  nihil  intermittam. 


1.  Lepido:  q).  Ep.  62,3,  note;  and, 
on  his  position  at  this  time,  Intr.  to  Part  V, 
§  I  ;  Appendix  II,  2. 

Ad  sum  mam,  *the  general  import  of 
what  he  said  was.' 

2.  Non  posse  .  .  abire,  *that  these 
transactions  could  not  pass  unpunished.'  Cp. 
De  Fin.  5.  3,  7  '  etsi  hoc  .  .  fortasse  non 
poterit  sic  abire  cum  hie  adsit.' 

Oppium :  cp.  Ep.  70,  7,  note. 

3.  Ilium,  sc.  Caesarem.  ^ 

4.  Quicquid    novi,   sc.    •  audieris,    or 

*  accident.* 

5    Pigrere.     Apparently  a  awa^  Xt-^o- 

litvov. 

De  Sexto,  Pompeio.  This  son  of  the 
great  Pompey  had  maintained  himself  in 
Farther  Spain  after  the  battle  of  Munda, 
and  probably  Cicero  wished  to  be  informed 
of  his  movements.  Later  in  the  year  he 
was  induced  by  M.  Lepidus  to  lay  down  his 
arms  on  favourable  terms.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part 

6.  Satisne  certum,  sc.  'sit  quod  audi- 
tum  est.*    Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  4,  i;  14   i3.  2. 

De  Bruto  nostro,  'what  you  hear 
about  our  friend  Brutus.'  On  the  force  of 
•  noster,*  cp.  Ep.  38,  7,  note.  It  is  doubtful 
if  M.  Brutus  had  left  Rome  before  this 
letter  was  written.  If  he  had,  he  was  prob- 
ably at  Antium.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  2  ; 
4; '6;  Plut.  Brut.  21. 


7.  Ille,  sc.  'aiebat.* 

Magni  refert,  *  it  is  of  much  import- 
ance.' Plutarch  (Brut.  6)  gives  the  saying 
in  a  different  and  more  intelligible  form,  ovie 
olda  fi6V  b  ^ov\(TCU.  As  it  is  quoted  by 
Matins,  the  sed  seems  unmeaning;  we 
should  expect  *  enim.' 

8.  Idque  eum  (Caesarem)  .  .  cum  .  . 
diceret  (Brutus).  Cicero  mentions  this 
speech,  Brut.  5,  21.  There  is  some  doubt 
whether  it  was  delivered  at  the  Bithynian 
Nicaea  in  47  B.C.,  or  at  the  Ligurian  in 
45  B.C.  Meier  (Orat.  Rom.  Fragm.  pp. 
448,  449,)  pronounces  for  the  former. — In 
earlier  editions  I  retained  Baiter's  spelling 
*  Niceae.* 

11.  Sestii  rogatu.  From  two  rather 
obscure  allusions  it  would  appear  that  Ses- 
tius  was  tried  45  B.C.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  7.  24, 
2  ;  Ad  Att.  13.  49,  I. 

12.  Apud  eum,  sc.  Caesarem. 

Sedens.  Cicero  probably  sat  in  an  ante- 
chamber till  he  was  admitted  to  an  audience 
by  Caesar  (quoad  vocarer). 

14.  Suo  commodo,  abl.  modi.  For  an 
account  by  Cicero  himself  of  his  feelings  on 
such  occasions,  cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  14,  2. 

16.  Haec  . .  multa,  sc.  *Matius  dicebat.* 
Ad  propositum,  sc.  *  revertor,'  *to  re- 
sume.'    Cp.  the  beginning  of  this  section. 
♦Propositum'  seems  to  have  another  mean- 
ing in  Ep.  60. 


EP.  106.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM  XIV,  2.         517 

106.    To    ATTICUS    (AD    ATT.    XIV.   2). 
Near  Rome,  April  8,  44  e.g.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  was  glad  to  hear  of  the  demonstrations  at  the  theatre.  2.  [Matius  was  not  so 
well  disposed  for  peace  as  you  suppose.]  3.  I  will  explain  Caesar's  remark  about  me 
referred  to  in  my  last.  4.  I  am  going  to  Astura,  by  Tusculum  and  Lanuvium ;  remember 
me  to  your  wife  and  daughter. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL.  D. 

1  Duas  a  te  accepi  epistolas  heri :  ex  priore  theatrum  Publi- 
liumque  cognovit  bona  signa  consentientis  multitudinis ;  plausus 
vero    L.   Cassio   datus   etiam   facetus   mihi    quidem   visus   est. 

2  Altera  epistola  de  Madaro  scripta,  apud  quem  nullum  (paKdKpcofia, 
ut  putas ;   process!  enim,  sed  minus   diu ;   eius   sermone  enim  5 

3  sum  retentus.  Quod  autem  ad  te  scripseram,  obscure  fortasse, 
id  eius  modi  est :  aiebat  Caesarem  secum,  quo  tempore  Sestii 
rogatu  veni  ad  eum,  cum  exspectarem  sedens,  dixisse :  *  ego 
nunc  tam  sim  stultus,  ut  hunc  ipsum  facilem  hominem  putem 


April  8.  Cp.  §  4  of  this  letter  with  Ad 
Att.  14.  5,  3. 

1.  Theatrum  Publiliumque,  *  the 
demonstration  at  the  theatre  when  a  piece 
of  Publilius  (Syrus)  was  being  played.' 
Brutus  and  Cassiiis  seem  to  have  been  well 
received  at  the  theatre.  Cp.  14.  3,  2  'po- 
puli  kmffrjuaaiav  et  mimorum  dicta  perscri- 
bito.'  A  similar  display  took  place  at  the 
Mudi  Apollinares'  in  June.  Cp.  Philipp.  i. 
15.  36.  On  Publilius  Syrus,  cp.  Ep.  103,  2, 
note. 

2.  Plausus  :  cp.  Ep.  118,  2  'infinito  .  . 
fratris  tui  plausu.' 

3.  L.  Cassio.  This  Cassius  was  tribune 
for  45-44  B.C.,  and  brother  of  the  conspi- 
rator, but  not  himself  an  accomplice  in  the 
murder  of  Caesar.  Hence  the  applause 
given  to  him  amused  Cicero.  L.  Cassius 
had  been  a  Caesarian  (cp.  Caf-s.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 
34),  but  his  conduct  at  this  time  dissatisfied 
Antony  (cp.  Philipp.  3.  9,  23). 

4.  Altera  epistola, 'your  second  letter.' 
Madaro   scripta,  sc.  '  est.'     '  Madarus,' 

from  the  Greek  /juidapos,  'bald.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  14.  5,  I,  where  Matius  is  called  Cal- 
vena.  The  Greek  word  is  used  by  Aristotle, 
Hist.  An.  4.  6,  ad  fin.  (but  in  a  different 
sense  apparently),  and  occurs  in  the  Authol. 
Pal.  II.  434. 

<pa\dKpQ}fxa,  foil.  I  cannot  explain 
this  passage  as  it  stands.     The  Greek  word 


might  possibly  mean,  *  a  mild  or  peaceable 
disposition,  such  as  suits  old  age,'  but  is  very 
difficult  to  connect  with  what  follows,  so  as 
to  make  good  sense.  Moreover,  in  §  3 
(paXcLKpcufxa  seems  to  be  a  mere  pun  on 
Matius*  surname  Calvena.  The  MS ,  appa- 
rently, has  (pakdfcoDjxa,  the  first  letter  being 
reported  to  be  a  correction,  and  '  processit 
enim  sed  minus  diutius.*  J.  F.  Gronovius 
(ap.  Orelli)  reads  aaXaKuviafM,  apparently 
in  the  sense  of 'luxury;'  and  Orelli  adopts 
this,  reading  subsequently,  'processi  enim 
sed  minus.  Diutius  sermone,'  foil.,  *  I  had  no 
luxurious  entertainment  as  you  suppose ;  I 
went  on  my  way  (before  supper  time),  but 
not  far.  I  was  detained  by  a  conversation 
with  Matius.'  If  this  reading  be  adopted  we 
must  suppose  that  Atticus  had  hinted  that 
Cicero  would  prolong  his  stay  with  Matius 
for  the  sake  of  a  good  dinner.  Boot  sug- 
gests fxakajcbv  KOffjia^  '  quiet  sleep ; '  and  the 
retention  of  the  MS.  '  processit'  for  •  pro- 
cessi,'  *I  did  not  sleep  sound  as  you  ex- 
pected. It  lasted  for  some  time,  but  not 
long  enough;  the  remarks  of  Matius  dis- 
turbed me.'  Manut.  has  aaA.a«a>/xa  =  * inanis 
iactantia,'  I  indulged  in  no  foolish  boasts. 

6.  Quod  . .  ad  te  scripseram  :  cp.  §  2 
of  the  previous  letter. 

7.  Id  eius  modi  est,  *  is  of  the  follow- 
ing purport.' 

Aiebat,  sc.  Matius. 


5i8 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


mihi  esse  amicum,  cum  tam  diu  sedens  meum  commodum 
exspectet?'  Habes  igitur  <i>aUKpi^ixa  inimicissimum  otii,  id  est 
Bruti  In  Tusculanum  hodie,  Lanuvii  eras,  inde  Asturae  cogi- 
tabam.  Piliae  paratum  est  hospitium,  sed  vellem  Atticam ; 
5  verum  tibi  ignosco  ;  quarum  utrique  salutem. 


107.    D.  BRUTUS  TO  M.  BRUTUS  and  C.  CASSIUS 

(AD   FAM.   XI.  i). 

Rome  (?),  April,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I  I  heard  yesterday  from  Hirtius,  that  Antony  is  disposed  to  play  us  fals^  2.  I  have 
applied  accordingly  for  a  ^free  commission.^  3,  4-  In  any  case  I  shall  retire  from 
Rome  5  Lt  me  know  what  you  think.  6.  My  last  talk  with  Hirtius  makes  me 
think  it  will  be  best  for  us  to  ask  leave  to  live  at  Rome  with  a  guard. 

D.  BRUTUS  BRUTO  SUO  ET  CASSIO  SAL. 
Quo  in  statu  simus,  cognoscite  :  heri  vesperi  apud  me  Hirtius  1 
fuit ;  qua  mente  esset  Antonius,  demonstravit,  pessima  scilicet 
et  infidelissima.     Nam   se   neque  mihi  provinciam  dare  posse 


2.  Igitur  is  obscure,  for  the  words  of 
Matius  just  quoted  do  not  justify  such  an 
inference.  Boot  suggests  that  they  recalled 
to  Cicero  the  general  import  of  the  previous 
letter.  Or  'igitur'  may. mean  *!  say,'  re- 
suming after  a  remark  on  another  subject. 
Cp.  Madv.  480. 

Otii,  id  est  Bruti.  Rather  a  harsh 
combination.  It  is  explained,  perhaps,  by 
the  words  '  non  posse  istaec  sic  abire,'  m  §  i 
of  the  previous  letter.  If  Matius  wished 
Caesar's  death  to  be  avenged,  he  must  wish 
for  war  with  his  murderers.  For  a  similar 
use  of  •  id  est,'  cp.  Ad  Att.  4.  16,  9  '  accusa- 
torum   incredibilis   infantia  id   est  L.  Len- 

tuli.'  .     .      T 

3.  In  Tusculanum  hodie  ire,  Lanuvn 
eras  manere,  inde  Asturae  esse.  See,  on 
the  ellipses,  Madv.  479.  Cicero  spent  some 
time  at  Astura  after  TulUa's  death  (cp.  Ad 
Att.  12.  7-45),  and  embarked  thence  shortly 
before  his  own  (cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  23). 
On  his  '  Lanuvinum,'  cp.  Ep.  62,  4,  note. 

4.  Sed    vellem    Atticam,   sc.  *  secum 
duceret.'     Boot. 

5.  Tibi    ignosco,  *I   forgive  you    for 
wishing  to  have  your  daughter  with  you. 

D.  Brutus  had  served  Caesar  with  ability 


in  the  Gallic  and  civil  wars  (cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  III,  §  8;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  3,  11-14)»- 
and  had  been  named  by  Caesar  to  hold  the 
consulship  in  42  B.C.,  with  L.  Plancus  for 
his  colleague  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  10,  2  ;  11. 
15,  I  ;  Suet.  lul.  76).  It  was  he  who  per- 
suaded Caesar  to  go  to  the  senate  house  on 
the  Ides  of  March  (App.  Bell.  Civ.  2,  115 ; 
Plut.  Caes.  64).  This  letter  seems  to  imply 
that  he  stayed  longer  at  or  near  Rome  than 
M.  Brutus  and  C.  Cassius. 

6.  Hirtius.  A.  Hirtius  was  consul  de- 
signate for  43  B.C.,  and  a  devoted  friend  of 
Caesar.  After  the  Ides  of  March  he  seems 
to  have  lived  in  retirement,  but  subsequently 
combined  with  Octavian  to  oppose  Antony. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  12  ;  15-17.  He  was 
a  man  of  much  cultivation,  and  author  of  an 
eighth  book  appended  to  Caesar's  work  on 
the  war  in  Gaul;  perhaps  also  of  the  treatises 
•De  Bello  Alexandrino'  and  *De  Bello  Afri- 

caiio.' 

8.  Provinciam.  The  province  of  Cisal- 
pine Gaul  had  been  destined  for  D.  Brutus 
by  Caesar,  and  Caesar's  arrangements  had 
been  confirmed  by  the  senate  on  March  17  ; 
cp.  Intr.  to  Pt.  V,  §  2,  p.  498.  Philipp.  3.  i , 
I ;  Veil.  2.  60 ;  Suet.  Oct.  10. 


EP.  107.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    XI,  i.    519 

aiebat  neque  arbitrari  tuto  in  urbe  esse  quemquam  nostrum ; 
adeo  esse  militum  concitatos  animos  et  plebis :  quod  utrumque 
esse  falsum  puto  vos  animadvertere  atque  illud  esse  verum,  quod 
Hirtius  demonstrabat,  timere  eum  ne,  si  mediocre  auxilium  dig- 
nitatis nostiae  habuissemus,  nullae  partes  his  in  re  publica  relin-  5 

2  querentur.  Cum  in  his  angustiis  versarer,  placitum  est  mihi  ut 
postularem  legationem  liberam  mihi  reliquisque  nostris,  ut  aliqua 
causa  proficiscendi  honesta  quaereretur.  Hanc  se  impetraturum 
pollicitus  est,  nee  tamen  impetraturum  confido  :  tanta  est  homi- 
num  insolentia  et  nostri  insectatio ;  ac  si  dederint  quod  petimus,  lo 
tamen  paulo  post  futurum  puto  ut  hostes  iudicemur  aut  aqua  et 

3  igni  nobis  interdicatur.  Quid  ergo  est,  inquis,  tui  consilii  ? 
Dandus  est  locus  fortunae ;  cedendum  ex  Italia,  migrandum 
Rhodum  aut  aliquo  terrarum  arbitror:  si  melior  casus  fuerit, 
revertemur  Romam  ;  si  mediocris,  in  exsilio  vivemus ;  si  pessi-  15 

4  mus,  ad  novissima  auxilia  descendemus.  Succurret  fortasse  hoc 
loco  alicui  vestrum,  cur  novissimum  tempus  exspectemus  potius, 
quam  nunc  aliquid  moliamur?  Quia  ubi  consistamus  non  habe- 
mus   praeter  Sex.  Pompeium   et   Bassum  Caecilium,  qui  mihi. 


1.  Aiebat,  sc. 'Antonius.'  The  context 
seems  to  require  this,  but  the  change  of  sub- 
ject from  *  demonstravit '  is  strange. 

2.  Militum,  i.e.  of  Caesar's  veterans. 
Many  of  them  seem  to  have  come  to  Rome, 
and  Lepidus  had  a  legion  in  or  near  the 
city. 

4.  Si  mediocre  .  .  habuissemus,  *  if 
our  pretensions  were  even  moderately  sup- 
ported,' i.e.  by  the  senate  and  people  grant- 
ing them  provinces. 

5.  Nullae  partes  .  .  relinquerentur, 

*  they  (Antony  and  his  party)  would  have  no 
political  part  left  to  play.'  Siipfle.  Wesenb. 
does  not  think  that  'his'  can  have  the 
meaning  here  given  to  it,  and  suggests  *  illis,' 
'  ipsis,'  •  suis,'  or  *  sibi.'  Andr.  prefers  *  illis,' 
and  refers  to  §  6  of  this  letter  for  an  instance 
of  the  application  of  that  pronoun  to  oppo- 
nents. He  remarks  that  'sibi'  or  *  suis ' 
would  be  more  natural,  but  that  '  illis  *  is 
used  from  the  writer's  point  of  view. 

6.  Versarer  .  .  postularem.  These 
tenses  are  not  epistolary,  but  refer  to  the 
time  of  the  conversation  with  Hirtius.     Cp. 

*  hanc  se  impetraturum  pollicitus  est,'  below. 

Placitum  est:  cp.  Ep.  33,  4,  note. 

7.  Legationem  liberam:  cp.  Ep.  il, 
3,  note. 

9.  Pollicitus  est,  sc.  Hirtius. 
Hominum,  sc.  Caesarianorum. 


10.  Insectatio.  Not  apparently  Cicero- 
nian, '  underhand  persecution.'     Forcell. 

11.  Aqua  et  igni  . .  interdicatur.  This 
was  equivalent  to  banishment.  Cp.  p.  19, 
and  Smith,  Diet,  of  Antiq.,  sub  voc.  *  Exsi- 
lium,'  p.  516. 

12.  Tui  consilii.  On  the  gen.,  cp.  Ep, 
26,  I,  note. 

13.  Dandus  est  locus  fortunae, 'we 
must  yield  to  fortune.'  Forcell.  Cp.  also 
Cic.  Pro  Quinct.  16,  53  '  aliquid  Ipci  ration! 
et  consilio  dedisses.' 

14.  Rhodum  :  cp.  Ep.  88,  5,  note. 
Aliquo,  'somewhere  or  other.'      Andr. 

Cp.  Ep.  100,  3.  note. 

Melior.  Rather  curiously  used  for  one 
of  three  possibilities,  as  opposed  to  *  pessi- 
mus.' 

16.  Ad  novissima  auxilia,  *to  the 
most  desperate  expedients/  i.e.  civil  war, 
and  co-operation  with  Bassus  and  Sex.  Pom- 
peius:  on  whose  enterprises,  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  IV,  §§12;  14;  Appendix  il,  4  and 
10. 

Succurret,  *  will  occur.*  Andr.  Cp.  Ep. 
105,  2. 

18.  Quam  .  .  moliamur,  «than  now 
try  some  decisive  measure.' 

Ubi  consistamus,  'a  place  where  we 
may  take  up  a  safe  position ; '  'a  rallying 
point.'     Jeans. 


7 


i! 


M,  TULLll  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


520 

videntur  hoc  nuntio  de  Caesare  adlato  firmiores  futuri ;   satis 
tempore  ad  eos   accedemus,  ubi  quid  valeant   sc.nmus      P^^^ 
Cassio   et  te,  si  quid   me  velitis  recipere,   recipiam;    Postulat 
enTmho     Hirtius'  ut  faciam.      Rogo  vos  quam  pnmum  m^i  5 
5   eTribatis-nam  non  dubito  quin  de  his  rebus  ante  horam  quar- 
%am  Hirtius  certiorem  me  sit  facturus-;  quern  -    o-^^^^^^^^^^^ 
venire  possimus,  quo  me  velitis  vemre,  rescnbite     IfJ^^:^ 
mum  Hirtii   sermonem  placitum   est   -^^'^^^f'^^^'l^^ 
nobis  Romae  esse  publico  praesidio :   quod  illos  nob     conces 
xosuros  non  puto ;   magnam  enim  invidiam  us  ^-lemus      N^hd 
tamen  non  postulandum  putavi,  quod  aequum  esse  statuerem. 


108.  ToiATTICUS    (AD   ATT.   XIV.  12). 
PuTEOLi,  April  22,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

,  The  isth  of  March  has  profited  little,  except  to  satisfy  our  revenge  Antony's 
JasurJ  go  further  than  Caesar's  ever  did,  and  he  makes  money  out  of  all  gran  s 
"chTthose  to  Deiotarus  and  to  the  Sicilians.  2.  Octavius  treats  me  with  much 
consideration,  but  I  fear  his  advisers  will  prevent  his  ever  bemg  a  good  cUizen,  and  am 
anx^fus  o  re  ire  to  some  remote  spot.  I  am  more  independent  now.  however  than  I 
™  r^ng  Caesar's  life.     3-  Write  me  any  news  you  hear,  espeaaUy  of  Brutus. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
O  mi  Attice,  vereor   ne   nobis  Idus   Martiae   nihil   dederint  1 
praeter  laetitiam  et  odii  poenam  ac  doloris.     Quae  mihi  istim 


I.  Hoc  nuntio,  i.e.  'by  the  news  of 
Caesar's  death.*  , 

Firmiores  futuri,  'will  grow  stronger. 

Satis  tempore,  *  early  enough.  Ihe 
ablative  is  used  adverbially.     Forcell. 

3.  Si  quid  .  .  recipere,  'if  you  wish 
me  to  make  any  engagements  with  Hirtius. 

c  De  his  rebus,  'on  the  topics  I  have 
discussed,'  on  our  prospects.  Andr.  thinks 
that  the  writer  refers  to  the  thought  of  ap- 
plying for  a  'libera  legatio.'     Cp.  §  2. 

7  Post  novissimum  ..  sermonem. 
The  following  passage  seems  to  be  a  post- 
script written  after  the  interview  mentioned 
iust  above  had  taken  place. 

Q.  Publico  praesidio,  'with  a  guard 
granted  by  the  State.'     BiUerb.     Abl.  modi. 

Illos,  *  the  friends  of  Antony.' 


10.  Magnam  enim  .  .  faciemus,  'we 
shall  make  them  very  unpopular,'  if  it  ap- 
pears that  the  liberators  cannot  be  at  Rome 
in  safety  without  a  guard.  Facere  invi- 
diam is  a  rare  phrase,  according  to  Forcell., 
but  is  used  by  Asconius  ad  Orat.  in  Tog. 
Cand.  p.  I II, invidiam  facere  competitori — 
a  passage  to  which  Professor  Nettleship  has 
called  my  attention.  It  is  also  used  by 
Juvenal.     Cp.  Sat.  15,  122— 

♦  Anne  aliam  terra  Memphitide  sicca  ^ 
Invidiam  facerent  nolenti  surgere  Nilo?' 

13.  Odii  poenam  ac  doloris,  *the 
satisfaction  of  our  hate  and  indignation.' 
Gen.  possess.  Cp.  Ep.  4,  2,  note.  The  ex- 
pression ♦  paena  doloris '  occurs  in  a  shghtly 
different  sense  in  Ep.  8,  7. 

Istim,  'from  Rome.' 


EP.108.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   XIV.12.       521 

adferuntur?    quae  hic  video?   ^  -npa^^m  KaXrjs  [liv,  hr^Xovs  hi\ 
Scis,  quam  diligam  Siculos  et  quam  illam  clientelam  honestam 
iudicem:   multa   illis   Caesar,  neque   me   invito,  etsi   Latinitas 
erat  non  ferenda,  verum  tamen—     Ecce  autem  Antonms  ac- 
cepta  grandi   pecunia  fixit   legem   a   dictatore  comitiis  latam  5 
qua  Siculi  cives  Romani ;  cuius  rei  vivo  illo  mentio  nulla.     Quid  . 
Deiotari  nostri  causa  non  similis  ?   Dignus  ille  quidem  omni  regno, 
sed  non  per  Fulviam.    Sescenta  similia.  Verum  illuc  refero  :  tarn 
ciaram  tamque  testatam  rem  tamque  iustam,  Buthrotiam,  non 


1.  5}  irpd^eus  K.r.X.  Perhaps  a  quo- 
tation from  some  Greek  play.  It  expresses 
Cicero's  regret  that  Antony  had  not  been 
killed    with    Caesar.     Cp.   Epp.    126,    i; 

2.  Quam  diligam  Siculos:  cp.  Div. 
in  Caec.  1,2'  cum  .  .  ita  .  .  ex  ea  provincia 
decessissem  ut  Siculis  omnibus  iucundam 
diuturnamquememoriam  quaesturae  nominis- 
que  mei  relinquerem,  factum  est  uti  cum 
summum  in  veteribus  patronis  multis  turn 
non  nullum  etiam  in  me  praesidium  .  .  arbi- 
trarentur.'     Also  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  3. 

Illam  clientelam,  'to  have  them  for 
clients.'  Cp.  In  Cat.  4.  1 1,  23  'clientelis 
provincialibus. 

3.  Multa  illis  Caesar,  sc.  »dedit.'  Cp. 
Ep.  15,  10,  note. 

Latinitas.    The  grant  of  the  '  lus  Latii 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Sicily  by  Caesar  seems 
to  be  only  referred  to  here.      Cp.  Merivale 
2.  412.     On  the  privileges  conveyed  by  it, 
cp.  Ep.  31,  2,  note. 

4.  Non  ferenda.  *  An  intolerable 
measure.'  I  prefer  Wieland's  interpretation 
*  etwas  nicht  zu  duldendes'  to  that  of  Mr. 
Jeans  '  not  a  proper  measure  10  pass.* 

Verum  tamen.  An  aposiopesis.  Cp. 
Madv.  479  d,  Obs.  6.  Supply,  '  it  was  use- 
less to  oppose  it.' 

5.  Fixit  legem  .  .  latam, 'had  a  law 
posted  up  as  having  been  carried  by  Caesar 
as  Dictator  in  the  comitia.*  This  was  in- 
consistent with  Antony's  support  of  a  motion 
made  in  the  senate  by  Ser.  Sulpicius,  to  the 
effect  '  that  no  decree  or  grant  of  Caesar 
should  be  registered  after  the  Ides  of  March.* 
Cp.  Philipp.  I.  I,  3.  , 

6.  Cives    Romani,    sc.    'facti    sunt. 
This   law   does    not    seem    to   have   been 
carried  out. 

Vivo  illo,  sc.  Caesare. 

7.  Deiotari  .  .  non  similis  ?  *  was  not 
the  case  of  my  friend  Deiotarus  similar  ?'  On 
Deiotarus,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  6  ;  Philipp. 

2.  37- 


Omni  regno,  *  of  any  amount  of  sov- 
ereignty,' or  '  of  his  whole  kingdom.'  Cp. 
Pro  Sest.  27,  59  'cum  .  .  videant  .  .  se  for- 
tunis  spoliari  et  regno  omni  posse  nudari. 
Antony  restored  to  Deiotarus  part  of  Ar- 
menia which  Caesar  had  taken  away.     Cp. 

Philipp.  2,  1.  c.  .      -r    p  1  •, 

8.  Per  Fulviam.  Antony  s  wife,  Ful via, 
was  charged  with  procuring  for  money  de- 
crees of  Antony  in  favour  of  Deiotarus.  Cp. 
Philipp.  1.  c.  '  syngrapha  .  .  per  legatos  .  . 
facta  in  gynaeceo  ;  quo  in  loco  plunmae  res 
veniere  et  veneunt.*  ^ 

Illuc,  'to  the  affair  I  mentioned  before. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  II,  2  •  de  Buthrotiis  et  tu 
recte  cogitas  et  ego  non  dimitto  istam  cu- 

ram.' 

Refero.  This  is  the  MS.  reading,  but 
♦I  return*  seems  an  unusual  sense  of  the 
word.  Orell.  has  Teferor.'  Wesenb.  has 
'me'  before  'refero.'  But  Manut.,  with 
whom  Mr.  Lock  agrees  in  defending  •  re- 
fero,' explains  it  as  meaning  'haec  ideo 
dico  ut  ostendam ;  cum  haec  de  Siculis 
et  Deiotaro  fiant  .  .  rem  fore  non  ferendam 
si  nos  tam  testatam  rem  .  .  Buthrotiam 
non  teneamus.'  Mr.  Jeans  remarks  that 
'  refero'  is  surely  transitive,  whether  we  re- 
gard the  object  as  being  understood  or 
« illuc  '  as  being  the  neuter  of  the  old  form 
'  illic' 

Tam  ciaram  tamque  testatam,  'so 
clear  and  well  attested.'  On  the  latter 
word,  cp.  Ep.  8,  2  note. 

9.  Buthrotiam.     Caesar  had  imposed  a 
heavy  contribution  on  the  town  of  Buthrotum 
in  Epirus,  and,  when  the  inhabitants  did  not 
pay  it,   offered  their  lands  to  his  soldiers. 
But  Atticus  advanced  money  to  the  Buthro- 
tians,  on  receipt  of  which  Caesar  issued  a 
decree  in  their  favour,  attested   by   many 
eminent    Romans.      It  had,   however,  not 
been  executed,  and  Cicero  hoped  that  An- 
tony might   be   induced    to   carry   it   out. 
Siipfle.     Cicero  afterwards  wrote  on  behalf 
of  the  Buthrotians  to  Cn.  Plancus,  brother 


T 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


5^^ 

tenebimus  aliqua  ex  parte?  et  eo  quidem  magis,  quo  iste  plura? 
Nobiscum  hie  perhonorifice  et  amice  Octavius,  quern  quidem  sui  2 
Caesarem  salutabant,  Philippus  non  item,  itaque  ne  nos  quidem ; 
quem  nego  posse  esse  bonum  civem :  ita  multi  circumstant,  qui 

5  quidem  nostris  mortem  minitantur.  Negat  haec  ferri  posse. 
Quid  censes,  cum  Romam  puer  venerit,  ubi  nostri  liberatores 
tuti  esse  non  possunt?  qui  quidem  semper  erunt  clari,  con- 
scientia  vero  facti  sui  etiam  beati ;  sed  nos,  nisi  me  fallit, 
iacebimus.      Itaque  exire  aveo,  *ubi  nee  Pelopidarum,'  inquit. 

10  Haud  amo  vel  hos  designatos,  qui  etiam  declamare  me  coege- 
runt,  ut  ne  apud  aquas  quidem  acquiescere  liceret.     Sed  hoc 
meae  nimiae  facilitatis  :   nam  id  erat  quondam  quasi  necesse ; 
nunc,  quoquo  modo  se  res  habet,  non  est  item.     Q\i^,mquam  3 
dudum  nihil  habeo,  quod  ad  te  scribam,  scribo  tamen,  non  ut 

15  te  delectem  meis  litteris,  sed  ut  eliciam  tuas.  Tu,  si  quid  erit 
de  ceteris,  de  Bruto  utique,  quicquid.     Haec  conscripsi  X.  Kal. 


of  the  consul  designate  for  42  B.C.,  who 
had  been  commissioned  by  Caesar  to  super- 
intend the  distribution  of  the  lands.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  i6f  16  A,  B,  E. 

1.  Tenebimus,  'shall  maintain'  what 
Caesar  had  granted.     See  preceding  note. 

Quo  iste  plura?  'the  more  grants 
Antony  has  made.' 

2.  Nobiscum,  sc.  'agit.'  Cp.  Ep.  15, 
10,  note. 

Octavius.  The  future  emperor.  Caesar 
had  adopted  him  by  his  will,  but  the  adop- 
tion had  not  been  ratified  by  the  curiae. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  4.  On  the  conduct 
of  Octavius  at  this  time,  cp.  Intr.  1.  c. 

Sui,  'his  adherents.'  From  the  next 
clause  they  seem  to  have  been  numerous. 
According  to  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  1 1  and 
12)  they  were  freedmen  or  old  soldiers  of 
Caesar. 

3.  Philippus  had  married  Atia,  the 
mother  of  Octavius.  Cp.  Suet.  Oct.  8  ;  Veil. 
2.  59  and  60.  Matthiae,  following  Manu- 
tius,  suggests  that  he  objected  to  Octavius 
taking  the  name  Caesar,  because  the  curiae 
had  not  sanctioned  his  adoption. 

4.  Quem,  sc.  Octavium. 

5.  Nostris,  i.e.  'to  the  assassins  of 
Caesar.' 

Negat  haec  ferri  posse,  'Octavius 
says  that  the  present  state  of  things  is  intoler- 
able.' Cp.  Ep.  105,  I  '  [adfirmat  Matius] 
non  posse  istaec  sic  abire.'  Wesenb.  sug- 
gests '  minitantur,  cum  negant.' 

6.  Quid   censes,    sc.    'eventurum'  or 


•  facturum,*  cp.  Madv.  479  d. 

8.  Nos,  'our  party.' 

Nisi  me  fallit,' if  I  am  not  mistaken.' 

Cp.  Ep.  71,  8,  note. 

9.  Iacebimus,   'shall   get   the    worst. 

Cp.  Ep.  3,  I. 

Ubi  nee  Pelopidarum,  'nomen  nee 
facta  audiam.'  Apparently  a  quotation 
from  some  old  play;  perhaps,  as  Manut.  and 
Boot  suggest,  from  the  Atreus  of  Attius. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  7.  30,  i. 

Inquit  seems  needless.  One  would  ex- 
pect •  ut  inquit,'  sc.  '  poeta.  The  absence 
of  a  subject  to  'inquit'  need  present  no 
difficulty.      Cp.  pp.  284,  1.  12;  304,  1.  7, 

note. 

10.  Hos  designatos,  i.  e.  Hirtius  and 
Pansa.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  ii,  2.  If  this 
passage  is  serious,  it  may  refer  to  the  luke- 
warmness  of  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  but  it  is 
more  probably  ironical. 

Declamare,  'to  give  them  lessons  in 
rhetoric*     Cp.  Ep.  87,  i,  note. 

11.  Ut  ne  :  cp.  Ep.  7,  5,  note. 

12.  Meae  nimiae  facilitatis.  On  the 
gen.,cp.Ep.  77,  3,note. 

Quondam,  i.e.  *  durmg  Caesars  life. 

13.  Non  est  item,  'it  is  not  equally 
so.'  Not  compulsion,  but  his  own  excessive 
good  nature  now  induced  Cicero  to  give 
lessons. 

15.  Si  quid  erit  .  .  quicquid,  sc.  erit 
velim  scribas. 

16.  De  ceteris,  'about  the  other  con- 
spirators.' 


EP.  109.]     EPISTOLARUM  ADA  TTICUM  XIV.  13 .4.      523 

accubans  apud  Vestorium,  hominem  remotum  a  dialecticis,  in 
arithmeticis  satis  exercitatum. 

109.    ANTONY  TO  CICERO  (AD  ATT.  XIV.  13  A). 
About  April  20  (?),  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

1.  I  should  have  preferred  to  ask  you  in  person  2.  to  approve  the  restoration  of  Sex. 
Clodius,  which  Caesar  sanctioned.  Your  consent  will  place  my  step-son,  P.  Clodius, 
and  myself  under  a  great  obligation.  3.  Let  my  step-son  think  that  your  quarrel  with 
his  father  was  only  political.  You  will  prefer,  I  dare  say,  an  old  age  of  tranquillity  to 
one  of  disquiet ;  and  I  have  done  you  services  enough  to  have  a  claim  for  some  return. 
I  shall  not,  however,  permit  the  restoration  of  Sex.  Clodius  if  you  object  to  it. 

M.  ANTONIUS  COS.   S.  D.  M.  CICERONL 

1  Occupationibus  est  factum  meis  et  subita  tua  profectione,  ne 
tecum  coram  de  hac  re  agerem ;  quam  ob  causam  vereor  ne 
absentia  mea  levior  sit  apud  te :  quod  si  bonitas  tua  respondent  5 

2  iudicio  meo,  quod  semper  habui  de  te,  gaudebo.  A  Caesare 
petii  ut  Sex.  Clodium  restitueret :  impetravi.  Erat  mihi  in 
animo  etiam  tum  sic  uti  beneficio  eius,  si  tu  concessisses  ;  quo 
magis  laboro,  ut  tua  voluntate  id  per  me  facere  nunc  liceat: 
quod  si  duriorem  te  eius  miserae  et  adflictae  fortunae  praebes,  10 
non  contendam  ego  adversus  te ;  quamquam  videor  debere  tueri 
commentarium  Caesaris.  Sed  mehercule,  si  humaniter  et  sapien- 
ter  et  amabiliter  in  me  cogitare  vis,  facilem  profecto  te  prae- 
bebis   et  voles  P.  Clodium,  in  optima  spe  puerum  repositum, 


1.  Accubans,  '  lying  at  table.' 
Vestorium.      On  C.  Vestorius,  cp.  Ep. 

34,  I,  note.  Cicero  says  that  he  was  more 
familiar  with  accounts  than  with  logic.  He 
lived  at  Puteoli,  apparently.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
5.  2,  2. 

2.  Arithmeticis.     This  word  seems  to 
be  rarely  used  in  Latin  for  •  arithmetic' 

3.  Profectione,  'departure from  Rome.' 
5.  Absentia,   'a    rare  word.      Here   it 

seems  to  mean,  '  my  entreaties  during  my 
absence.'  Mr.  Jeans  renders  '  I  fear  that  in 
my  absence  it,'  the  subject  about  which  I 
am  now  writing,  '  may  seem  to  you  only  of 
lighter  weight : '  I  presume  that  he  refers 
'levior*  to  *res,'  and  considers  'absentia'  an 
ablative. 

Levior  sit,  '  have  less  weight.* 
Responderit, 'shall  correspond.*     For- 
cell. 


7.  Sex.  Clodium.  Sex.  Clodius,  a  de- 
pendant of  Publius,  was  banished  for  riot 
52  B.C.    Cp.  Ep.  71, 3  ;  Ascon.  in  Milonian., 

8.  Etiam  tum,  'even  after  Caesar  had 
consented.' 

9.  Tua  voluntate:  cp.  Madv.  257,  and 
Obs.  5. 

Per  me,  'by  my  own  authority,*  as 
Caesar  had  died  without  carrying  out  his 
purpose. 

11.  Tueri  commentarium  Caesaris, 
•  to  carry  out  an  intention  of  which  Caesar 
had  made  a  note.'  On  Caesar's  '  commen- 
tarii,'  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  3.  They  are 
often  referred  to  in  the  two  first  Philippics. 

12.  Sapienter.  .  cogitare.  This  verb 
seems  not  often  to  be  used  with  adverbs. 

14,  Voles  . .  existimare  :  cp.  Ep.  18,  3, 
note. 

P.    Clodium.      Son   and  namesake   of 


r 


5H 


M,   TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  v. 


II 


existimare  non  te  insectatum  esse,  cum  potueris,  amicos  paternos. 
Patere,  obsecro,  te  pro  re  publica  videri  gessisse  simultatem  cum  3 
patre   eius :   non  contempseris  banc  familiam ;   honestius   enim 
et  libentius  deponimus  inimicitias  rei  publicae   nomine  suscep- 

5  tas  quam  contumaciam  Me  deinde  sine  ad  banc  opinionem  iam 
nunc  dirigere  puerum  et  tenero  animo  eius  persuadere  non  esse 
tradendas  posteris  inimicitias.  Quamquam  tuam  fortunam,  Ci- 
cero, ab  omni  periculo  abesse  certum  habeo,  tamen  arbitror 
malle  te  quietam  senectutem  et  honorificam  potius  agere  quam 

10  sollicitam.     Postremo   meo  iure  te  hoc  beneficium  rogo  ;  nihil 
enim  non  tua  causa  feci.      Quod  si  non  impetro,  per  me  Clodio 
daturus  non  sum,  ut  intellegas,  quanti  apud  me  auctoritas  tua 
-  sit,  atque  eo  te  placabiliorem  praebeas. 


110.    To  ANTONY  (AD  ATT.  XIV.  13  B). 

Written  apparently  about  April  25,  from  Puteoli, 

44  B.C.  (710  a.u.c) 

I.  Your  past  services  to  the  State,  2.  and  the  friendly  tone  of  your  letter,  3.  make 
me  grant  your  request  most  willingly.  I  have  never,  moreover,  been  of  a  harsh  dis- 
position. 4.  Train  the  youthful  Clodius  in  sound  views  ;  I  never  felt  any  remarkable 
hostility  to  his  father,  and  were  he  living  should  feel  none  now.  5.  I  grant  your 
request,  then,  not  from  alarm  for  myself,  but  from  regard  for  you. 


Cicero's  old  enemy  Clodius.  He  afterwards 
died  of  the  effects  of  gluttony.  Cp.  Val. 
Max.  3.  5. 

In  optima  spe  .  .  repositum,  '  of  the 
highest  promise.'     A  curious  construction. 

I.  Cum  potueris,  'though  it  has  been 
in  your  power  to  do  so.' 

3.  Eius:  non  ..  familiam.  Wesenb. 
has  *  eius,  non  quo,'  i.e.  *  not  out  of  con- 
tempt for  his  family.' 

Hanc  familiam.  That  of  Clodius, 
with  which  Antony  was  now  nearly  con- 
nected. See  below.  Miiller  supposes  it  to 
refer  to  the  Claudian  house  generally. 

5.  Contumaciae.  The  sense  seems  to 
require  a  word  meaning  *  personal  dislike,' 
but  I  cannot  find  that  'contumacia'  ever 
has  that  meaning.  C.  F.  Hermann  (ap. 
Baiter)  suggests  '  contumeliae.'  Wesenb. 
thinks  that  '  contumaciae' =  *  superbae  con- 
temptionis.' 


6.  Dirigere  puerum.  Antony  had 
married  Fulvia,  the  widow  of  P.  Clodius,  and 
his  step-son  was  probably  brought  up  in  his 
house. 

10.  Sollicitam,  'troubled  by  anxiety,* 
which  it  might  be,  even  if  free  from  any 
serious  risk.  There  may  be  a  hint  here  of 
Antony's  employing  Cicero's  old  enemies 
a&;ainst  him. 

"Meo  iure  .  .  rogo,  'I  have  a  good 
right  to  ask  this  favour  of  you.'  *  Suo 
iure'  =  'potestate  a  legibus  seu  iure  concessa.* 
Forcell. 

Nihil  enim  .  .  feci.  Antony  refers, 
probably,  to  his  support  of  Cicero  against 
Clodius,  53  B.C.,  and  to  his  protection  of 
Cicero  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalus.  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  4,  II ;  2.  3,  5  ;  2.  9,  21  ;  2.  20, 

49- 

II.  Per  me  :  see  above. 


EP.  1X0.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XIV.  13  B,     525 

CICERO  ANTONIO  COS.  S.  D. 

1  Quod  mecum  per  litteras  agis,  unam  ob  causam  mallem  coram 
egisses  :  non  enim  solum  ex  oratione,  sed  etiam  ex  voltu  et  oculis 
et  fronte,  ut  aiunt,  meum  erga  te  amorem  perspicere  potuisses ; 
nam,  cum  te  semper  amavi,  primum  tuo  studio,  post  etiam  bene- 
ficio  provocatus,  turn  his  temporibus  res  publica  te  mihi  ita  com-  5 

2  mendavit,  ut  cariorem  habeam  neminem.  Litterae  vero  tuae 
cum  amantissime,  tum  honorificentissime  scriptae  sic  me  adfece- 
runt,  ut  non  dare  tibi  beneficium  viderer,  sed  accipere  a  te  ita 
petente,  ut  inimicum  meum,  necessarium  tuum,  me  invito  servare 

s  nolles,  cum  id  nullo  negotio  facere  posses.  Ego  vero  tibi  istuc,  10 
mi  Antoni,  remitto,  atque  ita,  ut  me  a  te,  cum  iis  verbis  scrip- 
seris,  liberalissime  atque  honorificentissime  tractatum  existimem, 
idque  cum  totum,  quoquo  modo  se  res  haberet,  tibi  dandum  puta- 
rem,  tum  do  etiam  humanitati  et  naturae  meae ;  nihil  enim  um- 
quam  non  modo  acerbum  in  me  fuit,  sed  ne  paulo  quidem  tristius  15 
aut  severius,  quam  necessitas  rei  publicae  postulavit.  Accedit  ut 
ne  in  ipsum  quidem  Clodium  meum  insigne  odium  fuerit  umquam, 
semperque  ita  statui,  non  esse  insectandos  inimicorum  amicos, 
praesertim  humiliores,  nee  his  praesidiis  nosmet  ipsos  esse  spo- 

4  liandos.     Nam  de  puero  Clodio  tuas  partes  esse  arbitror,  ut  eius  20 


1.  Quod,  *  as  to  the  fact  that.'  Cp.  Ep. 
8,  14,  note. 

2.  Voltu  et  oculis,  foil.,  *  my  expres- 
sion, and  eyes  and  brow.'  The  words  ut 
aiunt  seem  to  shew  that  Cicero  is  quoting 
some  familiar  saying. 

4.  Tuo  studio,  'your  devotion  to  me.* 
Cp.  §  3  of  the  previous  letter,  and  note 
thereon. 

Beneficio,  i.e.  after  Pharsalus.  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  4,  II  ;  2.  3,  5. 

5.  Provocatus,  *  invited.' 

Res  publica,  'your  public  conduct,*  or 
perhaps  '  the  public  interest.'  Cicero  refers 
especially  to  Antony's  behaviour  on  March 
17.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  2. 

8.  Ita  petente  .  .nolles, *as  in  making 
your  request  you  express  unwillingness  to 
restore  your  friend  against  my  will.' 

10.  Ego  vero, 'I  certainly.'  Cp.  Ep.  40, 
I,  note;  also  Pro  Muren.  4,  9  *  ego  vero 
libcnter  desino.' 

Istuc  .  .  remitto,  *I  give  up  that  quar- 
rel to  please  you,'  '  make  that  sacrifice  for 
your  sake.' 

13.  Totum,  'altogether.'    Cp.  Ep.  2,  2, 


note. 

Quoquo  modo  .  .  haberet,  foil., 
*  under  any  circumstances  I  should  be  willing 
to  do  this  for  you,  even  if  my  disposition 
were  sterner  than  it  is.' 

14.  Nihil  enim  .  .  postulavit,  'there 
was  never  anything  in  me — I  do  not  say 
cruel,  but — harsher  or  more  rigorous  than 
the  State's  need  required/ 

Enim  explains  naturae  meae. 

16.  Accedit  ut.  On  this  construction, 
cp.  Madv.  373.  Obs.  3. 

17.  Ne  .  .  insigne  .  .  umquam.  Yet 
Cicero  cherished  for  a  long  time  his  exulta- 
tion over  the  death  of  Clodius.  After  more 
than  two  years  had  elapsed  he  still  counted 
the  days  from  that  event.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6. 1, 
26. 

19.  His  praesidiis,  i.e.  'the  services  of 
our  dependents,'  whose  exile  would  diminish 
the  number  of  thcT  opportunities  for  serving 
their  patron's  interest. 

20.  Nam  :  *  I  say  nothing  of  the  young 
Clodius,  for,*  cp.  Ep.  26,  2,  note. 

Tuas  partes  esse.  Because  Antony 
was  step-father  to  young  Cludius. 


J 


526 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


animum  tenerum,  quern  ad  modum  scribis,  iis  opinionibus  imbuas, 
ut  ne  quas  inimicitias  residere  in  familiis  nostris  arbitretur.  Con- 
tend! cum  P.  Clodio,  cum  ego  publicam  causam,  ille  suam  defen- 
deret :  nostras  concertationes  res  publica  diiudicavit ;  si  viveret, 

5  mihi  cum  illo  nulla  contentio  iam  maneret.     Qua  re,  quoniam  5 
hoc  a  me  sic  petis,  ut,  quae  tua  potestas  est,  ea  neges  te  me  invito 
usurum,  puero  quoque  hoc  a  me  dabis,  si  tibi  videbitur,  non  quo 
aut  aetas  nostra  ab  illius  aetate  quicquam  debeat  periculi  suspicari 
aut  dignitas  mea  ullam  contentionem  extimescat,  sed  ut  nosmet 

10  ipsi  inter  nos  coniunctiores  simus,  quam  adhuc  fuimus  ;  interpel- 
lantibus  enim  his  inimicitiis  animus  tuus  magis  patuit  quam 
domus.  Sed  haec  hactenus.  Illud  extremum  :  ego,  quae  te  velle 
quaeque  ad  te  pertinere  arbitrabor,  semper  sine  ulla  dubitatione 
summo  studio  faciam ;  hoc  velim  tibi  penitus  persuadeas. 

111.     To  DOLABELLA  (AD  FAM.  IX.  14). 
Near  Pompeii,  May  4,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  must  write  to  thank  you  for  the  credit  your  conduct  has  reflected  upon  me,  for 
there  is  a  general  impression  that  I  am  your  adviser.  2.  And  though  I  cannot  fairly 
claim  this  honour,  I  am  unwilling  altogether  to  disclaim  it.  3.  L.  Caesar  regrets  that 
he  has  not  as  much  influence  with  Antony  as  I  am  thought  to  have  with  you.  4.  I 
do  not  seriously  pretend  to  any  share  in  your  glory,  which  I  would  gladly  increase. 
5.  My  love  for  you  has  been  strengthened  by  your  recent  service,  as  my  love  for 
Brutus  was  by  his  deed  on  the  15th  of  March.  6.  You  need  no  exhortation :  7.  but  I 
must  congratulate  you  on  having  been  both  vigorous  and  popular  as  a  magistrate,  and 
on  the  admirable  skill  of  your  address  to  the  people.  8.  You  have  delivered  your 
country  from  alarm,  and  I  hope  you  will  employ  your  influence  thus  won  in  the 
interest  of  our  liberators. 


4.  Concertationes.  A  milder  term 
than  '  contentiones/  according  to  Boot. 

Diiudicavit,  'has  decided'  by  recalling 
Cicero,  in  spite  of  Clodius'  opposition. 

6.  Q^ae  .  .  ea.  On  the  order  of  the 
words,  cp.  Ep.  42,  3,  note. 

7.  Puero  .  .  dabis,  'you  will  make 
this  a  present  from  me  to  the  young  Clo- 
dius.' •  E  re  pecuniaria  ductum,  in  qua  "  ab 
aliquo  solvere"  dicimur.'  Matthiae.  Cp. 
Ep.  36,  II,  note. 

Non  quo  .  .  extimescat.  An  answer 
to  the  hints  of  Antony  in  §  3  of  the  previous 
letter.  On  *non  quo,'  with  the  conj.,  cp. 
Ep.  14,  I,  note. 

9.  Ullam  contentionem,  'a  dispute 
with    anybody.'      Opposed   to    ab    illius 


aetate.     Wieland. 

Nosmet  ipsi,  Cicero  and  Antony. 

10.  Interpellantibus  .  .  his  inimi- 
citiis, 'owing  to  the  interposition  of  the 
quarrel  which  you  are  aware  of;*  that  is,  of 
Fulvia's  animosity  to  Cicero,  inherited  from 
her  former  husband  Clodius.  This  excluded 
Cicero  from  Antony's  house. 

13.  Quaeque  ad  te  . .  arbitrabor,  *  and 
what  I  shall  think  for  your  true  interest.* 
Billerb. 

Antony,  after  his  final  breach  with  Cicero, 
read  this  letter  aloud  in  the  senate,  to  shew 
his  enemy's  inconsistency.  Cp.  Philipp.  2. 
4.7. 

May  4.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  17,  I  and  4. 


I 


) 


EP.  III.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  IX.  14.    527 

CICERO  DOLABELLAE   CONSULI  SUO  S, 

1  Etsi  contentus  eram,  mi  Dolabella,  tua  gloria  satisque  ex  ea 
magnam  laetitiam  voluptatemque  capiebam,  tamen  non  possum 
non  confiteri  cumulari  me  maximo  gaudio,  quod  volgo  hominum 
opinio  socium  me  adscribat  tuis  laudibus.  Neminem  conveni — 
convenio  autem  quotidie  plurimos  ;  sunt  enim  permulti  optimi  5 
viri,  qui  valetudinis  causa  in  haec  loca  veniant,  praeterea  ex 
municipiis  frequentes  necessarii  mei — ,  quin  omnes,  cum  te  summis 
laudibus  ad  caelum  extulerunt,  mihi  continuo  maximas  gratias 
agant ;  negant  enim  se  dubitare  quin  tu  meis  praeceptis  et  con- 
siliis  obtemperans  praestantissmum  te  civem  et  singularem  con-  10 

2  sulem  praebeas.  Quibus  ego  quamquam  verissime  possum  respon- 
dere  te,  quae  facias,  tuo  iudicio  et  tua  sponte  facere  nee  cuiusquam 
egere  consilio,  tamen  neque  plane  adsentior,  ne  imminuam  tuam 
laudem,  si  omnis  a  meis  consiliis  profecta  videatur,  neque  valde 
nego — sum  enim  avidior  etiam  quam  satis  est  gloriae — ;  et  tamen  15 
non  alienum  est  dignitate  tua,  quod  ipsi  Agamemnoni,  regum  regi, 
fuit  honestum,  habere  aliquem  in  consiliis  capiendis  Nestorem  ; 
mihi  vero  gloriosum  te  iuvenem  consulem  florere  laudibus  quasi 

8  alumnum  disciplinae  meae.      L.  quidem  Caesar,  cum  ad  eum 
aegrotum  Neapolim  venissem,  quamquam  erat  oppressus  totius  20 
corporis  doloribus,  tamen  ante,  quam  me  plane  salutavit,  *  O  mi 
Cicero,'  inquit  *  gratulor  tibi,  cum  tantum  vales  apud  Dolabellam, 


DOLABELLAE.  For  an  account  of 
Dolabella,  cp.  Ep.  77,  note  and  reff. 

I.  Tua  gloria  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  3  ; 
also  Ad  Att.  14.  15,  2,  where  Cicero,  de- 
scribing the  vigorous  measures  of  Dolabella, 
says  *  magnam  avaOiwp-qaiv  res  habet ;  de 
saxo,  in  crucem,  columnam  toUere,  locum 
ilium  sternendum  locare.' 

3.  Cumulari .  .  gaudio.  Andr. compares 
the  expression,  *  nunc  meum  cor  cumulatur 
ira,'  Pro  Cael.  1 6,  37,  a  quotation  from  a 
dramatist. 

4.  Socium  me  adscribat,  'associates 
me.'  '  Adscribere '  =  *  adiungere,'  *  adnume- 
rare.*     Forcell. 

Neminem  conveni  .  .  quin  omnes. 
The  sentence  would  naturally  run  'quin 
agat,'  but  after  the  inserted  clause  Cicero 
alters  its  structure. 

6.  In  haec  loca,  i.e.  'to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  bay  of  Naples.' 

14.  Si  omnis,  sc.  *tua  laus.'  The  ad- 
jective is  used  adverbially.     Cp.  p.  32,  note 


on  1.  3. 

15.  Gloriae;  et  tamen.  Wesenb. omits 
the ;  and  explains  '  tamen '  as  = '  praeterea ' 
*  moreover  my  love  of  fame  does  not  injure 
you.'  Cp.  Madvig  on  De  Finibus,  2.  26,  84, 
where  he  says  that  the  words  are  equivalent 
to  •  et  etiamsi  ilia,  quae  dixi,  dcfecerint, 
tamen.*  Itaque  refertur  particula  ad  taci- 
tum  intellectum  et  concessionem  contrarii 
eius  quod  antea  positum  est.  *  If  you  do  not 
admit  this  justification,  still  you  must  see  that.* 

16.  Ipsi  Agamemnoni :  cp.  Horn.  li.  2. 
370,  foil. 

17.  In  consiliis  capiendis,  *whenhe 
took  advice,*  '  as  a  counsellor.' 

18.  Iuvenem:  cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  a. 
122  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  53. 

19.  L.  Caesar  :  cp.  Ep.  i,  2,  note. 

22.  Cum  tantum  vales,  *  on  having  so 
much  influence.*  The  indie,  is  used  as 
giving  a  real  reason.  Cp.  Madv.  358,  Obs. 
2 ;  also  Pro  Milon.  36,  99  *  te  quidem  cum 
isto  animo  es  satis  laudare  non  possum.' 


528 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS  [part  v. 


quantum  si  ego  apud  sororis  filium  valerem,  iam  salvi  esse  posse- 
mus.   Dolabellae  vero  tuo  et  gratulor  et  gratias  ago ;  quern  quidem 
post  te  consulem  solum  possumus  vere  consulem  dicere.'   Deinde 
multa  de  facto  ac  de  re  gesta ;  tum  nihil  magnificentius,  nihil 
5  praeclarius  actum  umquam,  nihil  rei  publicae  salutarius.     Atque 
haec  una  vox  omnium  est.     A  te  autem  peto,  ut  me  hanc  quasi  4 
falsam  hereditatem  alienae  gloriae  sinas  cernere  meque  aliqua  ex 
parte  in  societatem  tuaruni  laudum  venire  patiare.     Quamquam, 
mi  Dolabella— haec  enim  iocatus  sum— ,  libentius  omnes  meas,  si 
10  modo  sunt  aliquae  meae,  laudes  ad  te  transfuderim  quam  aliquam 
partem  exhauserim  ex  tuis :  nam  cum  te  semper  tantum  dilexerim, 
quantum  tu  intellegere  potuisti,  tum  his  tuis  factis  sic  incensus 
sum,  ut  nihil  umquam  in  amore  fuerit  ardentius ;  nihil  est  enim, 
mihi   crede,  virtute  formosius,  nihil   pulchrius,  nihil   amabilius. 
15  Semper  amavi,  ut  scis,  M.  Brutum  propter  eius  summum  ingenium,  5 
suavissimos  mores,  singularem  probitatem  atque  constantiam  :  ta- 
men  Idibus  Martiis  tantum  accessit  ad  amorem,  ut  mirarer  locum 
fuisse  augendi  in  eo,  quod  mihi  iam  pridem  cumulatum  etiam  vide- 
batur.   Quis  erat  qui  putaret  ad  eum  amorem,  quem  erga  te  habe- 
20  bam,  posse  aliquid  accedere  ?  Tantum  accessit,  ut  mihi  nunc  deni- 
que  amare  videar,  antea  dilexisse.     Qua  re  quid  est  quod  ego  te  e 
horter,  ut  dignitati  et  gloriae  servias?    Proponam  tibi  claros  viros, 
quod  facere  solent,  qui  hortantur  ?  neminem  habeo  clariorem  quam 
te  ipsum  ;  te  imitere  oportet,  tecum  ipse  certes  :  ne  licet  quidem 
25  tibi  iam  tantis  rebus  gestis  non  tui  similem  esse.     Quod  cum  ita  7 
sit,  hortatio  non  est  necessaria,  gratulatione  magis  utendum  est : 
contigit  enim  tibi  quod  haud  scio  an  nemini,  ut  summa  severitas 


3.  Deinde  multa,  sc.  *  dixit/ which  is 
again  to  be  supplied  after  tum.  Cp.  p.  7°* 
note  on  1.  7. 

4.  De  facto  ac  de  re  gesta,  'about 
the  fact  and  the  mode  of  execution/  Wie- 
land.  Wesenb.  has  *  re  gesta  tua/  and 
omits  '  tum.' 

6.  Hanc  .  .  cernere,  'to  accept  this 
inheritance,  as  it  were,  of  another's  glory  to 
which  I  have  no  claim.'  On  the  phrase  cer- 
nere hereditatem,  cp.  Ep.  82.  4,  note. 

II.  Cum  .  .  tum  :  cp.  Ep.  26,  3,  note. 

14.  Formosius  .  .  pulchrius.  These 
two  adjectives  seem  to  be  used  as  sy- 
nonymous by  Cicero,  cp.  De  Nat.  Deor. 
I.  10,  24. 

16.  Suavissimos  mores.  Cicero  used 
different  langnage  when  proconsul  of  Cilicia. 


Cp.  Ep.  36,  13. 

18.  Augendi,  *  of  an  increase/  Cp.  Na- 
gelsb.  31,  101.  'Augere*  is  sometimes  a 
neuter  verb.     Siipfle,  Forcell. 

Cumulatum,  'to  have  reached  its  great- 
est amount.'  =  *  plenum/  Forcell.  The 
example  of  Brutus  is  apparently  introduced 
to  show  that  it  is  possible  for  great  affection 
to  be  suddenly  much  increased. 

21.  Dilexisse,  'only  to  have  esteemed 
you/  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  13,  47  'ut  scires  eum 
a  me  non  diligi  solum  verum  etiam  amari/ 
Forcell.  (s.  v.  *amo')  remarks,  'amare  est 
ex  appetitu  ;  diligere  ex  ratione.* 

27.  Quod  haud  scio,  foil., '  which  per- 
haps has  been  the  lot  of  no  one  else/  Cp. 
Ep.  77,  2,  note. 

Summa  severitas:  cp.  §  i.note. 


I 


EP.  112.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XIV,  21.        529 

animadversionis  non  modo  non  invidiosa,  sed  etiam  popularis 
esset  et  cum  bonis  omnibus  tum  infimo  cuique  gratissima.  Hoc 
si  tibi  fortuna  quadam  contigisset,  gratularer  felicitati  tuae ;  sed 
contigit  magnitudine  cum  animi  tum  etiam  ingenii  atque  consilii ; 
legi  enim  contionem  tuam :  nihil  ilia  sapientius  ;  ita  pedetemptim  5 
et  gradatim  tum  accessus  a  te  ad  causam  facti,  tum  recessus,  ut 
res  ipsa  maturitatem  tibi  animadvertendi  omnium  concessa  daret. 
8  Liberasti  igitur  et  urbem  periculo  et  civitatem  metu,  neque  solum 
ad  tempus  maximam  utilitatem  attulisti,  sed  etiam  ad  exemplum. 
Quo  facto  intellegere  debes  in  te  positam  esse  rem  publicam  tibi-  10 
que  non  modo  tuendos,  sed  etiam  ornandos  esse  illos  viros,  a  qui- 
bus  initium  libertatis  profectum  est.  Sed  his  de  rebus  coram  plura 
propediem,  ut  spero  :  tu  quoniam  rem  publicam  nosque  conservas, 
fac  ut  diligentissime  te  ipsum,  mi  Dolabella,  custodias. 


112.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  XIV.  21). 
PuTEOLi,  May  ii,  44  B.C.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  sorry  not  to  have  heard  from  you,  but  have  had  a  good  letter  from  Dola- 
bella. 2.  Balbus  has  visited  me;  he  gave  an  unsatisfactory  account  of  Antony's  pro- 
ceedings, and  his  own  disposition  is  questionable.  3.  We  clearly  have  war  in  prospect ; 
there  was  more  courage  than  wisdom  shewn  in  the  great  exploit.  But  this  is  of  more 
importance  for  younger  men  than  for  me.  4.  I  write  in  Vestorius'  house.  I  shall  try 
to  gain  over  Hirtius  and  others  for  the  good  cause,  but  am  not  sanguine,  and  think  of 
^leaving  Italy.  Remember  me  to  Attica.  I  am  anxious  to  see  if  Dolabella  will  pay 
his  debt  to  me. 


3.  Fortuna  .  .  magnitudine:  ablatives 
of  the  cause. 

5.  Contionem.  Cicero  seems  to  refer 
to  a  speech  of  Dolabella  made  in  defence  of 
his  strong  measures ;  but  such  a  speech  does 
not  appear  to  be  mentioned  elsewhere. 

Ita  pedetemptim  . .  daret/so  cautiously 
did  you  first  approach  and  then  retire  from 
the  subject  that  all  had  to  allow  that  the 
case  was  ripe  for  strong  measures.'  '  Facti* 
is  a  participle,  as  the  Master  of  University 
College  has  pointed  out  to  me.  The  meta- 
phors in  these  words  are  military.  Siipfle. 
Andr.,  however,  thinks  that  the  comparison 
is  with  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide.  The 
general  sense  seems  to  be  that  Dolabella 
prepared  his  hearers  skilfully  to  listen  to 
his  excuses,  without  harping  too  much  on 
the  subject.  Cp.  Merivale's  account  (5. 
288-9)  of  the  '  verbosa  et  grandis  epistola  ' 

M 


of  Tiberius.  Manutius  thinks  the  meaning 
is  that  Dolabella  spoke  deliberately  and 
without  hurry  or  passion,  so  as  to  leave  the 
impression  that  he  had  acted  deliberately. 
'All  allowed  that  the  case  itself  shewed 
that  you  had  not  been  premature  in  taking 
such  strong  measures,'  i.e.  *as  the  facts  of 
the  case  and  not  your  eloquence  formed 
your  defence.* 

9.  Ad  tempus,  'for  the  present.* 

Utilitatem  attulisti,  '  you  have  done 
good  service.*  Cp.  Ep.  19,  I,  note,  for  this 
sense  of '  adferre.' 

Ad  exemplum,  *as  an  example  for  the 
future.' 

II.   Illos  viros,  i.e.  *the  conspirators.' 

13.  Propediem,  sc.  *disseremus.' 

14.  Custodias:  i.e.  against  plots  devised 
by  Antony. 


m 


K 


^ 


I/ 


530 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


CICERO  ATTICO. 


[part  V. 


Cum  paulo  ante  dedissem  ad  te  Cassii  tabellario  litteras,  v.  Idus  1 
venit  noster  tabellarius,  et  quidem,  portenti  simile,  sine  tuis  lit- 
teris ;  sed  cito  conieci  Lanuvii  te  fuisse.      Eros  autem  festinavit, 
ut  ad  me  litterae  Dolabellae  preferrentur,  non  de  re  mea— nondum 

5  enim  meas  acceperat— ,  sed  rescripsit  ad  eas,  quarum  exemplum 
tibi  miseram,  sane  luculente.     Ad  me  autem,  cum  Cassii  tabel-  2 
larium  dimisissem,  statim  Balbus.     O  dei  boni,  quam  facile  per- 
spiceres  timere  otium !  et  nosti  virum,  quam  tectus ;  sed  tamen 
Antonii  consilia   narrabat:   ilium  circumire  veteranos,   ut   acta 

10  Caesaris  sancirent  idque  se  facturos  esse  iurarent,  ut  rata  omnes 
haberent  eaque  duumviri  omnibus  mensibus  inspicerent.    Questus 
est  etiam  de  sua  invidia,  eaque  omnis  eius  oratio  fuit,  ut  amare 
videretur  Antonium.     Quid  quaeris?  nihil  sinceri.     Mihi  autem  3 
non  est  dubium  quin  res  spectet  ad  castra :  acta  enim  ilia  res  est 

isanimo  virili,  consilio  puerili :    quis  enim   hoc  non  vidit,  regni 
heredem  relictum  ?  quid  autem  absurdius  ? 

hoc  metuere,  alterum  in  metu  non  ponere? 
Quin  etiam  hoc  ipso  tempore  multa  vTrocroAotKo.     Pontii  Neapoli- 


2.  Sine  tuis  litteris  :  cp.  Ep.  lOO,  3, 

note. 

3.  Lanuvii.  M.  Brutus  and  Cassius 
were  there  probably,  and  Atticus  may  have 
gone  to  visit  one  of  them,  Cp.  Ad  Att.  14, 
10,  I ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  7 ;   Merivale  3. 

Eros  :  cp.  Ep.  96,  4,  note. 

4.  De  re  mea,  'about  my  own  affair,' 
i.e.  his  debt  to  me.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  18,  i 
•Kal.  Ian.  debuit  [Dolabella] ;  adhuc  non 
solvit.* 

5.  Rescripsit,  Dolabella. 
Eas,  i.e.  Ep.  ill. 

6.  Luculente,     'in     excellent     terms.* 
=  *  clare.'     '  Aptis  et  copiosis  verbis.'     For- 

cell. 

7.  Statim  Balbus,  sc.  *  venit.* 

8.  Timere   otium, '  is  afraid  of  peace,' 
*  looks  forward  to  it  with  alarm.* 

Tectus,  •  reserved,' '  cautious.'     ForceU. 
gives  *  occultus  '  and  *  cautus '  as  synonyms. 

9.  Circumire  veteranos,  'is  canvass- 
ing the  veterans,'  especially  those  settled  in 
Campania.    Cp.Philipp.  2.  39  and40.  'Cir- 
cumire'=' ambire,'    'to   court,'    'canvass, 
Forcell.,  but  is  a  rather  stronger  term. 

ID.  Idque  se  .  .  haberent,  'and  would 


secure  that  their  validity  should  be  respected 
by  every  one.'  Wesenb.  has  'arma'  for 
•rata,'  supposing  the  duumviri  to  be  the 
magistrates  of  the  different  colonies  in  which 
the  veterans  had  been  established. 

11.  Duumviri.  These  were  probably  to 
be  special  commissioners  appointed  by  An- 
ton v. 

12.  De  sua  invidia,  'about  his  un- 
popularity '  as  a  friend  of  Caesar.     Manut. 

13.  Nihil  sinceri, 'there  is  nothing  ho- 
nest in  him,'  i.e.  Balbus. 

14.  Quin  res  spectet  ad  castra,  'but 
that  things  hold  out  a  prospect  of  war.'  Cp. 
Ep.  43,  I,  note. 

Ilia  res,  i.e.  'the  murder  of  Caesar. 

15.  Regni  heredem,  i.e.  Antony. 

17.  Hoc  metuere  ..  ponere/tofearthe 
monarchy  and  not  be  afraid  of  its  heir.' 
An  iambic  line,  probably  from  a  play.  It 
is  quoted  also  Topic  1 3.  On  the  purport 
of  the  passage,  cp.  Ep.  115,  i. 

18.  Multa  vnoaoXoiKa,  'there  arc 
many  instances  of  something  like  bad  taste.* 
The  word  vnoffoXoiKorepos  occurs  in  Plu- 
tarch, Symp.  I.  2,  615  D. 

Pontii.  L.  Pontius  Aquila  incurred  Cae- 
sar's   displeasure    by   his   independent    de- 


I 


I 


I 


) 


i  I 


EP.  iii^.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XIV.  21.       531 

tanum  a  matre  tyrannoctoni  possideri  ?  Legendus  mihi  saepius  est 
*  Cato  maior '  ad  te  missus  ;  amariorem  enim  me  senectus  facit. 
Stomachor  omnia.  Sed  mihi  quidem  ySe^iWai.  Viderint  iuvenes. 
4  Tu  mea  curabis,  ut  curas.  Haec  scripsi  seu  dictavi  apposita 
secunda  mensa  apud  Vestorium.  Postridie  apud  Hirtium  cogi-  5 
tabam,  et  quidem  irevTeKonrov.  Sic  hominem  traducere  ad  opti- 
mates  paro.  Aijpos  iroXvs.  Nemo  est  istorum,  qui  otium  non 
timeat.  Qua  re  talaria  videamus;  quidvis  enim  potius  quam 
castra.  Atticae  salutem  plurimam  velim  dicas.  Exspecto  Octavii 
contionem  et  si  quid  aliud,  maxime  autem,  ecquid  Dolabella  tin-  10 
niat  an  in  meo  nomine  tabulas  novas  fecerit. 


meanour  as  tribune,  Suet.  lul.  78  ;  was  one 
of  the  conspirators  against  him,  App.  Bell. 
Civ.  2.  113;  Dion  Cassius  46,  38,  and  did 
good  service  in  the  war  of  Mutina.    Philipp. 
II.  6,   14.      Servilia,   the   mother   of  the 
'tyrannicide'    M.  Brutus,   was  a   favourite 
of  Caesar,  and  it  has  been   generally  sup- 
posed   that  the  property  of  Pontius   near 
Neapolis  (Neapolitanum)  had  been  con- 
fiscated by  Caesar,  and  granted  to  Servilia. 
But  Drumann  (3.  709;  710)  remarks  that 
no  record  of  such  confiscation  has  been  pre- 
served, and  that  Pontius  is  afterwards  men- 
tioned as  lending  money  to  D.  Brutus.     Cp. 
Dion  Cassius  46.  40.     Drumann  suggests 
therefore  that  Pontius  may  have  had  to  sell 
some  property  during  the   civil   war,  and 
that  Servilia  bought  it  cheap. 

1.  Possideri.  On  the  infin.,  cp.  Ep. 
12,  I,  note. 

2.  Cato  maior.  Cicero's  work  on  old 
age.  He  thinks  he  ought  to  study  it  in 
order  to  learn  how  to  behave. 

3.  Stomachor  omnia,  'I  am  vexed 
at  everything.'  The  verb  does  not  often 
govern  an  accusative. 

Mihi  quidem  ^ePicorai:  cp.  Ep.  85, 
2,  note. 

Viderint  iuvenes,  'let  the  young  see 
to  this,'  with  a  reference  probably  to  the 
conspirators.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  14.  22,  2,  where 
they  are  called  '  illi  iuvenes,'  and  Philipp.  2. 
II,  26  'in  tot  hominibus  .  .  partim  adules- 
centibus.' 

4.  Mea  curabis,  'attend  to  my  affairs.' 
Cp.  Ep.  II,  3,  note,  for  this  sense  of  the 
fut. 

Seu  dictavi.  Boot  suspects  these  words. 
Cicero  he  thinks,  would  have  written  •  seu 
potius  dictavi.* 


Apposita  secunda  mensa,  'after  the 
last  course  had  been  put  on  table.'     Forcell. 

5.  Apud  Vestorium:  cp.  Ep,  108,3, 
note. 

Cogi  tab  am,  sc.  'cenare.*  The  imper- 
fect is  probably  the  epistolary  sense. 

6.  ir€i/T€Xot7roi/,  «the  last  of  five,' 
whom  I  have  met  here.  Boot  who,  how- 
ever, suggests  '  est  quidem  -iriVTikoiiros  hie ' 
=  Hirtius  solus  Puteolis  relictus  est  e  quinque 
illis  quos  olim  in  his  oris  offendi.  Probably 
Pansa,  Octavius,  Balbus,  and  Dolabella  or 
Philippus  were  the  other  four.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
14«  II.  2. 

7.  A^pos  ffoAus, 'great  folly' to  expect 
success. 

Istorum,  'of  Caesar's  friends:' 

8.  Talaria,  'our  winged  shoes,'  such 
as  Mercury  was  represented  as  wearing. 
Cicero  means  that  he  had  rather  fly  than 
again   experience   camp    life   as   in   49-48 

B.C. 

Videamus,  'let  us  prepare'  (Forcell.)  or. 
•  provide.* 

Quam  castra,  sc.  '  experiamur.' 

9.  Octavii  contionem.  Apparently  a 
speech  in  which  he  declared  that  he  would 
accept  Caesar's  inheritance.  It  seems  to 
have  been  delivered  early  in  May.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  14.  20,  5,  and  15.  2,  3,  with  Dion  Cas- 
sius 45,  6. 

10.  Ecquid  .  .  tinniat,  'jingles  any 
money.*  On  Cicero's  anxiety  about  the 
debts  owing  to  him,  cp.  Merivale,  3.  63. 

11.  An  .  .  fecerit,  'or  has  declared  an 
abolition  of  debts  with  regard  to  my  private 
account,'  as  before  with  regard  to  debts  in 
general.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  5  ;  Ad  Att, 
II.  23,  3. 


M   m    2 


1 


532 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


113.    TO    MATIUS(AD   FAM.    XI.    27). 
TuscuLUM,  May  28,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I  I  was  sorry  to  hear  from  Trebatius  that  you  were  discontented  with  me.  2.  I 
reckon  you  onVof  my  oldest  friends,  and  though  we  were  separated  for  --y jears 
Twas  much  indebted  to  your  good  offices  with  Caesar  before  the  c.v.l  war,  3.  and  to 
you  advice  and  4.  sympathy  during  its  earlier  events.  5.  After  my  -turn  to  Rome 
you  did  all  you  could  to  keep  up  a  good  understanding  between  Caesar  and  me^  6^ 
in  these  well-known  services  and  the  pleasure  I  have  derived  from  your  soaety.  mak 
me  wonder  that  you  should  have  suspected  me  of  any  breach  of  friendship.  ^\ 
III.  defend  your  conduct.  8.  But  you  must  be  aware  that  your  respect  for  Caesar  s 
„  is  opel  to  two  constructions.  I  always  represent  it  in  the  most  favourable 
light,  and  I  hope  this  letter  will  remove  your  suspicions  of  me. 

[M.]  CICERO  MATIO  SAL. 

Nondum  satis  constitui  molestiaene  plus  an  voluptatis  attulerit  1 

mihi  Trebatius  noster,  homo  cum  plenus  officii,  tum  utrmsque 

nostrum  amantissimus ;  nam  cum  in  Tusculanum  vesperi  venis- 

sem,  postridie  ille  ad  me,  nondum  satis  firmo  corpora  cum  esset, 

5  mane  venit ;  quem  cum  obiurgarem,  quod  parum  valetudmi  par- 
ceret    tum  ille,  nihil   sibi  longius  fuisse,  quam  ut  me  videret. 
'  Num  quidnam '  inquam '  novi  ? '    Detulit  ad  me  querelam  tuam, 
de  qua  prius  quam  respondeo  pauca  proponam.  Quantum  memona  2 
repetere  praeterita  possum,  nemo  est  mihi  te  amicus  antiquior ; 

10  sed  vetustas  habet  aliquid  commune  cum  multis,  amor  non  habet : 
dilexi  te,  quo  die  cognovi,  meque  a  te  diligi  iudicavi.  Tuus 
deinde  discessus,  isque  diuturnus,  ambitio  nostra  et  vitae  dissi- 


May  28.  We  learn  from  Ad  Att.  15. 4,  2 
that  Cicero  expected  to  reach  his  villa  at  Tus- 
culum  on  May  27,  and  this  letter  (cp.  §  l) 
seems  to  have  been  written  on  the  next  day. 

MATIO.  C.Matius  was  a  Roman  knight 
of  high  education  and  amiable  disposition. 
He   was   bom   about   84   B.C.,   and   seems 
to   have   spent   much   of    his   early   man- 
hood in  Greece.     On  his  return  to  Rome 
he  became  very  fjitimate  with  Caesar,  but 
was  not  a  keen  partisan,  and  after  Caesar's 
triumph  employed  his  influence   on  behalf 
of  members  of  the  vanquished  party.     Our 
principal  knowledge  of  him  is  derived  from 
this  letter,  and  from  Matius'  answer  (Ep. 
144).     Cicero   praises  his  talents   and    dis- 
position  very   highly  Ad    Fam.    7.   15.  .2. 
*C.  Matii  suavissimi  doctissimique  homuiis. 
Cp.  Orell.  Onom. 

I.  Attulerit,  *  adferre'  is  used  most  pro- 


perly of  a  letter  or  message,  but  also  of  the 
feelings  called   out    by  it  in   the   receiver. 

Andr. 

2.  Trebatius :  cp.  Ep.  27,  i,  note. 

6.  Nihil .  .  longius  fuisse.  Forcell.  says 
that  *  nihil  mihi  est  longius '  =  *  nihil  magis 
cupio.'  A  similar  phrase  occurs  In  Verr.  2 
Act.  4.  18,  39,  and  Pro  Rab.  Post.  12,  35. 

7.  Querelam  tuam.  Cicero  had  appa- 
rently spoken  wiih  displeasure  of  the  regard 
which  Matius  continued  to  shew  for  Caesar's 
memory  (cp.  Ep.  105,  i;  122,  i);  and 
Matius  had  been  hurt  by  his  remarks. 

10.  Vetustas,  'length  of  acquaintance.' 

12.  Discessus.  Probably  Matius' retire- 
ment to  Greece.  See  note  on  MATIO  above. 

Ambitio  nostra,*  wy  ambition.'  Cicero 
chose  a  public  life. 

Dissimilitudo.  Matius  had  not  taken 
part  in  public  aflfairs  like  Cicero.     Manut. 


CI 


\ 


\ 


I 


EP.  113.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XI,  27.     533 

militudo  non  est  passa  voluntates  nostras  consuetudine  conglu- 
tinari ;  tuum  tamen  erga  me  animum  agnovi  multis  annis  ante 
bellum  civile,  cum  Caesar  esset  in  Gallia :  quod  enim  vehementer 
mihi  utile  esse  putabas  nee  inutile  ipsi  Caesari,  perfecisti,  ut  ille 
me  diligeret,  coleret,  haberet  in  suis.  Multa  praetereo,  quae  5 
temporibus  illis  inter  nos  familiarissime  dicta,  scripta,  commu- 

3  nicata  sunt ;  graviora  enim  consecuta  sunt.     Ktemm  initio  belli 
civilis  cum  Brundisium  versus  ires  ad  Caesarem,  venisti  ad  me  in 

'  Formianum.     Primum  hoc  ipsum  quanti,  praesertim  temporibus 
illis !     Deinde  oblitum  me  putas  consilii,  sermonis,  humanitatis  10 
tuae  ?  quibus  rebus  interesse  memini  Trebatium.     Nee  vero  sum 
oblitus  litterarum  tuarum,  quas  ad  me  misisti,  cum  Caesari  ob- 

4  viam  venisses  in  agro,  ut  arbitror,  Trebulano.  Secutum  illud 
tempus  est,  cum  me  ad  Pompeium  proficisci  sive  pudor  meus 
coegit  sive  officium  sive  fortuna :  quod  officium  tuum,  quod  stu-  15 
dium  vel  in  absentem  me  vel  in  praesentes  meos  defuit?  quem 
porro  omnes  mei  et  mihi  et  sibi  te  amiciorem  iudicaverunt .? 
Veni  Brundisium  :  oblitumne  me  putas,  qua  celeritate,  ut  primum 
audieris,  ad  me  Tarento  advolaris.?  quae  tua  fuerit  adsessio, 
oratio,   confirmatio    animi    mei   fracti    communium   miseriarum  20 

smetu?     Tandem  aliquando  Romae  esse  coepimus:  quid  defuit 
nostrae  familiaritati  ?     In  maximis  rebus  quonam  modo  gererem 


2.  Multis  annis.  On  the  ablat.,  cp. 
Ep.  15,  15,  note. 

7.  Etenim.  Wesenb.  thinks  that  this 
word  is  out  of  place  here,  and  retains  '  et  *  = 
'  both,'  supposing  that  there  is  an  anacolu- 
thon,  the  corresponding  clause  being  '  secu- 
tum illud  tempus  est.' 

8.  Cum  Brundisium  .  .  .  Caesa- 
rem, 'when  you  were  travelling  towards 
Brundisium  to  meet  Caesar '  in  the  spring  of 
49  B.C.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  15,  6;  9.  17,  I. 

In  Formianum,  'to  my  estate  at  For- 
miae.'  On  which,  cp.  Appendix  5,  §  I ;  and 
on  the  visit  of  Matius,  Ad  Att.  9.  11,  2. 
Matius  left  on  Cicero*s  mind  the  impression 
that  he  was  anxious  for  peace,  and  disgusted 
with  many  of  Caesar's  adherents. 

9.  Hoc  ipsum,  '  your  visiting  me  at 
all' 

12.  Litterarum  tuarum.  I  now  think 
that  a  letter  from  Matius  and  Trebatius  to 
Cicero  transcribed  in  one  to  Atticus  may  be 
the  one  referred  to.  It  seems  to  have  been 
written  before  they  met  Caesar.  Andr.  re- 
marks  that   this    meeting    of  Matius   and 


Caesar  occurred  when  Caesar  was  moving 
from  Brundisium  to  Rome,  49  B.C.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  9.  15,  6. 

13.  In  .  .  Trebulano.  There  were 
three  places  in  central  Italy  called  Trebula ; 
two  in  the  Sabine  country  and  one,  probably 
that  here  referred  to,  on  the  borders  of 
Samnium  and  Campania,  about  ten  miles 
N.E.  of  Casilinum.  The  last  mentioned  is 
now  called  Treglia. 

14.  Pudor  meus,  '  my  regard  for  public 
opinion.'     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  5. 

15.  Sive  officium,  *  or  gratitude  to 
Pompey.*     . 

16.  In  praesentes  meos, 'to  my  family 
who  remained  at  Rome.' 

18.  Veni  Brundisium  :  i.e.  after  the 
battle  of  Pharsalus.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  III, 
§  10;  IV,  §  I. 

19.  Quae  tua  .  .  adsessio,  'how  you 
gave  me  the  comfort  of  your  presence.' 
The  word  '  adessio '  seems  only  to  be  found 
here. 

21.  Tandem  aliquando  :  i.e.  after 
eleven  months.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  i. 


534 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


me  adversus  Caesarem  usus  tuo  consilio  sum,  in  reliquis  officio : 
cui  tu  tribuisti  excepto  Caesare  praeter  me,  ut  domum  ventitares 
horasque  multas  saepe  suavissimo  sermone  consumeres?  tum, 
cum  etiam,  si  meministi,  ut  haec  (t)LKoao(poviJL€va  scriberem,  tu  me 

5  impulisti.     Post  Caesaris  reditum,  quid  tibi  maiori  curae  fuit, 
quam  ut  essem  ego  illi  quam  familiarissimus  ?   quod  efifeceras. 
Quorsum  igitur  haec  oratio  longior,  quam  putaram  ?     Quia  sum  6 
admiratus  te,  qui  haec  nosse  deberes,  quicquam  a  me  commissum, 
quod  esset  alienum  nostra  amicitia,  credidisse  :  nam  praeter  haec, 

10  quae  commemoravi,  quae  testata  sunt  et  illustria,  habeo  multa 
occultiora,  quae  vix  verbis  exsequi  possum.  Omnia  me  tua 
delectant,  sed  maxime  [maxima]  cum  fides  in  amicitia,  consihum 
gravitas,  constantia,  tum  lepos,  humanitas,  litterae.  Quapropter 
redeo  nunc  ad  querelam.     Ego  te  sufifragium  tulisse  in  ilia  lege  7 

15  primum  non  credidi ;  deinde,  si  credidissem,  numquam,  id  sine 
aliqua  iusta  causa  existimarem  te  fecisse.  Dignitas  tua  facit,  ut 
animadvertatur,  quicquid  facias ;  malevolentia  autem  hominum, 
ut  non  nulla  durius,  quam  a  te  facta  sint,  proferantur :  ea  tu  si 
non  audis,  quid  dicam  nescio;  equidem,  si  quando  audio,  tam 

20  defendo^  quam  me  scio  a  te  contra  iniquos  meos  solere  defendi. 
Defensio  autem  est  duplex  :  alia  sunt,  quae  liquido  negare  soleam, 


I.  In  reliquis,  sc. 'rebus.'  Cicero  means 
that  he  shewed  independence  on  points 
which  Caesar  did  not  consider  of  vital  im- 
portance. Cp.  Abeken  339,  and  note  ;  also 
Ad  Fam.  9.  16,  3  '  ut  enim  olim  arbitrabar 
esse  meum  libere  loqui,  cuius  opera  esset  in 
civitate  libertas,  sic  ea  nunc  amissa  nihil 
loqui  quod  offendat  aut  illius  aut  eorum  qui 
ab  illo  diliguntur  voluntatem.  EfFugere 
autem  si  velim  non  nullorum  acute  aut 
facete  dictorum  famam,  fama  ingenii  mihi 
sit  abiicienda.'  Cicero  also,  perhaps,  refers 
to  his  intercession  for  Marcellus  and  Ligarius. 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  4,  4,  3;  4.  7-1 1  ;  6.  13  and 

4.  <ptKo<TO(povfi€va.  Among  them 
were  probably  the  treatises  called  Academica, 
De  Finibus,  and  Tusculanae  Disputationes. 
See  the  list  of  his  works  at  the  beginniug  of 
this  edition. 

5.  Post  Caesaris  reditum,  'after 
Caesar's  return  from  Spain '  in  45  b.c.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  12. 

6.  Effeceras  =  ' effecisti.*  But  Andr. 
thinks  that  the  pluperfect  has  its  ordinary 
force  here,  and  means  *  you  had  already  re- 
conciled Caesar  to   me,  and  continued  to 


promote  good  feeling  between  us.* 

10.  Testata  :  cp.  Ep.  8,  2,  note. 

11.  Occultiora,  'more  secret  grounds'  or 
*  ties  of  friendship.' 

Omnia  .  .  tua,  '  all  your  qualities.' 

13.  Lepos,  '  wit,'  'grace.'     Billerb. 

14.  Querelam:  cp.  §  i,  note.  Wesenb. 
has  Quapropter — redeo  nunc  ad  querelam — 
which  perhaps  makes  better  sense.  Andr. 
adopts  the  same  punctuation. 

In  ilia  lege:  i.e.  about  Caesar's  law  for 
the  settlement  of  debts.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part 
III,  §  8;  Appendix  9,  i.  Cicero  had  pro- 
bably heard  Matius  accused  of  supporting  it 
from  selfish  motives,  though  in  reality  his 
property  had  been  impaired  by  it.  Cp.  Ep. 
114,  2. 

19.  Quid  dicam  nescio, 'I  do  not  know 
what  to  say,*  '  how  to  explain  the  news  fail- 
ing to  reach  you.' 

20.  Iniquos,  used  as  a  substantive  =  ' ill 
wishers.'  Cp.  Pro  Plancio  16,  40  '  iniquos 
.  .  meos. 

21.  Defensio  ..  est  duplex, 'my advo- 
cacy takes  two  forms.' 

Liquido,  'confidently,*  '  outright.'  For- 
cell.     The  word  occurs  also  Ep.  40,  I. 


li 


EP.  114.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XI.2i.    535 

Ut  de  isto  ipso  suffragio  ;  alia,  quae  defendam  a  te  pie  fieri  et 
8  humane,  ut  de  curatione  ludorum.  Sed  te,  hominem  doctissimum, 
non  fugit,  si  Caesar  rex  fuerit— quod  mihi  quidem  videtur— ,  in 
utramque  partem  de  tuo  officio  disputari  posse,  vel  in  eam,  qua 
ego  soleo  uti,  laudandam  esse  fidem  et  humanitatem  tuam,  qui  s 
amicum  etiam  mortuum  diligas,  vel  in  eam,  qua  non  nulli  utuntur, 
libertatem  patriae  vitae  amici  anteponendam.  Ex  his  sermonibus 
utinam  essent  delatae  ad  te  disputationes  meae !  Ilia  vero  duo, 
quae  maxima  sunt  laudum  tuarum,  quis  aut  libentius  quam  ego 
commemorat  aut  saepius?  te  et  non  suscipiendi  belli  civilis  gra-  lo 
vissimum  auctorem  fuisse  et  moderandae  victoriae,  in  quo,  qui 
mihi  non  adsentiretur,  inveni  neminem.  Qua  re  habeo  gratiam 
Trebatio,  familiari  nostro,  qui  mihi  dedit  causam  harum  litte- 
rarum,  quibus  nisi  credideris,  me  omnis  officii  et  humanitatis 
expertem  iudicaris ;  quo  nee  mihi  gravius  quicquam  potest  esse  15 
nee  te  alienius. 


114.     MATIUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XI.  28). 
Rome,  end  of  May,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  as  I  supposed  you  do  not  believe  the  charges  made 
against  me,  and  I  thank  you  for  contradicting  them.  2.  I  am  aware  that  men  call  me 
a  bad  citizen  for  shewing  regret  for  my  friend ;  but  in  Caesar  I  loved  the  man,  not  the 
politician ;  I  gained  nothing  by  his  triumph,  and  exerted  myself  on  behalf  of  the  con- 
quered. 3.  I  may  therefore  fairly  grieve  for  his  death,  though  our  so-called  liberators 
are  anxious  to  suppress  freedom  of  speech  on  the  subject.  4.  I  will  never  be  false  to 
the  claims  of  gratitude,  but  am  anxious  for  peace  and  order  5.  as  my  whole  past  life 
may  testify.     6.  I  helped  the  young  Caesar  to  celebrate  his  games  out  of  regard  both 


1.  De  ..  suffragio,  'about  your  alleged 
support  of  Caesar's  law  already  referred  to.' 
Cp.  note  on  1.  14  of  the  preceding  page. 

Defendam,  '  I  maintain.'   Nagelsb.  I03, 

279. 

Pie  .  .  et  humane,  'from  devotion  to 
Caesar,  and  from  good  feeling.' 

2.  De  curatione  ludorum.  Cicero 
had  expressed  a  different  opinion  to  Atticus. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  2,  3  'ludorum  .  .  apparatus 
et  Matius  et  Postumus  mihi  procuratores  non 
placent.'  On  the  games  in  question,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  4. 

3.  In  utramque  partem  .  .  posse, 
*  that  opposite  views  may  be  taken  of  the 
propriety  of  your  conduct.'  But  Andr.  ex- 
plains '  officium'  as  =  curatio  ludorum. 


8.  Ilia  vero  duo.  On 'ilia'  referring 
to  something  following,  cp.  Ep.  5,  3,  note. 

9.  Maxima  ..  laudum.  On  the  neut. 
plural  of  adjectives  referring  to  substan- 
tives of  another  gender,  cp.  Madv.  211b, 
Obs.  I. 

10.  Te  et  non  .  .  victoriae  :  cp.  Ad 
Att.  9.  II,  2  'Matius  .  .  homo  mehercule 
ut  mihi  visus  est  temperatus  et  prudens; 
existimatus  quidem  est  semper  auctor  otii.' 

13.  Causam  harum  litterarum,  *a 
reason  for  writing  this  letter,  gen.  object. 
On  which,  cp.  Ep.  16,  3,  note.  ^ 

16.  Te  alienius.      The  omission  of  *a 
before  'te'   is   strange,   but    Forcell.  ^gives 
parallel  instances.     Wesenb.  inserts  '  a.* 


/ 


( 


( 


r 


^53^ 


M.  TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  v. 


for  himself  and  for  his  uncle.  7.  My  visits  to  Antony  were  only  paid  out  of  courtesy, 
and  I  cannot  allow  any  one  to  dictate  to  me  in  my  choice  of  friends :  Caesar  never 
did  so.  8.  I  shall  probably  pass  the  rest  of  my  life  at  Rhodes.  I  am  grateful  to 
Trebatius  for  making  me  acquainted  with  your  disposition,  and  placing  our  friendship 


on  a  firmer  footing. 


MATIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

Magnam  voluptatem  ex  tuis  litteris  cepi,  quod,  quam  speraram  1 
atque  optaram,  habere  te  de  me  opinionem  cognovi ;  de  qua  etsi 
non  dubitabam,  tamen,  quia  maximi  aestimabam,  ut  incorrupta 
maneret,  laborabam.    Conscius  autem  mihi  eram  nihil  a  me  com- 

5  missum  esse,  quod  boni  cuiusquam  offenderet  animum  ;  eo  minus 
credebam  plurimis  atque  optimis  artibus  ornato  tibi  temere  quic- 
quam  persuaderi  potuisse,  praesertim  in  quem  mea  propensa  et 
perpetua  fuisset  atque  esset  benevolentia ;  quod  quoniam,  ut  volui, 
scio  esse,  respondebo  criminibus,  quibus  tu  pro  me,  ut  par  erat  tua 

10  singulari  bonitate  et  amicitia  nostra,  saepe  restitisti.    Nota  enim  2 
mihi  sunt,  quae  in  me  post  Caesaris  mortem  contulerint :  vitio 
mihi  dant,  quod  mortem  hominis  necessarii  graviter  fero  atque 
eum,  quem  dilexi,  perisse  indignor ;  aiunt  enim  patriam  amicitiae 
praeponendam  esse,  proinde  ac  si  iam  vicerint  obitum  eius  rei 

15  publicae  fuisse  utilem.  Sed  non  agam  astute  :  fateor  me  ad  istum 
gradum  sapientiae  non  pervenisse  ;  neque  enim  Caesarem  in  dis- 
sensione  civili  sum  secutus,  sed  amicum,  quamquam  re  offendebar. 


7.  Propensa  •  inclined,' common.  For- 
cell. 

9.  Ut  par  erat,  *  as  was  becoming.' 
Miiller  thinks  the  ablative  'bonitate'  is 
causal,  but  the  punctuation  adopted  by 
Baiter  is  against  this.  In  a  fragment  of 
Sallust  (Hist.  4.  55)  we  find  '  scalas  pares 
moenium  altitudine:'  but  Dietsch  considers 
'  altitudine '  to  be  there  a  form  of  the  dative. 
Lambinus  (ap.  Baiter)  suggests  'pro  tua,'  and 
Siipfle  renders  '  considering  your  kindliness,' 
without  adding  '  pro.'  Andr.  quotes  de  Divin. 
2.  55,  114  '  ita  ut  constantibus  hominibus 
par  erat '  as  a  parallel  passage,  but  allows 
that  the  conibination  is  rare. 

10.  Nota  .  .  sunt,  'I  am  well  aware.' 
A  kind  of  attraction  for  'notum  est.' 
Siipfle. 

Enim  refers  to  §  7  of  the  previous  letter, 

•  ea  tu  si  non  audis.'      It  may  be  translated 

•  yt%^  certainly.' 

11.  Contulerint,  sc.  'homines.*  The 
conj.  is  used  as  though  *  notum  est '  had 


gone  before.     Andr. 

14.  Proinde  ac  si,  'just  as  if.'  'Perinde* 
is  more  common.     Cp.  Zumpt,  L.  G.  282. 

Vicerint,  'they  had  proved.'  For  this 
sense  of  '  vincere '  Andr.  quotes,  among 
other  passages,  Pro  Cluent.  44,  I24*vince 
delude  virum  bonum  fuisse  Oppianicum.'  On 
the  tense,  cp,  Madv.  349  ;  also  Ad  Fam. 
16,  5,  I  •  tam  te  diligit  quam  si  vixerit  te- 
cum.* 

15.  Astute, '  artfully,' '  evasively.'  Cp.  p. 
370,1.18.  Matius  was  unwilling  to  defend  his 
conduct  on  any  other  ground  than  the  real 
one  of  his  friendship  for  Caesar. 

Istum  gradum  sapientiae,  'such  a 
height  of  philosophy,' as  to  prefer  the  claims 
of  the  State  to  those  of  friendship. 

16.  In  dissensione  civili,  *  as  the  head 
of  one  side  in  a  civil  war.' 

17.  Quamquam  re  offendebar,*  though 
I  was  not  pleased  with  the  affair.*  Billtrb. 
Perhaps  he  thought  Caesar  might  have  given 
way. 


EP.  114.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XL  2^,    537 

tamen  non  deserui,  neque  bellum  umquam  civile  aut  etiam  causam 
dissensionis  probavi,  quam  etiam  nascentem  exstingui  summe 
studui.  Itaque  in  victoria  hominis  necessarii  neque  honoris  neque 
pecuniae  dulcedine  sum  captus,  quibus  praemiis  reliqui,  minus 
apud  eum  quam  ego  cum  possent,  immoderate  sunt  abusi.  Atque  5 
etiam  res  familiaris  mea  lege  Caesaris  deminuta  est,  cuius  bene- 
ficio  plerique,  qui  Caesaris  morte  laetantur,  remanserunt  in 
civitate.     Civibus  victis  ut  parceretur,  aeque  ac  pro  mea  salute 

3  laboravi.  Possum  igitur,  qui  omnes  voluerim  incolumes,  eum,  a 
quo  id  impetratum  est,  perisse  non  indignari?  cum  praesertim  10 
idem  homines  illi  et  invidiae  et  exitio  fuerint.  *  Plecteris  ergo,' 
inquiunt  *  quoniam  factum  nostrum  improbare  audes.'  O  super- 
biam  inauditam,  alios  in  facinore  gloriari,  aliis  ne  dolere  quidem 
impunite  licere !  at  haec  etiam  servis  semper  libera  fuerunt,  ut 
timerent,  gauderent,  dolerent  suo  potius  quam  alterius  arbitrio ;  15 
quae  nunc,  ut  quidem  isti  dictitant  libertatis  auctores,  metu  nobis 

4  extorquere  conantur.  Sed  nihil  agunt.  Nullius  umquam  periculi 
terroribus  ab  officio  aut  ab  humanitate  desciscam;  numquam 
enim  honestam  mortem  fugiendam,  saepe  etiam  oppetendam 
putavi.  Sed  quid  mihi  succensent,  si  id  opto,  ut  paeniteat  eos  20 
sui  facti?  cupio  enim  Caesaris  mortem  omnibus  esse  acerbam. 
*At  debeo  pro  civili  parte  rem  publicam  velle  salvam.'  Id 
quidem  me  cupere,  nisi  et  ante  acta  vita  et  reliqua  mea  spes 


1.  Causam  dissensionis.  Probably  he 
means  Caesar's  claim  to  retain  the  govern- 
ment of  Gaul. 

2.  Quam,  sc.  '  dissensionem.'  Cp.,  on 
what  follows,  note  on  §  3  of  the  previous 
letter. 

4.  Reliqui,  i.e.  Caesar's  other  adherents. 

6.  Lege  Caesaris  :  cp.  §  7  of  the 
previous  letter. 

Cuius  legis  beneficio  .  .  .  civitate. 
Many  embarrassed  men  were  probably  re- 
lieved by  Caesar's  legislation  from  the  ne- 
cessity of  going  into  exile. 

11.  Idem  homines.  Some  of  those 
whom  Caesar  spared  apparently.  Perhaps 
Cassius  may  be  especially  referred  to.  Cae- 
sar's old  partisans  may  have  been  offended 
by  the  consideration  he  shewed  for  their 
opponents;  on  which  cp.  Ep.  91,  10. 

12.  Inquiunt,  *the  murderers  say.* 

13.  Alios  .  .  gloriari.  Infin.  expressing 
indignation.     Cp.  Ep.  12,  i,  note. 

In  facinore,  'about  their  crime.*  Cp. 
Ep.  36,  13,  note. 


14.  Impunite, appears  to  occur  here  only. 

Haec,  'the  following  privileges.'  Cp. 
Madv.  485  b. 

Ut  timerent:  cp.  Madv.  374,  on  the 
construction. 

16.  Ut  quidem  .  .  auctores,  'the  au- 
thors, as  they  profess  themselves,  of  liberty.* 
In  substance,  Andr. 

Metu,  'by  intimidation.*  'Metus  acci- 
pitur  turn  active  turn  passive.'     Forcell. 

17.  Nihil  agunt,  '  they  fail,' =  *  frustra 
operam  dant.'     Forcell. 

21.  Cupio  ..  acerbam.  Forthisuseof 
the  accus.  and  infin.  cp.  p.  98,  1.  18, 
note. 

22.  Pro  civili  parte,  'as  much  as  a 
citizen  can.'  Ernest,  ap.  Matth.;  'pro  civis 
officio.'     Manut. 

Rem  publicam  velle  salvam.  On 
the  omission  of  *  esse,'  cp.  Madv.  396,  Obs. 
2  ;  Zumpt.  L.  G.  611. 

23.  Reliqua  .  .  spes,  'my  hope  for  the 
future,'  Siipfle ;  '  the  hope  I  have  left  after 
Caesar's  death,'  Andr. 


/ 


1 


538 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


tacente  me  probat,  dicendo  vincere  non  postulo.    Qua  re  maiorem  5 
in  modum  te  rogo,  ut  rem  potiorem  oratione  ducas  mihique,  si 
sentis  expedire  recte    fieri,  credas   nullam  communionem   cum 
improbis  esse  posse.     An,  quod  adulescens  praestiti,  cum  etiam 

5  errare  cum  excusatione  possem,  id  nunc,  aetate  praecipitata,  com- 
mutem  ac  me  ipse  retexam  ?  Non  faciam,  neque  quod  displiceat 
committam,  praeterquam  quod  hominis,  mihi  coniunctissimi  ac 
viri  amplissimi  doleo  gravem  casum.  Quod  si  aliter  essem  ani- 
matus,  numquam   quod   facerem   negarem,  ne   et  in   peccando 

10  improbus    et   in   dissimulando    timidus   ac    vanus   existimarer. 
'  At  ludos,  quos  Caesaris  victoriae  Caesar  adulescens  fecit,  cu-  e 
ravi/     At  id  ad  privatum  officium,  non  ad  statum  rei  publicae 
pertinet ;   quod  tamen  munus  et  hominis  amicissimi  memoriae 
atque  honoribus  praestare  etiam  mortui  debui,  et  optimae  spei 

15  adulescenti   ac  dignissimo   Caesare   petenti   negare   non   potui. 
Veni  etiam  consulis  Antonii  domum  saepe  salutandi  causa ;  ad  7 
quem  qui  me  parum  patriae  amantem  esse  existimant  rogandi 
quidem  aliquid  aut  auferendi  causa  frequentes  ventitare  reperies. 
Sed  quae  haec  est  adrogantia,quod  Caesar  numquam  interpellavit, 

20  quin,  quibus  vellem  atque  etiam  quos  ipse  non  diligebat,  tamen 


1.  Dicendo  vincere  :  cp.  'vicerint' 
in  §  2. 

2.  Rem  potiorem,  foil.,  'that  you  will 
give  more  weight  to  things  th<;n  to  words.' 
Matins  appeals  to  his  life  as  contradicting 
the  remarks  of  his  enemies.  But  Andr.,  re- 
ferring to  '  dicendo  vincere  non  postulo ' 
above,  thinks  that  the  words  mean  *  give 
more  weight  to  facts  than  to  my  words.' 

3.  Recte  fieri,  'that  things  should  go 
on  well,'  •  that  law  and  justice  should  prevail.' 

5.  Aetate  praecipitata,  'now  that 
my  life  has  passed  its  middle  point,'  '  is 
drawing  near  its  close.'     Forcell. 

6.  Me  ipse  retexam.  A  harsh  ex- 
pression. Cp.  In  Verr.  2  Act.  2.  26,  63 
'  istius  praeturam  retexere.*  Matins  means 
*  undo  the  work  of  my  life.* 

Non  faciam,  sc.  *ita '  or  *hoc.*  *  Facio' 
is  often  used  without  an  accusative  follow- 
ing it. 

Quod  displiceat,  sc. 'alicui,'  'anything 
likely  to  give  offence.'     SUpfle. 

7.  Praeterquam  quod  .  .  casum, 
•except  in  lamenting  the  death  of  an 
intimate  friend  and  a  most  eminent  man.' 
This,  Matius  means,  would  be  the  only 
part  of  his  conduct  that  could  offend 
anybody.     'Praeterquam  quod '  = ' excepto 


eo  quod.'     Cp.   Forcell. ;  also  Ad  Q.  F.  2. 
14,  I. 

8.  Si  aliter  essem  animatus,  'if  I 
were  otherwise  disposed,'  i.e.  *  if  I  wished 
to  promote  disorder.*  '  Animatus '  =  5ta«€i- 
IJi€vos.     Forcell. 

10.  Vanus, 'false.* 

11.  Ludos.  These  games  were  pro- 
perly in  honour  of  Venus  Genitrix,  to  whom 
Caesar  vowed  a  temple  on  the  day  of  Phar- 
salus,  but  their  real  object  was  to  com- 
memorate the  victory.  Octavius  undertook 
to  celebrate  them,  but  Matius  and  others 
supplied  the  necessary  funds.  Cp.  Suet.  Oct. 
10  ;  Drumann  i.  125. 

Victoriae,  'in  honour  of  the  victory.* 
Madv.  241. 

Caesar  adulescens,  sc.  Octavius. 

19,  Quae  haec  est  adrogantia  .  .  eos 
,  .  conari.  These  words  are  to  be  taken 
together.  On  the  use  of  the  accus.  and  inf. 
in  such  a  passage,  cp.  p.  84,  1.  i,  note.  The 
words  from  quod  Caesar  to  uterer  are 
parenthetic,  and  '  quod  *  may  be  rendered 
'  whereas,'  or  perhaps  '  though.'  Forcell. 
Cp.  De  Amic.  24,  90  *  [se]  obiurgari  mo- 
leste  ferunt :  quod  contra  oportebat  delicto 
dolere.' 

Interpellavit,   'interfered  with.'     Cp. 


^J 


EP.  115.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIL\,     539 

lis  uterer,  eos,  qui  mihi  amicum  eripuerunt,  carpendo  me  efficere 
8  conari,  ne,  quos  velim,  diligam  ?  Sed  non  vereor  ne  aut  meae 
vitae  modestia  parum  valitura  sit  in  posterum  contra  falsos 
rumores,  aut  ne  etiam  ii,  qui  me  non  amant  propter  meam  in 
Caesarem  constantiam,  non  malint  mei  quam  sui  similes  amicos  5 
habere.  Mihi  quidem  si  optata  contingent,  quod  reliquum  est 
vitae,  in  otio  Rhodi  degam ;  sin  casus  aliquis  interpellarit,  ita 
ero  Romae,  ut  recte  fieri  semper  cupiam.  Trebatio  'nostro 
magnas  ago  gratias,  quod  tuum  erga  me  animum  simplicem  atque 
amicum  aperuit  et  quod  eum,  quem  semper  libenter  dilexi,  quo  10 
magis  iure  colere  atque  observare  deberem,  fecit.  Bene  vale  et 
me  dilige. 


115.    To  C.  CASSIUS  (AD  FAM.  XII.  i). 
End  OF  May,  44  b.c.  {710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  think  constantly  of  you  and  of  Brutus.  You  two  and  D.  Brutus  are  the  main 
hopes  of  the  State.  I  have  been  cheered  lately  by  Dolabella's  vigour,  but  on  the  whole 
your  deed  seems  to  have  relieved  us  of  a  monarch,  but  not  of  monarchy.  2.  Do  not 
think,  then,  that  you  have  done  enough,  and  do  not  plead  against  me  the  decree  which 
present  need  extorted  from  us  on  March  17. 

CICERO  CASSIO  SAL. 

1  Finem  nullam  facio,  mihi  crede,  Cassi,  de  te  et  Bruto  nostro, 
id  est  de  tota  re  publica,  cogitandi,  cuius  omnis  spes  in  vobis 
est  et  in  D.  Bruto ;  quam  quidem  iam  habeo  ipse  meliorem,  re  15 


the    next  section    'sin   casus   aliquis   inter- 
pellarit.' 

2.  Ne  .  .  valitura  sit.  The  fut.  conj.  is 
rarely  found  after  *  non  vereor  ne,'  but 
•  vereor'  may  mean  'to  expect  with  anxiety, 
and  the  first  subordinate  clause  is  referred  to 
the  future  by  the  words  '  in  posterum.' 
Andr. 

4.  Aut  ne,  for  'aut'  as  though  'aut 
ne '  went  before  instead  of '  ne  aut.*     Andr. 

Etiam  ii,  i.e.  'even  Caesar's  mur- 
derers.* 

5.  Mei  quam  sui  similes.  Matius 
contrasts  his  own  fidelity  with  the  treachery 
of  several  of  Caesar's  murderers,  who  had 
received  great  benefits  from  him. 

10.  Aperuit.  By  causing  Cicero  to 
write  to  Matius.     Andr. 

Libenter  dilexi.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12. 16, 
I  •  ut  lubenter  quoque  diligamus.'     Andr. 


Quo  magis.  *  Quo  '  is  found  at  times 
with  comparatives  for  '  ut '  with  verbs  like 
•  facio.* 

II.  Bene  vale.  Cicero  himself  never 
uses  this  expression,  but  it  is  found  in  a 
letter  of  Curius,  Ad  Fam.  7.  29,  2. 

This  lettej-  was  written  after  the  suppres- 
sion of  disorder  by  Dolabella,  and  apparently 
before  the  meeting  of  the  senate  on  June  i. 
to  which  Cicero  does  not  refer.  Cp.  Intr. 
to  Part  V,  §§  3  and  4.  On  C.  Cassius,  cp. 
Intr.  to  Parts  II,  §§  16 and 20;  IV,  §  3;  V, 
passim. 

15.  Quam  quidem,  sc.  '  spem.* 
Re    publica  .  .  gesta,  'now  that  the 
measures  of  my  dear   Dolabella  have  done 
excellent    service   to   the   State.'     On   the 
measures  referred  to,  cp.  Ep.  ill,  notes. 


z 


540 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


publica  a  Dolabella  meo  praeclarissime  gesta :  manabat  enim 
illud  malum  urbanum  et  ita  conroborabatur  quotidie,  ut  ego  qui- 
dem  et  urbi  et  otio  diffiderem  urbano  ;  sed  ita  compressa  res  est, 
ut  mihi  videamur  omne  iam  ad  tempus  ab  illo  dumtaxat  sordi- 

5  dissimo  periculo  tuti  futuri.  Reliqua  magna  sunt  ac  multa,  sed 
posita  omnia  in  vobis :  quamquam  primum  quidque  explicemus. 
Nam,  ut  adhuc  quidem  actum  est,  non  regno,  sed  rege  liberati 
videmur ;  interfecto  enim  rege  regios  omnes  nutus  tuemur.  Ne- 
que  vero  id  solum,  sed  etiam,  quae  ipse  ille,  si  viveret,  non  faceret, 

10  ea  nos  quasi  cogitata  ab  illo  probamus.  Nee  eius  quidem  rei 
finem  video:  tabulae  figuntur;  immunitates  dantur ;  pecuniae 
maximae  discribuntur ;  exsules  reducuntur ;  senatus  consulta  falsa 
referuntur  :  ut  tantum  modo  odium  illud  hominis  impuri  et  servi- 
tutis  dolor  depulsus  esse  videatur,  res  publica  iaceat  in  iis  pertur- 

15  bationibus,  in  quas  eam  ille  coniecit.     Haec  omnia  vobis  sunt  2 
expedienda,  nee  hoc  cogitandum,  satis  iam  habere  rem  publicam 
a  vobis :  habet  ilia  quidem  tantum,  quantum  numquam  mihi  in 


1.  Manabat,  'was  spreading.*  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  2,  5  '  cum  serperet  in  urbe  infini- 
tum malum  idque  manaret  in  dies  latius.' 

2.  Illud  malum  urbanum,  '  the  well- 
known  disorder  in  the  capital.' 

4.  Ab  illo.  .  .  periculo,  'from  the 
most  degrading  danger  referred  to  above,* 
i.e.  that  of  mob  rule  at  Rome. 

Dumtaxat,  *  at  least.'  Forcell.  Cp.  p. 
78,  1.  14,  note. 

5.  Reliqua,  *  what  remains  for  us  to  do,* 
i.e.  to  establish  liberty  on  a  secure  basis. 

6.  Primum  quidque,  '  each  question  in 
proper  order.'  Cp.  Nagelsbach  92,  253. 
Cicero  hints,  perhaps,  that  some  provision 
for  the  establishment  of  liberty  should  have 
been  made  before  the  murder  of  Caesar  was 
resolved  on.  Cp.  Ep.  112,3  '  acta  enim  ilia 
res  est  animo  virili,  consilio  puerili.'  Manut. 
thinks  that  Cicero  means  that  to  put  down 
Antony  was  the  most  pressing  business. 

11.  Tabulae  figuntur, '  tablets  are  fixed 
up,'  purporting  to  record  grants  of  Caesar. 
The  senate,  with  Antony's  approval,  had 
decreed  that  no  such  tablets  should  be  fixed 
up  after  March  15.     Cp.  Philipp.  i.  i,  3. 

Immunitates,  'exemptions  from  taxa- 
tion.' Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  3 ;  Philipp.  l. 
10,  24  '  immunitatibus  infinitis  sublata  vecti- 
galia  a  mortuo.' 

12.  Discribuntur,  *  are  being  distri- 
buted.' Forcell.  prefers  the  form  'descri- 
buntur.' 


Exsules  reducuntur  :  cp.  Philipp.  1. 1,  c. 
'  de  exsilio  reducti  a  mortuo.'  Cicero  had 
commended  Antony  for  his  abstinence  from 
measures  such  as  these  during  the  period 
immediately  following  Caesar's  death.  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  I,  3. 

13.  Referuntur,  sc.  'ad  aerarium,' the 
formal  way  of  registering  decrees  of  the 
senate.  The  practice  as  to  the  custody  of 
the  decrees  of  the  senate  seems  to  have 
varied;  after  the  fall  of  the  decemvirs,  it 
was  provided  that  they  should  be  kept  in 
the  temple  of  Ceres,  under  the  custody  of 
the  aediles  of  the  plebs  (Livy  3.  55).  But 
afterwards  it  is  said  that  they  were  deposited 
in  the  treasury  (Tac.  Ann.  3.  51),  and  per- 
haps Cicero  (De  Legg.  3.  4)  describes  a 
similar  custom  as  existing  in  his  time.  Cp. 
also  Plut.  Cat.  Min.  17.  Dr.  Smith  (Diet,  of 
Antiq.  sub  voc.  '  aerarium ')  thinks  that 
copies  were  taken  for  the  *  aerarium '  of 
originals  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Ceres. 
That  the  measures  taken  for  reporting  and 
preserving  decrees  were  inadequate,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  plot  referred  to  in  Ep.  28, 
7,  and  note. 

Odium  .  .  et .  .  dolor  depulsus  .  .  vi- 
deatur. On  the  gender  and  number  of 
'depulsus,*  cp.  Madv.  213  a,  2;  214  a; 
Ep.  29,  7,  note.  There  is  a  zeugma  in 
sense,  '  we  seem  to  have  gratified  our  ha- 
tred, and  have  been  relieved  of  our  indig- 
nation.' 


EP.  116.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XI.  3.       54T 

mentem  venit  optare,  sed  contenta  non  est  et  pro  magnitudine 
et  animi  et  beneficii  vestri  a  vobis  magna  desiderat  adhuc.  Ulta 
suas  iniurias  est  per  vos  interitu  tyranni ;  nihil  amplius :  orna- 
menta  vero  sua  quae  reciperavit  ?  an  quod  ei  mortuo  paret,  quern 
vivum  ferre  non  poterat  ?  cuius  aera  refigere  debebamus,  eius  etiam  5 
chirographa  defendimus  ?  '  At  enim  ita  decrevimus.'  Fecimus  id 
quidem  temporibus  cedentes,  quae  valent  in  re  publica  plurimum  ; 
sed  immoderate  quidam  et  ingrate  nostra  facilitate  abutuntur. 
Verum  haec  propediem  et  multa  alia  coram  :  interim  velim  sic 
tibi  persuadeas,  mihi  cum  rei  publicae,  quam  semper  habui  carissi-  lo 
mam,  tum  amoris  nostri  causa  maximae  curae  esse  tuam  digni- 
tatem.    Da  operam,  ut  valeas.     [Vale.] 


116.    BRUTUS  AND  CASSIUS  to  ANTONY 

(AD  FAM.  XI.  3). 

Neapolis  (?),  August  4Th,  44  e.g.  (710  a.u.g.) 

I.  Your  letter,  like  your  proclamation,  is  unworthy  of  you.  We  only  asked  2,  3. 
leave  to  renounce  some  of  our  privileges  and  you  replied  by  threats.  They  will  have 
no  effect  upon  us,  and  perhaps  you  uttered  them  in  confidence  that  vsre  should  do 
nothing  hastily.  4.  We  wish  you  to  hold  an  honourable  position  in  a  free  Gommon- 
wealth,  but  value  our  own  freedom  more  than  your  friendship.  Remember  how  short 
Caesar's  reign  was,  and  reflect  on  your  own  position. 

BRUTUS  ET  CASSIUS  PR.  S.  D.  ANTONIO  COS. 

1      S.  v.  b.     Litteras  tuas  legimus  simillimas  edicti  tui,  contume- 
liosas,  minaces,  minime  dignas  quae  a  te  nobis  mitterentur.  Nos, 


2.  Adhuc.  With  the  following  words, 
cp.  Philipp.  2.  44,  113  'res  publica  quae  se 
adhuc  tantummodo  ulta  est,  nondum  recupe- 
ravit.'  Wesenb.  has  '  desiderat.  Adhuc  ulta.* 

3.  Ornamenta,    'privileges.'      Cp.  Ep. 

99»  2. 

5.  Aera,  •  the  tablets  recording  his  laws.' 
Refigere,  *  to  take  down  ;'  hence  *  aera 

refigere '  = '  to  repeal  the  laws  of.' 

6.  Chirographa,  'notes  in  his  hand- 
writing.' Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  3  ;  Philipp. 
2.  38,  97  'quid  ego  de  rommentariis  infini- 
tis quid  de  innumerabilibus  chirographis 
loquar.' 

At  enim  ita  decrevimus,  '  but  you 
will  say  that  we  voted  that  they  should  be 
observed,'  i.e.  in  the  temple  of  Tellus  on 
March  17.    Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  2  ;  Philipp. 


I.  7,  16 'primum  igitur  acta  Caesaris  ser- 
vanda censeo.'  On  the  force  of  '  at  enim,* 
cp.  Ep.  15,  6,  note. 

8.  Abutuntur,  sc.  '  M.  Antonius  et 
amici  eius.' 

9.  Haec  propediem,  sc.  ' disseremus.' 
Cicero  saw  Cassius  at  Antium  early  in  June, 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  II,  I. 

PR.  — praetores. 

i.^.  S.  v.b.  =  ' si  vales,  bene,' sc. 'est;'  on 
which  formula,  cp.  note  C,  p.  121. 

Litteras  tuas.  Apparently  a  letter 
written  to  intimidate  Brutus  and  Cassius, 
and  hasten  if  possible  their  departure  from 
Italy.  Cp.  Drumann  I.  142.  It  seems  to 
have  been  preceded  by  a  proclamation  con- 
taining much  abuse  of  Brutus  and  Cassius. 


7 


542 


M.  TULLll  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


I 


Antoni,  te  nulla  lacessiimus  iniura  neque  miraturum  credidimus, 
si  praetores  et  ea  dignitate  homines  aliquid  edicto  postulassemus  a 
consule :  quod  si  indignaris  ausos  esse  id  facere,  concede  nobis  ut 
doleamus  ne  hoc  quidem  abs  te  Bruto  et  Cassio  tribui.     Nam  de  2 

5  dilectibus  habitis  et  pecuniis  imperatis,  exercitibus  sollicitatis  et 
nuntiis  trans  mare  missis  quod  te  questum  esse  negas,  nos  quidem 
tibi  credimus  optimo  animo  te  fecisse,  sed  tamen  neque  agno- 
scimus  quicquam  eorum  et  te  miramur,  cum  haec  reticueris,  non 
potuisse  continere  iracundiam  tuam,  quin  nobis  de  morte  Caesaris 

10  obiiceres.     Illud  vero  quem  ad  modum  ferundum  sit,  tute  cogita,  3 
non  licere  praetoribus  concordiae  ac  libertatis  causa  per  edictum 
de  suo  iure  decedere,  quin  consul  arma  minetur.    Quorum  fiducia 
nihil  est  quod  nos  terreas  ;  neque  enim  decet  aut  convenit  nobis 
periculo  ulli  submittere  animum  nostrum  neque  est  Antonio  postu- 

15  landum,  ut  iis  imperet,  quorum  opera  liber  est.    Nos  si  alia  hor- 


1.  Miraturum,  sc.  *  te.*  Cp.  Madv. 
401,  Obs.  2.  The  construction  is  somewhat 
irregular. 

2.  Ea  dignitate,  'of  such  position  as 
ours,'  or  as  '  praetors.'  Mr.  W.  Lock  ;  so, 
too,  Wiel.  '  Hac '  would  be  more  in  accord- 
ance with  usage.     On  the  ablat.,  cp.  Ep.  6, 

2,  note. 

Edicto  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  7.  Brutus 
had  probably  already  received  permission  to 
be  absent  from  Italy  for  more  than  ten  days 
during  his  year  of  office  as  praetor,  and 
hence  the  request  here  mentioned  probably 
refers  to  something  different.  Perhaps,  as 
Andr.  thinks,  they  wished  to  be  relieved  of 
the  commission  to  buy  corn,  but  our  ma- 
terials hardly  warrant  a  decided  opinion. 
Cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  9,  I  with  Philipp.  2. 13,  31  ; 
and,  on  the  public  demand  of  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  Merivale  3.  98.  Dean  Merivale 
thinks  that  they  wished  for  a  formal  permis- 
sion to  be  absent  from  Rome. 

4.  Ne  hoc  quidem,  'not  even  such  a 
poor  boon  as  this.'  The  reference  is  to  the 
request  alluded  to  in  the  previous  sentence. 
Manut.  paraphrases  *  hoc  saltem  nobis  non 
tamquam  consul  praetoribus  sed  tamquam 
Bruto  et  Cassio  tribuere  deberes.*  Andr. 
says  that  the  proper  names  are  emphatically 
used  instead  of  pronouns.      Cp.  Antonio 

in  1.  14. 

Nam:  cp.  Ep.  9,  8,  note. 

De  dilectibus  habitis.  Antony  ap- 
parently pretended  to  have  heard  rumours 
that  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  tampering  with 
various  armies — e.  g.  those  of  Syria  and 
Macedonia — and  raising  troops  and  money, 


charges  which,  if  not  true  at  this  time,  were 
true  soon  afterwards. 

7.  Te  fecisse,  sc.  *  non  questum  esse.' 
Agnoscimus,    'admit    the    truth    of.' 

Forcell.  '  Nostrum  esse  fatemur.'  Andr. 
Cp.  Philipp.  14.  3,  8  *  facinus  quod  nulla 
barbaria  posset  agnoscere. 

8.  Quicquam  eorum,  'any  of  the 
charges  about  our  alleged  intrigues.' 

9.  De    morte     Caesaris     obiiceres. 

•  Mortem  Caesaris'  would  perhaps  be  more 
common;  but  cp.  Pro  Plane.  31,  75  'de 
Cispio  mihi  ne  tu  obiicies.' 

10.  Illud  refers  to  what  follows.  Cp.Ep. 
5,  3,  note. 

11.  Per  edictum  . .  decedere,  *  to  issue 
a  proclamation  declaring  that  they  renounce 
some  of  their  rights,'  i.e.  by  leaving  Rome 
for  more  than  ten  days.  Manut.  But  cp. 
§  I,  note.  Perhaps  they  expressed  their 
willingness  to  remain  absent  from  Italy  in 
the  interest  of  concord.    Cp.  Veil.  2.  62,  3. 

•  Edictum,'  a  public  proclamation,  opposed 
to  *  epistola.'     Wiel. 

12.  Quin  =*'ut  non.'  Cp.  Madv.  375  c, 
Obs.  4. 

Quorum  fiducia,  •  by  your  confidence 
in  those  arms.'     Ablat.  causae. 

13.  Nihil  est  .  .  terreas.  The  usual 
sense  of  these  words  would  be  '  there  is  no 
reason  for  your  trying  to  frighten.'  Cp.  Ep. 
92,  5.  Here  it  seems  rather,  •  there  is  no 
use  in  your  trying  to  frighten.' 

14.  Neque  ..  postulandum,  *  nor  ought 
Antony  to  demand.'  On  the  dat.  after 
gerundives,  cp.  Ep.  83,  4,  note. 


EP.  117.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XVL  7.         543 

tarentur,  ut  bellum  civile  suscitare  vellemus,  litterae  tuae  nihil 
proficerent ;  nulla  enim  minantis  auctoritas  apud  liberos  est :  sed 
pulchre  intellegis  non  posse  nos  quoquam  impelli,  et  fortassis  ea 
4  re  minaciter  agis,  ut  iudicium  nostrum  metus  videatur.  Nos  in 
hac  sententia  sumus,  ut  te  cupiamus  in  libera  re  publica  magnum  5 
atque  honestum  esse,  vocemus  te  ad  nullas  inimicitias,  sed  tamen 
pluris  nostram  libertatem  quam  tuam  amicitiam  aestimemus.  Tu 
etiam  atque  etiam  vide,  quid  suscipias,  quid  sustinere  possis,  neque 
quam  diu  vixerit  Caesar,  sed  quam  non  diu  regnarit,  fac  cogites. 
Deos  quaesumus,  consilia  tua  rei  publicae  salutaria  sint  ac  tibi ;  si  10 
minus,  ut  salva  atque  honesta  re  publica  tibi  quam  minimum 
noceant,  optamus,     Pridie  Nonas  Sext. 


117.     To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  XVI.  7). 

On  SHIPBOARD,  NEAR  POMPEII,  AUGUST  19,446.0.  (710  A.U.C.) 

I .  On  August  6  I  sailed  from  Leucopetra,  but  was  driven  back  by  Contrary  winds, 
and  upon  landing  heard  favourable  news  of  Antony's  intentions,  which  induced  me  to 
give  up  my  intended  voyage.  2.  Your  letter,  however,  surprised  me ;  I  thought  you 
had  approved  my  plan,  3.  and  your  pressing  appeals  to  me  to  return  shewed  a 
decided  change  in  your  views.  4.  I  have  not  deserted  the  Stoics  for  the  Epicureans  in 
this  matter.  5.  Your  hint  as  to  Brutus'  silence  was  interpreted  by  his  delight  at  my 
return.  I  met  him  at  Velia ;  he  praised  Piso,  regretted  that  I  had  not  been  present  to 
second  him,  but  congratulated  me  on  escaping  further  censure  by  my  return.  6.  There 
is  another  reason  for  my  coming  back — the  need  of  paying  my  debts.  7.  I  have  read 
the  proclamation  of  Antony,  and  the  reply  of  Brutus  and  Cassius.  The  latter  pleased 
me,  but  will  do  little  good.  I  return  to  my  country  to  die,  not  in  the  hope  of  guiding 
its  counsels.  8.  I  was  sorry  to  hear  of  Pilia's  attack ;  remember  me  to  her  and  to 
Attica. 


Forcell.    Cp.  Ep. 

*  to  be  driven  to 
or    perhaps   *  by 


I.  Nihil  proficerent,  *  would  have  no 
effect  in  preventing  us.' 

3.  Pulchre  =•  bene.* 
146,  I. 

Quoquam  impelli, 
any  course  by  passion, 
threats.' 

Fortassis,  a  rare  form  of  '  fortasse.* 
Ea  re,  '  therefore,'  referring  to  what  fol- 
lows.    It  seems  a  rare  expression,  but  the 
construction  is  the  same  as  that    of  '  eo,* 
on  wh'ch.  cp.  Madv.  256,  Obs.  3. 

4,  Indicium  .  .  videatur,  'that  our 
well-considered  [free.  Andr.]  decision  (to 
leave  Italy  ?)  may  seem  the  result  of 
panic' 

In  hac  sententia,  foil.  On  the  con- 
struction, cp.  Ep.  90,  5,  note. 


6.  Honestum*  =•  honoratum.*  Andr. 
See  too  Fojcell. 

Vocemus.  On  the  omission  of  a  con- 
junction before  this  word,  cp.  Ep.  20,  6, 
note. 

9.  Quam  non  diu,  *how  short  a  time,' 
i.e.  not  half  a  year  after  his  last  return 
from  Spain.    Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §§  12-15. 

10.  Deos  quaesumus.  The  accus.  of 
a  person  after  •  quaeso,'  seems  not  to  be 
Ciceronian,  but  occurs  in  Livy  (40.  46) 
•quaesumus  vos  universi;'  and  is  common 
in  Terence. 

Sint.  On  the  omission  of  •  ut,'  cp.  Epp. 
8,  14;  II,  4;  31,  6,  notes. 

11.  Salva  ..  re  publica,  *  if  the  safety 
and  honour  of  the  commonwealth  do  not 
suffer.' 


T 


544 


M.  TULLII  CICERO NIS 


[part  v. 


1 

i 


I 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

VIII.  Idus  Sextil.  cum  a  Leucopetra  profectus— inde  enim  tra-  i 
mittebam— stadia  circiter  CCC.  processissem,  reiectus  sum  austro 
vehement!  ad  eandem  Leucopetram.  Ibi  cum  ventum  exspec- 
tarem— erat  enim  villa  Valerii  nostri,  ut  familiariter  essem  et 
5  libenter—- Regini  quidam,  illustres  homines,  eo  venerunt,  Roma 
sane  recentes,  in  iis  Bruti  nostri  hospes,  qui  Brutum  Neapoli 
reliquisset.  Haec  adferebant :  edictum  Bruti  et  Cassii,  et  fore 
frequentem  senatum  Kalendis,  a  Bruto  et  Cassio  litteras  missas 
ad  consulares  et  praetorios,  ut  adessent,  rogare.    Summam  spem 

lo  nuntiabant  fore  ut  Antonius  cederet,  res  conveniret,  nostri  Romam 
redirent ;  addebant  etiam  me  desiderari,  subaccusari.    Quae  cum 
audissem,  sine  ulla  dubitatione  abieci  consilium  profectionis,  quo 
mehercule  ne  antea  quidem  delectabar ;  lectis  vero  tuis  litteris  ad-  2 
miratus  equidem  sum  te  tam  vehementer  sententiam  commutasse, 

15  sed  non  sine  causa  arbitrabar :  etsi,  quamvis  non  fueris  suasor  et 
impulsor  profectionis  meae,  adprobator  certe  fuisti,  dum  modo  KaL 


I.  Leucopetra.  A  promontory  in  the 
territory  of  Rhegium,  looking  south.  Cp. 
Philipp.  1.  3,  7.  In  another  passage  Cicero 
mentions  a  Leucopetra  Tarentinorum,  more 
usually  called  Leuca.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  i6.  6,  i. 

Tramittebam,  'I  was  trying  to  cross  to 
Greece.'  The  verb  is  often  used  in  a  neuter 
sense.  Forcell.  On  the  force  of  the  imper- 
fect, cp.  Ep.  19,  4,  note. 

4.  Erat,  sc.  '  ibi.' 

Valerii  nostri.  The  P.  Valerius  men- 
tioned Philipp.  I.  3,  8,  and  perhaps  Ep.  36, 
14.     He  attended  Cicero  on  his  journey. 

Familiariter,  *on  friendly  terms.'  On 
the  use  of  *  sum '  with  adverbs,  cp.  Ep.  4,  i, 

note. 

Essem,   sc.    *  ibi '  =  •  commorarer.'     Cp. 

Ep.  70,  2. 

6.  Recentes,  'freshly  come.*  Cp.  In 
Verr.  i  Act.  2,  5  •  e  provincia  recens.' 

Qjii  .  .  reliquisset,  •  who,  as  he  said, 
had  left  Brutus  at  Neapolis.'  On  the  mood, 
cp.  Ep.  9,  12,  note  ;  Madv.  368. 

7.  Haec,  'what  follows.'  The  sentence 
would  be  differently  cast  in  English  :  *  they 
brought  a  copy  of  the  edict  of  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  and  the  news  that  there  would  be  a 
full  meeting  of  the  senate  on  the  first  of 
September.  Drumann  i.  143  thinks  that 
the  first  of  August  is  meant,  and  so  does 
Merivale,  3.  98,  lOO.  Cp.  Philipp.  i.  3,  8. 
In  that  case  the  result  of  the  debate  can- 


not  have  been   known    at    Leucopetra  on 
Aug.  6. 

9.  Ut  adessent,  rogare,  'that  they 
(Brutus  and  Cassius)  entreated  them  (the 
consulares  and  praetorii)  to  be  present  in 
the  senate.'  *  Rogantes  *  would  make  the 
sentence  simpler. 

10.  Ut  Antonius  cederet, 'that  Antony 
would  renounce  his  pretensions,'  especially 
to  the  government  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  3,  8  •  Antonium  repudiatis  mails 
suasoribus,  remissis  Galliis  provinciis  ad  auc- 
toritatem  senatus  esse  rediturum.* 

Res  conveniret,  *an  arrangement 
would  be  made.'     Cp.  Philipp,  1.  c. 

Nostri,  the  conspirators.  On  their 
movements,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  i 
and  4. 

11.  Subaccusari,  '  was  somewhat  com- 
plained of.'     Rare.     Forcell. 

12.  Abieci, 'renounced.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  7. 
3,  2  *  rem  tantam  (triuniphum)  abiicere.' 

14.  Sententiam  commutasse.  Appa- 
rently from  approval  to  disapproval  of  Ci- 
cero's journey.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  29,  i  '  lega- 
tionem  probari  meam  gaudeo,'  and  16.  I,  3 
*  meam  profectionem  laudari  gaudeo.' 

15.  Non  sine  causa,  sc.  '  te  fecisse.' 
Etsi,  '  and  yet.'     Cp.  Madv.  443. 

16.  Kal.  Ian.  Of43B.c.  Cp.  Philipp. 
I.  2,  6  *ut  adessem  Kal.  Ian.  quod  initium 
senatus  cogendi  fore  videbatur.* 


EP.  117.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XVL  7.         545 

Ian.  Romae  essem ;  ita  fiebat  ut,  dum  minus  periculi  videretur, 
abessem,  in  flammam  ipsam  venirem.   Sed  haec,  etiamsi  non  pru- 
denter,  tamen  are/xeVryra  sunt,  primum  quod  de  mea  sententia  acta 
sunt,  deinde  etiam  si  te  auctore,  quid  debet  qui  consilium  dat 
3  praestare  praeter  fidem }     Illud  admirari  satis  non  potui,  quod  5 
scripsisti  his  verbis  :  *  bene  igitur  tu,  qui  evOavacrCav,  bene  relinque 
patriam.'     An  ego  relinquebam  aut  tibi  tum  relinquere  videbar  ? 
Tu  id  non  modo  non  prohibebas,  verum  etiam  adprobabas.   Gra- 
viora,  quae  restant ;  '  velim  axokLov  aliquod  elimes  ad  me,  opor- 
tuisse  te  istuc  facere.'     Itane,  mi  Attice  ?  defensione  eget  meum  10 
factum,  praesertim  apud  te,  qui  id  mirabiliter  adprobasti.?  Ego  vero 
istum  aiToXoyiarixbv  avvrd^onai,  sed  ad  eorum  aliquem,  quibus  invitis 
et  dissuadentibus  profectus  sum  :  etsi  quid  iam  opus  est  axoXlio  ? 
si  perseverassem,  opus  fuisset.     '  At  hoc  ipsum  non  constanter/ 
Nemo  doctus  umquam—multa  autem  de  hoc  genere  scripta  sunt—  15 
4  mutationem  consilii  inconstantiam  dixit  esse.     Deinceps  igitur 
haec  :  '  nam  si  a  Phaedro  nostro  esset,  expedita  excusatio  esset : 


I.  Ita  fiebat  ut,  foil.,  •  by  this  arrange- 
ment I  was  to  be  absent  while  there  was 
less  danger,  and  to  arrive  when  it  was  at  its 
height.' 

3.  Haec,  'these  proceedings.* 
Etiamsi  non  prudenter,  sc.  *acta,'  'if 
not  wise  on  my  part.' 

3.  dv€/X€(Tr}Ta,  'involve  no  blame  to 
you.'     Quite  classical. 

4.  Etiam  si  te  auctore,  sc. ' acta  sunt.' 
Qjiid  debet  ..fidem,  'what  more  than 

his  honesty  ought  an  adviser  to  guarantee.* 

5.  Illud.  On  the  use  of  this  pronoun 
with  '  quod '  and  the  indicative,  cp.  Madv. 
398  b. 

6.  Bene  igitur,  foil.  If  this  reading — 
that  of  the  MS.— can  be  maintained, '  bene ' 
is  of  course  ironical.  Orell.  reads,  '  veni 
igitur  tu  qui  evdavaaiav.  Veni.  Relinques 
patriam  ?' 

Qui  (v9ava(Tiav,sc. '  laudas,*  or  *  optas,' 
*  who  commend  (or  desire)  an  honourable 
death.'  The  Greek  word  is  not  classical, 
according  to  Liddell  and  Scott.  Perhaps 
Atticus  referred  to  Ad  Att.  1 5.  20,  3, '  ex  hac 
nassa  exire  constitui  non  ad  fugam  sed  ad 
spem  mortis  melioris.'  Manut.  Merivale  (3. 
100)  thinks  the  reference  is  perhaps  to  Tusc. 
Disp.  I.  45,  109. 

9.  Q^uae  restant,  *  what  follows  in  your 
letter.' 

ax^^iov,   'interpretation,*    'comment,* 
*  explanation.'     Liddell  and  Scott. 
Elimes  =  'absolvas.'     Forcell. 

N  n 


Oportuisse  te,  '  to  the  effect  that  it  was 
your  duty.' 

10.  Istuc  facere,  *  to  do  as  you  arc 
doing,'  i.e.  to  go  to  Greece. 

11.  Ego  vero  :  cp.  Ep.  40,  i,  note. 

12.  Istum  dtroXoytff/xdv,  'the  state- 
ment of  reasons  which  you  require.*  The 
word  is  used  by  Aeschines  (adv.  Ctes.  p.  89, 
Steph.). 

14.  Si  perseverassem, 'if  I  had  carried 
out  my  purpose,'  of  going  to  Greece. 

Non  constanter,  sc.  facis,'  'but  your 
return  itself  shews  inconsistency,'  Atticus  is 
supposed  to  say. 

15.  Nemo  doctus  umquam,  'nay,  but 
no  philosopher  ever.'  The  adversative  con- 
junction which  we  should  expect  is  omitted 
here,  as  in  Philipp.  10.  5,  12  '  At  ne  Bruto 
quidem.  Id  enim  fortasse  quispiam  impro- 
bus  dixerit.  Omnes  legiones  . .  rei  publicae 
sunt.' 

De  hoc  genere,  *  on  this  subject.' 

16.  Mutationem  consilii,  'a  change 
of  plan.' 

Deinceps  igitur  haec,  'then  this  fol- 
lows in  your  letter.* 

17.  Si  a  Phaedro  . .  esset,  sc. '  factum.' 
But  the  expression  is  rather  strange.  Wesenb. 
thinks  that  either  *  esset '  should  be  omitted 
or  *  factum'  inserted.  Boot  suggests  '  esses,' 
•if  you  were  a  disciple  of  Phaedrus,'  aa 
Epicurean  philosopher,  mentioned  Ad  Fam. 
13.  I,  2  ;  De  Deor.  Nat.  i.  33,  93.  He  was 
dead  before  this  letter  was  written. 


T 


546 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


\\ 


nunc  quid  respondemus?'  Ergo  id  erat  meum  factum,  quod  Catoni 
probare  non  possem  ?  flagitii  scilicet  plenum  et  dedecoris.  Utinam 
a  primo  ita  tibi  esset  visum !  tu  mihi,  sicut  esse  soles,  fuisses 
Cato.     Extremum  illud  vel  molestissimum  :  '  nam  Brutus  noster  5 

5  silet,'  hoc  est,  non  audet  hominem  id  aetatis>onere.  Aliud  nihil 
habeo,  quod  iis  a  te  verbis  significari  putem,  et  hercule  ita  est. 
Nam  XVI.  Kal.  Sept.  cum  venissem  Veliam,  Brutus  audivit ;  erat 
enim  cum  suis  navibus  apud  Haletem  fluvium,  citra  Veliam  milia 
passuum  III ;  pedibus  ad  me  statim  :  dei  immortales,  quam  valde 

10  ille  reditu  vel  potius  reversione  mea  laetatus  effudit  ilia  omnia, 
quae  tacuerat !  ut  recordarer  illud  tuum  *  nam  Brutus  noster  silet.' 
Maxime  autem  dolebat  me  Kal.  Sext.  in  senatu  non  fuisse.  Piso- 
nem  ferebat  in  caelum,  se  autem  laetari,  quod  eflfugissem  duas 
maximas  vituperationes  :  unam,  quam  itinere  faciendo  me  intelle- 

15  gebam  suscipere,  desperationis  ac  relictionis  rei  publicae,  flentes 
mecum  vulgo  querebantur,  quibus  de  meo  celeri  reditu  non  proba- 
bam  ;  alteram,  de  qua  Brutus  et  qui  una  erant— multi  autem  erant 

laetabantur,  quod  eam  vituperationem  effugissem,  me  existimari 

ad  Olympia.    Hoc  vero  nihil  turpius  quovis  rei  publicae  tempore, 


I.  Nunc, '  as  it  is.'     Cp.  Ep.  i,  4,  note. 
Ergo  (ironical),  'I  suppose,  then.' 
Catoni  =' to  the  model  Stoic* 

3.  Sicut  .  .  soles.  Is  this  a  sarcasm  on 
the  advice  which  Atticus  constantly  gave 
Cicero  to  act  with  spirit  ? 

4.  Extremum  illud,  'this  concluding 
passage.' 

5.  Silet,  *says  nothing  about  your  be- 
haviour.* 

Id  aetatis,  *  of  my  years.*  cp.  Madv. 
238. 

6.  Et  . .  ita  est,  *  and  I  declare  that  you 

are  right.' 

7.  Nam,  foil.  The  delight  of  Brutus  on 
hearing  that  Cicero  had  given  up  his  journey 
might  interpret  his  previous  silence. 

xvL  Kal.  Sept.,  'August  17.' 
Veliam.  Velia  was  a  town  on  the  west 
coast  of  Lucania  ;  the  Phoceans,  who  found- 
ed it,  had  called  it  Elea.  The  river  Hales 
(or  Heles,  as  Wesenb.)  was  a  petty  stream 
entering  the  sea  a  little  to  the  N.W.  of  the 
town.  On  the  movements  of  Cicero  and 
Brutus,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  7. 

9.  Pedibus  ad  me,  sc.  '  ivit.'  Cp.  Ep. 
15,  10,  note. 

10.  Reversione.  '  Reversio '  means,  as 
distinguished  from  ♦  reditus,'  a  turning  back 


from   a  journey  before   its   end   has   been 
reached.     Forcell. 

13.  Pisonem.  L.  Piso,  Caesar's  father- 
in-law,  and  consul  in  58  B.C.  Cp.,  for  an 
account  of  his  behaviour  at  different  times, 
Intr.  to  Part  I,  §§  19-20;  Ep.  48,  i ;  Intr. 
to  Part  V,  §  7. 

13.  Se  autem  laetari  .  .  effugissem, 
orat.  obi.     Cp.  Madv.  369. 

14.  Unam  .  .  alteram  are  governed  by 
'  effugissem.'     Billerb. 

Me  .  .  suscipere,  'that  I  incurred.* 
Forcell. 

16.  Querebantur  ..  probabam, 'while 
people  bewailed  it  whom  I  could  not  con- 
vince that  I  should  soon  return*  from  Greece, 
whence  Cicero  intended  to  return  in  time  to 
be  at  Rome  on  Jan.  1, 43  B.C.  See  §  2  of  this 
letter.  *  Queri*  sometimes  takes  an  accusa* 
tive  (Boot),  but  the  construction  of  •  quam ' 
with  both  *  intellegebam  suscipere '  and 
*  querebantur  '  is  harsh. 

17.  Qui  una  erant, 'the fellow-travellers 
of  Brutus.' 

19.  Ad  Olympia,  'sc.  'ire,'  *  that  I  was 
going  to  see  the  Olympic  games.* 

Hoc  vero,  *than  such  conduct  cer- 
tainly/ 


EP.  117.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTIC UM  XVL  7.  547 

sed  hoc  avaiioXoyriTov,     Ego  vero  austro  gratias  miras,  qui  me  a 

6  tanta  infamia  averterit.  Reversionis  has  [speciosas]  causas  habes 
iustas  illas  quidem  et  magnas,  sed  nulla  iustior,  quam  quod  tu 
idem  aliis  litteris :  '  provide,  si  cui  quid  debetur,  ut  sit  unde  par 
pari  respondeatur ;  mirifica  enim  bvaxprjana  est  propter  metum  5 
armorum.'  In  freto  medio  banc  epistolam  legi,  ut,  quid  possem 
providere,  in  mentem  mihi  non  veniret,  nisi  quod  praesens  me 

7  ipse  defenderem.  Sed  haec  hactenus  ;  reliqua  coram.  Antonii 
edictum  legi  a  Bruto,  et  horum  contra :  scriptum  praeclare.  Sed 
quid  ista  edicta  valeant  aut  quo  spectent,  plane  non  video,  nee  10 
ego  nunc,  ut  Brutus  censebat,  istuc  ad  rem  publicam  capessendam 
venio ;  quid  enim  fieri  potest  ?  num  quis  Pisoni  est  adsensus  ? 
num  rediit  ipse  postridie  ?  Sed  abesse  banc  aetatem  longe  a  sepul- 

8  cro  negant  oportere.     Sed  obsecro  te,  quid  est  quod  audivi  de 
Bruto }    Piliam  -n^ipa^^aOai  irapaXvaeL  te  scripsisse  aiebat :  valde  15 
sum  commotus ;  etsi  idem  te  scribere  sperare  melius.     Ita  plane 


I.  Sed  hoc,  sc.  *  tempore.* 

dvairoKuyqTov,  *  would  be  inexcusable.* 
Occ.  Polyb.  29.  4. 

Austro.  The  south  wind  had  driven 
him  back  to  Leucopetra.     Cp.  §  i. 

Gratias  miras,  sc.  'ago.* 

3.  Illas  quidem  :  cp.  Ep.  13,  4,  note. 
Tu  idem,  'you  also.' 

4.  Aliis  litteris,  sc.  * scripsisti.* 

Ut  sit  .  .  respondeatur,  'that  you 
may  have  the  means  of  paying  your  debts  in 
full.'  The  phrase  has  been  questioned,  but 
is  defended  by  Boot,  who  quotes  Ad  Att.  6. 
I,  22  'non  ut  postulasti  XP^*^^^  x'^^''^^^^ 
sed  paria  paribus  respondimus.'  The  pas- 
sive, in  a  personal  construction,  is  rare,  but 
occurs  Pro  Muren.  13,  28  'minimo  periculo 
respondentur.' 

5.  hvaxprjffria,  'difficulty'  here  'in 
borrowing.'  The  word  is  used  by  Polyb.  3. 
74,  alib. 

6.  In  freto  medio,  'in  the  middle  of 
the  Straits  '  of  Messina.  Cicero  means  that 
he  could  not  while  on  board  ship  take  any 
steps  to  pay  his  debts. 

7.  Quod  .  .  defenderem.  Boot  and 
Orell.  both  follow  Lambinus  (cp.  Baiter,  Ad- 
notatio  Critica)  in  readitig  '  ut.'  But  Forcell. 
gives  a  passage  from  Varro  (R.  R.  2.  10, 
med.),  where  '  quod '  seems  to  have  the 
force  of  •  ut  * — '  facile  est  quod  habeant  con- 
servam.* 

8.  Antonii  edictum;  cp.  Ep.  116,  i. 

9.  A  Bruto,  sc.  '  suppeditatum.*  Cp. 
Tusc.  Disp.  I.  30,  74  '  sed  haec  et  vetera  et 


a  Graecls.*     Antony's  edict  was  a  violent 
attack  on  Brutus  and  Cassius. 

Horum,  sc.  '  Bruti  et  Cassii.*  They  had 
issued  a  proclamation  expressing  their  will- 
ingness to  make  sacrifices  for  peace.  It  is 
referred  to  by  themselves,  Ep.  116,  3;  by 
Cicero,  Philipp.  I.  3,  8 ;  and  by  Velleius,  3. 
62,  3. 

11.  Istuc,  *to  Rome.* 

Ad  rem  publicam  capessendam,  'to 
take  part  in  public  affairs.* 

12.  Pisoni.  Cicero  refers  to  Piso's  speech 
in  the  senate  on  August  I.  Cp  §  5  of  this 
letter  and  Ep.  118,  i,  note. 

13.  Rediit,  sc.  '  in  senatum.* 

Sed  abesse,  foil.  In  substance,  'they 
say  that  a  man  of  my  age  ought  not  to  fear 
death.'  Cicero  was  annoyed  by  his  friends* 
importunity  that  he  should  play  a  spirited 
part.  Cp.  §  3,  note.  But  Manut.  thinks 
that  'a  sepulcro'  means '  from  01  c*shome,* 
where  one  would  wish  to  be  buried. 

14.  De  Bruto,  'from  Brutus.* 

15.  V€ipa^ia6ai  7rapaAi;<r€<, 'is  suf- 
fering from  an  attack  of  paralysis.'  Neither 
word  seems  to  be  quite  classical  in  this  sense, 
but  Polyblus  uses  the  substantive  metaphori- 
cally. Boot  quotes  Celsus  as  using  the 
phrase  '  temptari  rcsolutione  nervorum.*  On 
the  use  of  Greek  for  medical  terms,  cp.  Ep. 
75,  I,  note. 

16.  Etsi  idem,  sc.  'Brutus  dixit.' 

Te  ..  melius,  sc.  'fore,'  «that you  wrote 
you  hoped  she  would  soon  be  better;'  or 
'  esse,'  *  that  she  was  better.* 


N  n  2 


54« 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


velim  et  ei  dicas  plurimam  salutem  et  suavissimae  Atticae.    Haec 
scripsi  navigans,  cum  Pompeianum  accederem,  XIIII.  Kal. 

118.    To    C.    CASSIUS    (AD    FAM.    XII.    2). 
Rome,  end  of  September,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I  I  am  gkd  that  you  approve  my  speech.  Antony  intended  to  have  had  me  mur- 
dered  on  the  loth,  when  he  delivered  a  violent  and  studied  harangue  agamst  me.  2 
M„  recognize  the  arbitrary  nature  of  the  present  government,  but  Antony  has  won 
ov"  two  men  nearly  connected  with  you,  3.  and  three  eminent  consular  for  varrous 
reasons  do  not  attend  the  senate's  meetings.  All  our  hopes,  then,  are  fi''^  -  ^^  ^^ 
on  your  associates,  and  I  hope  you  are  preparing  for  some  achievement  worthy  of  your 
reputation.    I  will  do  all  1  can  to  serve  your  relations  at  Rome. 

CICERO  CASSIO  SAL. 
Vehementer  laetor  tibi  probari  sententiam  et  orationem  meam  ;  l 
qua  si  saepius  uti  Hceret,  nihil  esset  negotii  libertatem  et  rem 

5  publicam  reciperare.  Sed  homo  amens  et  perditus  multoque 
nequior  quam  ille  ipse,  quern  tu  nequissimum  occisum  esse  dixisti, 
caedis  initium  quaerit,  nuUamque  aliam  ob  causam  me  auctorem 
fuisse  Caesaris  interficiendi  criminatur,  nisi  ut  in  me  veterani 
incitentur :  quod  ego  periculum  non  extimesco ;  modo  vestn  facti 

,0  gloriam  cum  mea  laude  communicet.  Ita  nee  Pisoni,  qui  in  eum 
primus  invectus  est  nullo  adsentiente,  nee  mihi,  qui  idem  tricen- 
simo  post  die  feci,  nee  P.  Servilio,  qui  me  est  consecutus,  tuto  in 

5.  Homo  amens,  sc.  Antoniuf. 

7.  Initium, 'a  pretext.'     Billerb. 

8.  Criminatur.  In  his  reply  to  the  first 
Philippic.  Cp.Philipp.  2. 11,25  'iUud  vero 
recens,  Caesarem  meo  consilio  interfectum. 

Veterani:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  3. 
After  the  execution  of  the  false  Marius, 
Antony  had  been  allowed  to  raise  a  body- 
guard of  veterans,  and  afterwards  he  had 
visited  various  towns  to  strengthen  his  in- 
fluence  among  the  old  soldiers  settled  there. 
Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  4 ;  Cic  PhiHpp.  2. 

9.  Modo  vestri  .  .  communicet,  *  if 
only  it  gives  my  reputation  a  share  in  the 
glory  of  your  deed.'     Wiel.,  Billerb. 

10.  Ita.  This,  as  Andr.  remarks,  refers 
to  the  words  *  caedis  .  .  incitentur.' 

Pisoni  :  cp.  Ep.  1 17,  5  and  7,  notes. 

11.  Tricensimo  post  die.  Piso  spoke 
on  August  I ;  Cicero  on  September  2. 

12.  P.  Servilio.    The  consul  of  48  B.C. 


1.  Atticae,  daughter  of  Atticus.      Cp. 

Appendix  3,  §  7-  ,  j 

2.  Cum  .  .  accederem  :   on  the  mood, 

q).  Ep.  31,  7»  note. 

3.  Tibi  probari.     The  letter  in  which 
Cassius   expresses  his   approval   no   longer 

exists. 

Sententiam  et  orationem,  *  my  opm- 
ion,  and  the  speech  in  which  it  was  express- 
ed.* Cicero  refers  to  the  first  Philippic,  deli- 
vered on  Sept.  2.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  9. 
It  did  not  conclude  with  a  formal  •  sententia, 
the  only  words  containing  a  formal  sugges- 
tion of  some  resolution  to  be  adopted  occur- 
ring cap.  7,  16.  So  that  *  sententia '  prob- 
ably means  only  *  an  expression  of  opmion 

4.  Qua,  sc.  •  oratione,'  if  I  could  speak 
more  often  with  the  same  freedom.' 

Nihil  esset  negotii,  foil., '  there  would 
be  no  diflBculty  in  recovering.'  On  the  accus. 
and  iufin.  as  a  subject,  cp.  £p.  54,  7»  "O^^. 


EP.  118.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIL  %.    549 

senatum  venire  licet :   caedem  enim   gladiator  quaerit   eiusque 
initium  a.  d.  Xlll.  Kal.  Octobr.  a  me  se  facturum  putavit,  ad  quern 
paratus  venerat,  cum  in  villa  Metelli  complures  dies  commentatus 
esset.     Quae  autem  in  lustris  et  in  vino  commentatio  potuit  esse  ? 
itaque  omnibus  est  visus,  ut  ad  te  antea  scripsi,  vomere  suo  more,  5 
2  non  dicere.    Qua  re,  quod  scribis  te  confidere  auctoritate  et  elo- 
quentia  nostra  aliquid  profici  posse,  non  nihil,  ut  in  tantis  malis, 
est  profectum  :  intellegit  enim  populus  Romanus  tres  esse  consu- 
lares,  qui,  quia,  quae  de  re  publica  bene  senserint,  libere  locuti 
sint,  tuto  in  senatum  venire  non  possint.    Nee  est  praeterea  quod  ro 
quicquam  exspectes  ;  tuus  enim  necessarius  adfinitate  nova  delec- 
tatur  :  itaque  iam  non  est  studiosus  ludorum  infinitoque  fratris  tui 
plausu  dirumpitur.     Alter  item  adfinis  novis  commentariis  Cae- 
saris delenitus  est.     Sed  haec  tolerabilia:  illud  non  ferendum, 
quod  est,  qui  vestro  anno  filium  suum  consulem  futurum  putet  ob  15 


Est  consecutus,  'followed  my  example.' 
*  Consequi '  =  *  iniitando  sequi.'  Forcell. 
Nothing  more  is  known,  apparently,  about 
this  speech  of  Servilius. 

2.  Ad  quem,  sc.  '  diem.' 

3.  In  villa  Metelli, Scipionis.  Cp.  Ep. 
122,  2,  note.    It  was  at  Tibur.    Cp.  Philipp. 

5.  7.  19. 

Complures.     Seventeen.      Cp.  Philipp. 

5-  7.  19- 

Commentatus    esset.      This   verb   is 

both  act.  and  neut. :    •  had  studied.'     For- 
cell. 

5.  Vomere  :  cp.  Philipp.  2.  25,  63  ;  2. 
30,  76;  5.  7,  20  *  in  me  absentem  oratio- 
nem .  .  evonmit.'  In  *  more  suo  *  there  is 
probably  an  allusion  to  Antony's  manner  as 
a  speaker,  as  well  as  to  his  personal  habits. 

6.  Quod  scribis,  'as  for  your  writing,' 
'  whereas  you  write.'     Cp.  Ep.  8,  14,  note. 

8.  Tres  esse  consulares.  Cicero, 
Piso  and  Servilius.     Cp,  supra. 

10.  Nee  est  .  .  exspectes,  'there  is  no 
reason  for  you  to  expect  any  other  aid.' 
Cp.  Ep.  92,  5,  note;  Zumpt,  L.  G.  562. 

11.  Tuus ..  necessarius.  M.  Lepidus. 
He  and  Cassius  had  both  married  sisters  of 
M.  Brutus.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  8,  i ;  12.  10, 
I  ;  Veil.  2.  88  ;  Tac.  Ann.  3.  76. 

Adfinitate  nova.  Lepidus' son  married 
a  daughter  of  Antony.  Dion  Cassius  44. 
53  ;  Drumann  I.  15. 

Delectatur.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  29,  i 
'  ut  nullo  prorsus  plus  homine  delecter.* 
The  verb  is  used  both  with  the  simple  abla- 
tive and  with  *ab.'  Madvig,  on  De  Fin.  i. 
5,  14  remarks  '  detector  aliquo  est  universe 


probo,  placet  mihi;  delector  zutcm  ab  aliquo 
est  :  delectationem  mihi  aliquo  temporis 
momento  parit.* 

12.  Non  est  studiosus  ludorum,  *  he 
has  no  taste  for  the  games '  of  Apollo,  which 
ought  to  have  been  celebrated  by  M.  Brutus. 
Studiosus  has  the  force  of  a  substantive. 
Cp.  Ep,  6,  2,  note  ;  and,  on  the  games  Intr. 
to  Part  V,  §  4. 

Infinitoque  . .  plausu  :  cp.  Ep.  106,  I. 

13.  Dirumpitur  ='invidiarumpitur,'  'is 
bursting  with  vexation.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  4. 16,  lo'dirumpunturii  qui  me  aliquid 
posse  doluerunt.' 

Alter  item  adfinis.  It  is  not  known 
who  this  was.  The  name  of  C.  Marcellus 
has  been  suggested. 

Novis  commentariis.  On  the  use 
made  of  Caesar's  papers,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V, 
§  3.  Antony  probably  declared  that  he  had 
found  a  decree  amongst  them  promoting 
the  interest  of  the  '  alter  adfinis '  in  some 
way. 

15.  Quod  est,  qui.  It  is  quite  uncertain 
to  whom  Cicero  refers, 

Vestro  anno,  'in  your  year,*  i.e.  the 
year  in  which  you  and  M.  Brutus  would  be 
legally  eligible.  This  would  be  41  B.C.,  as 
the  *  leges  annales  *  prescribed  an  interval  of 
two  years  between  the  praetorship  and  con- 
sulship, and  Cassius  and  Brutus  were  praetors 
in  44  B.C.  The  '  Lex  Villia  Annalis,'  carried 
in  180  B.C.,  fixed  31  as  the  legal  age  for 
the  quaestorship,  37  for  the  aedileship,  40 
for  the  praetorship,  43  for  the  consulship, 
Cp.  Livy  40.  44  with  Cic.  de  Oflf.  2,  17, 
59,  where  Cicero  says  that  he  held  each  office, 


i: 


550 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


eamque  causam  se  huic  latroni  deservire  prae  se  ferat.  Nam  L. 
Cotta  familiaris  meus  fatali  quadam  desperatione,  ut  ait,  minus  in 
senatum  venit ;  L.  Caesar,  optimus  et  fortissimus  civis,  valetudine 
impeditur  ;  Sen  Sulpicius  et  summa  auctoritate  et  optime  sentiens 

5  non  adest.  Reliquos  exceptis  designatis  ignosce  mihi  si  non 
numero  consulares.  Habes  auctores  consilii  publici ;  qui  numerus 
etiam  bonis  rebus  exiguus  esset,  quid  censes  perditis  ?  Qua  re  spes 
est  omnis  in  vobis,  qui  si  idcirco  abestis,  ut  sitis  in  tuto,  ne  in 
vobis  quidem  ;  sin  aliquid  dignum  vestra  gloria  cogitatis,  velim 

10  salvis  nobis  ;  sin  id  minus,  res  tamen  publica  per  vos  brevi  tem- 
pore ius  suum  reciperabit.  Ego  tuis  neque  desum  neque  deero : 
qui  sive  ad  me  referent  sive  non  referent,  mea  tibi  tamen  bene- 
volentia  fidesque  praestabitur.     Vale. 

119.    To  Q.  CORNIFICIUS  (AD  FAM.  XII.  23). 
Rome,  October,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I  Tratorius  told  me  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  your  province.  2.  The  most  important 
news  here  is  the  attempt  of  Octavian  on  Antony's  life.  Most  people  disbelieve  it,  but 
wise  and  honest  men  both  believe  the  story  and  approve  the  design.  Antony  has  gone 
to  Brundisium  to  bring  the  legions  of  Macedonia  here.  3.  You  are  to  be  pitied  for  not 
being  old  enough  to  have  seen  our  commonwealth  in  a  sound  condition,  and  now  the 
intemperate  language  of  Antony  deprives  us  even  of  hope.  4-  I  am  grateful  to  philo- 
sophy for  arming  me  against  the  attacks  of  fortune,  and  exhort  you  to  follow  my 
example.    Tratorius  serves  you  well. 


♦  nostro  anno.'  A  ♦  Lex  Cornelia  (L.  Bullae) 
de  Magistratibus,'  required  that  every  can- 
didate for  the  praetorship  should  have  been 
quaestor,  and  for  the  consulship,  praetor. 
Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  I.  100.  With  the  expres- 
sioQ  '  vestro  anno,'  cp.  De  Off.  1.  c ;  Ep.  I, 

a. 

1.  Nam,  'you  need  not  ask  about  any- 
one else,  for.' 

L.  Cotta,  consul  65  b.c. 

2.  Fatali  .  .  desperatione,  '  owing  to 
irresistible  despair.'     Wiel. 

Minus,  'seldom.'  A  rare  sense  of  the 
word,  apparently.     Wiel.,  Billerb. 

3.  L.  Caesar  :  cp.  Ep.  i,  2. 
Valetudine  impeditur,  sc.  'quo  minus 

in  senatum  vetiiat.'     Cp.  Philipp.  8.  7,  22 
•utinam  L.  Caesar  valeret.' 

4.  Ser.  Sulpicius:  cp.  Epp.  90;  98; 
1 01,  for  notices  of  him.  He  had  left  Rome 
in  the  spring  of  44  b.c.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  14. 1 8, 3. 

5.  Exceptis  designatis,  sc.  '  consuli- 
bus,'  i.e.  Hirtius  and  Pansa. 


Si  non  numero  consulares,  '  if  I  do 
not  reckon  to  be  men  of  consular  dignity.* 

6.  Habes  auctores,  *  here  is  a  list  of 
the  leaders  of  our  national  council.'  Cp. 
Epp.  7,  5  'habes  res  Romanas;'  29,  20 
•  habes  de  Vatinio  ; '  also  Ep.  36,  9. 

Numerus.  The  nominative  is  used  by 
attraction  for  '  numerum.'    Cp.  Madv.  319. 

7.  Quid  censes  perditis,  sc.  'fore.' 
Cp.  Epp.  59,  2  ;  63,  4 ;  notes. 

8.  Ne  in  vobis  quidem,  sc.  '  spes  est 
ulla.'  The  language  of  the  last  part  of  the 
letter  is  throughout  elliptical. 

9.  Velim  salvis  nobis,  sc.  '  perficiatur 
quod  cogitatis.' 

10.  Sin  id  minus,  sc.  *  fiet.'  Cp.  Ep.  9, 

8,  note. 

11.  Tuis,  i.e.  '  to  your  family  and  adhe- 
rents.' 

12.  Ad  me  referent,  'consult  me.* 
Derived  from  the  expression  '  ad  senatum 
referre,'  on  which  cp.  pp.  107,  1.  16,  note  ; 
169,  1.  2 ;  238,  1.  20,  note. 


; 


1 

( 


\ 


EP.  119.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XII.  i^.    551 

CICERO  CORNIFICIO  SAL. 

1  Omnem  condicionem  imperii  tui  statumque  provinciae  mihi 
demonstravit  Tratorius.  O  multa  intolerabilia  locis  omnibus! 
Sed  quo  tua  maior  dignitas  est,  eo,  quae  tibi  acciderunt,  minus 
ferenda  ;  neque  enim,  quae  tu  propter  magnitudinem  et  animi  et 
ingenii  moderate  fers,  ea  non  ulciscenda  sunt,  etiam  si  non  sunt  5 

2  dolenda.  Sed  haec  posterius.  Rerum  urbanarum  acta  tibi  mitti 
certo  scio  ;  quod  ni  ita  putarem,  ipse  perscriberem,  in  primisque 
Caesaris  Octaviani  conatum  ;  de  quo  multitudini  fictum  ab 
Antonio  crimen  videtur,  ut  in  pecuniam  adulescentis  impetum 
faceret ;  prudentes  autem  et  boni  viri  et  credunt  factum  et  10 
probant.  Quid  quaeris }  magna  spes  est  in  eo  :  nihil  est,  quod 
non  existimetur  laudis  et  gloriae  causa  facturus.  Antonius  autem, 
noster  familiaris,  tanto  se  odio  esse  intellegit,  ut,  cum  inter- 
fectores  suos  domi  conprehenderit,  rem  proferre  non  audeat. 
A.  d.  VII.  Id.  Oct.  Brundisium  erat  profectus  obviam  legionibus  15 
Macedonicis  quattuor,  quas  sibi  conciliare  pecunia  cogitabat 
easque  ad  urbem  adducere  et  in  cervicibus  nostris  conlocare. 

3  Habes  formam  rei  publicae,  si  in  castris  potest  esse  res  publica ; 


1.  Omnem  condicionem.  Cornificius 
had  probably  been  entrusted  with  the  go- 
vernment of  Africa  early  in  this  year,  as  a 
successor  to  C.  Calvisius,  and  now  Antony 
had  made  an  arrangement  by  which  Calvisius 
should  return  to  Africa.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12. 
22,3;  12.  25;  12.  30,  7;  Philipp.  3.  10, 
26  ;  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  10. 

2.  Tratorius.  Apparently  a  friend  of 
Cornificius.  He  is  mentioned  again  Ad 
Fam.  12.  30,  5. 

Locis  omnibus.  Referring  probably  to 
the  irregular  arrangements  made  by  Antony 
for  the  government  of  various  provinces. 
Cp.  Philipp.  1.  c. 

3.  Quae  tibi  acciderunt,  i.e.  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  successor.     See  above. 

5.  Non  .  .  dolenda,  'because  the  vio- 
lence of  our  enemies  can  only  serve  us.' 
Andr. 

6.  Haec  posterius,  sc. 'disseremus.' 
Rerum  urbanarum   acta:  cp.  Ep.  16, 

6,  note. 

7.  Quod  ni ..  putarem,  sc. 'esse,' 'and 
unless  1  knew  this  was  so.'  '  Quod '  is  here 
a  pronoun  equivalent  to  a  demonstrative 
with  a  conjunction,  cp.  Madv.  449. 

8.  Caesaris  Octaviani  conatum.  An 
alleged  attempt  on  the  life  of  Antony.     Cp. 


Suet.  Oct.  10;  Veil.  2.  60,  3  ;  App.  Bell. 
Civ.  3.  39  ;  Merivale  3.  107. 

9.  In  pecuniam  adulescentis.  Caesar 
had  made  Octavian  his  heir,  and  the  latter 
demanded  his  inheritance  from  Antony.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  4. 

10.  Factum,  sc.  *  conatum,'  'that  the 
attempt  was  made.' 

11.  Probant.  Cicero  (Philipp.  3.8,  19) 
hints  that  he  himself  instigated  Octavian. 

Quid  quaeris  :  cp.  Ep.  7,  6,  note. 

In  eo.sc.  Octaviano. 

13.  Noster  familiaris,  of  course  iron- 
ical; or  with  reference  to  their  old  inti- 
macy.    Cp.  Ad  Fam.  16.  23,  2.     Manut. 

Interfectores  suos.  See  above  on  the 
charge  made  against  Octavian. 

15.  A.  d.  VII.  Id.  Oct.  On  Antony's 
movements  at  this  time,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V, 

§9- 

Legionibus  .  .  quattuor:  cp.  Appendix 

II,  II,  and  note. 

17.  In  cervicibus  .  .  conlocare,  'to 
seat  them  on  our  necks,'  a  common  meta- 
phor.    Forcell. 

18.  Habes :  cp.  Ep.  29,  20,  note. 
Formam,  'outline,'  'sketch.*     Billerb. 
In  castris,  '  in  a  city  which  resembles  a 

camp,*  owing  to  Antony's  introduction  of 


'  **■   -^ 


55^ 


M,  TULLII   CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


1» 


t 


in  quo  tuam  vicem  saepe  doleo,  quod  nullam  partem  per  aetatem 
sanae  et  salvae  rei  publicae  gustare  potuisti.  Atque  antehac 
quidem  sperare  saltern  licebat ;  nunc  etiam  id  ereptum  est :  quae  4 
enim  est  spes,  cum  in  contione  dicere  ausus  sit  Antonius 
5  Cannutium  apud  eos  locum  sibi  quaerere,  quibus  se  salvo  locus 
in  civitate  esse  non  posset  ?  Equidem  et  haec  et  omnia,  quae 
homini  accidere  possunt,  sic  fero,  ut  philosophiae  magnam  habeam 
gratiam,  quae  me  non  modo  ab  sollicitudine  abducit,  sed  etiam 
contra  omnes  fortunae  impetus  armat,  tibique  idem  censeo 
10  faciendum  nee,  a  quo  culpa  absit,  quicquam  in  malis  nume- 
randum.  Sed  haec  tu  melius.  Tratorium  nostrum  cum  semper 
probassem,  tum  maxime  in  tuis  rebus  summam  eius  fidem  dili- 
gentiam  prudentiamque  cognovi.  Da  operam^  ut  valeas  ;  hoc 
mihi  gratius  facere  nihil  potes. 

120.     D.  BRUTUS  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XI.  4). 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  Autumn  (?)  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  have  attacked  the  Inalpini,  wishing  to  satisfy  my  soldiers  and  attach  them  to 
our  cause,  2.  and  I  think  I  have  succeeded ;  for  they  have  witnessed  both  my  energy 
and  my  liberality.  If  you  support  the  claims  which  I  have  preferred  in  a  letter  to  the 
senate,  you  will  do  good  service  to  the  common  cause. 

D.  BRUTUS  IMP.  COS.  DESIG.  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI. 
15      Si  de  tua  in  me  voluntate  dubitarem,  multis  a  te  verbis  peterem,  1 


troops.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  1.  c. ;  Appen- 
dix 11,  II.  Cicero's  language  seems  exag- 
gerated. 

1.  Tuam  vicem,  cp.  Ep.  29,  2,  note, 
p.  199. 

Quod  nullam  partem,  foil.,  '  that  you 
were  not  born  soon  enough  to  enjoy  the 
benefit  of  a  healthy  state  of  things  at  all.' 
Cicero  means,  probably,  that  the  public  life 
of  Cornificius  had  not  begun  when  the  civil 
war  broke  out.  He  was  Caesar's  quaestor 
48  B.C.,  and  the  quaestorship  was  considered 
the  first  step  in  a  public  career.  Cp.  Bell. 
Alex.  42.  On  this  sense  of  'gustare,' 
cp.  De  Fin.  i.  18,  58  'gustare  partem  ul- 
1am  liquidae  voluptatis ; '  also  Ep.  8,  8,  note 
on  '  degustes.' 

5.  Cannutium.  Ti.  Cannutius  was  tri- 
bune for  this  year,  and  attacked  Antony 
with  much  freedom.  He  was  afterwards  put 
to  death  by  order  of  Octavian.  Cp,  Philipp. 
3»  9«  23 ;  Ad  Fam.  12.  3,  2  ;  Veil.  2.  64,  3. 


Apud  eos,  sc.  Bruti  et  Cassii  amicos. 

Locum  sibi  quaerere,  'is  seeking  a 
position  for  himself.'  '  Locus '  =  •  gradus 
honoris.'     Forcell. 

10.  Nee  ei  a  quo  culpa  absit,  foil.  A 
demonstrative  pronoun  is  often  omitted  in 
sentences  like  this,  cp.  Epp.  34,  7  ;  124,  3, 
notes,  and  here  '  ei '  may  be  easily  supplied 
from  'tibi/  or  perhaps,  as  Mr.  W.  Lock 
thinks,  ♦  a  quo  *  refers  to  '  quicquam.' 

11.  Tu  melius,  '  scis.'  On  the  ellipse, 
cp.  Ep.  9,  8,  note. 

Cum  semper  . .  tum  maxime  :  cp.  Ep. 
26,  3,  note. 

IMP.  The  use  of  this  title  may  be  ex- 
plained by  the  victories  of  D.  Brutus  over 
the  Inalpini. 

COS.  DESIG.  It  is  implied  in  various 
passages  of  the  Philippics  and  of  Cicero's 
letters,  that  Caesar  had  nominated  D.  Brutus 
and   L.  Plancus  to  be  consuls  in   42  B.C. 


i 


x\ 


\\ 


EP.  J 21.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XVI.  8.         553 

ut  dignitatem  meam  tuerere,  sed  profecto  est  ita,  ut  mihi  per- 
suasi,  me  tibi  esse  curae.  Progressus  sum  ad  Inalpinos  cum 
exercitu,  non  tam  nomen  imperatorium  captans  quam  cupiens 
militibus  satis  facere  firmosque  eos  ad  tuendas  nostras  res  effi- 
2  cere  :  quod  mihi  videor  consecutus  ;  nam  et  liberalitatem  nostram  5 
et  animum  sunt  experti.  Cum  omnium  bellicosissimis  bellum 
gessi ;  multa  castella  cepi,  multa  vastavi :  non  sine  causa  ad 
senatum  litteras  misi.  Adiuva  nos  tua  sententia ;  quod  cum 
facies,  ex  magna  parte  communi  commodo  inservieris. 


121.    To    ATTICUS    (AD   ATT.    XVI.   8.) 
PuTEOLi,(?)  Early  in  November,  44  b.c  (710  a.u.c.) 

what  day  to  expect  me.  I  hear  from 
Calatia  and  Casilinum,  and  will  visit 
much,  and  a  secret  interview  which 
Caecina  to  me  to  tell  me  of  Antony's 
occupy  Capua,  or  march  to  Rome,  or 
going  to  Rome.  W' ould  that  Brutus 
expect  you  will  wish  me  to  go  to 


I.  When  my  plans  are  fixed,  I  will  tell  you  on 
Octavian  that  he  has  gained  over  the  veterans  at 
the  other  colonies.  I  do  not,  however,  trust  him 
he  proposes  would  be  impracticable.  2.  He  sent 
movements  and  to  ask  whether  he  himself  should 
repair  to  the  legions  of  Macedonia.  I  advised  his 
were  here !  What  do  you  advise  me  to  do  ?  I 
Rome. 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1      Cum  sciam,  quo  die  venturus  sim,  faciam  ut  scias.     Impedi-  10 
menta  exspectanda  sunt,  quae  Anagnia  veniunt,  et  familia  aegra 
est.     Kal.  vesperi  litterae  mihi  ab  Octaviano  :   magna  molitur. 


Cp.  Merivale  2.  472.  On  the  movements 
of  D.  Brutus,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  4 ;  9  ; 
Appendix  II.  I ;  Ep.  107,  notes. 

1.  Est  ita  .  .  curae,  'the  case  is  as  I 
have  persuaded  myself,  namely,  that  you 
take  an  interest  in  me.'  On  '  ita  est,' 
cp.  Ep.  122,  I. 

2.  Ad  Inalpinos.  Perhaps  the  tribes 
of  the  modern  Savoy  and  Piedmont.  Wiel., 
Billerb. 

4.  Militibus  satis  facere,  *  to  satisfy 
the  expectations  of  my  men.*  Cp.  the  next 
section. 

Ad  tuendas  nostras  res,  'to  support 
our  interests.* 

5.  Mihi  videor  consecutus:  cp. Madv. 
400  a;  Epp.  22,  4;  a6,  3,  note. 

Liberalitatem,  'my  generosity*  in  dis- 
tributing rewards  and  plunder. 


6.  Animum,  *  my  courage  *  in  the  field. 

7.  Castella,  'villages'  not  necessarily 
fortified.  Cp.  Livy  22.  11  'quibus  castella 
.  .  immunita  essent.' 

8.  Tua  sententia,  *  by  your  vote  in  the 
senate.' 

10.  Cum  sciam,  fnt.  indie. 

11.  Anagnia.  The  old  capital  of  the 
Hernici,  situated  above  the  valley  of  the 
Trerus,  about  half  way  between  Praeneste 
and  Frusino.  It  is  now  called  Anagni.  On 
Cicero's  movements  at  this  time,  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §  10.  Boot  suspects  '  Anagnia'  and 
suggests  •  a  Velia.' 

Familia  aegra  est,  *  there  is  illness 
among  my  slaves.' 

12.  Kal.,  sc.  Novemb. 

Ab  Octaviano,  sc.  '  redditae  sunt.' 


;! 


554 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


M 


n 


Veteranos,  qui  Casllini  et  Calatiae  sunt,  perduxit  ad  suam  sen- 
tentiam  ;  nee  mirum  :  quingenos  denarios  dat.  Cogitat  reliquas 
colonias  obire  ;  plane  hoc  spectat,  ut  se  duce  bellum  geratur  cum 
Antonio.     Itaque  video  paucis  diebus  nos  in  armis  fore.     Quern 

5  autem  sequamur?   vide   nomen,  vide   aetatem.      Atque   a   me 
postulat,  primum  ut  clam  colloquatur  mecum  vel  Capuae  vel  non 
longe  a  Capua :  puerile  hoc  quidem,  si  id  putat  clam  fieri  posse  ; 
docui  per  litteras  id  nee  opus  esse  nee  fieri  posse.    Misit  ad  me  2 
Caecinam   quendam  Volaterranum,  familiarem  suum,  qui  haec 

10  pertulit,  Antonium  cum  legione  Alaudarum  ad  urbem  pergere, 
pecunias  municipiis  imperare,  legionem  sub  signis  ducere.  Con- 
sultabat,  utrum  Romam  cum  CI3  CID  CID.  veteranorum  proficis- 
ceretur,  an  Capuam  teneret  et  Antonium  venientem  excluderet, 
an  iret  ad  tres  legiones  Macedonicas,  quae  iter  secundum  mare 

15  superum  faciunt,  quas  sperat  suas  esse :  eae  congiarium  ab 
Antonio  accipere  noluerunt,  ut  hie  quidem  narrat,  et  ei  convi- 


1.  Casilini  et  Calatiae.  Caesar  had 
settled  some  veterans  at  both  these  places. 
Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  40 ;  Veil.  a.  61,  i.  A. 
W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigraph,  i.  296, 
thinks  that  the  towns  had  been  re-constituted 
under  the  Lex  lulia  in  59  b.c.  Casilinum 
was  the  place  now  called  Capua,  and  com- 
manded an  important  passage  over  the 
Volturnus.  Calatia  (now  Le  Galazze?) 
stood  on  the  Appian  way  about  6  miles  S.E. 
of  Capua ;  there  was  another  town  of  the 
same  name  N.E.  of  Capua.  Cp.  Diet,  of 
Geogr.  I.  476-77. 

2.  Quingenos  denarios.  The  dena- 
rius has  been  valued  by  diflPerent  scholars  at 
different  sums  from  7*92cf.  to  852^.  The 
sum  here  given  may  therefore  be  from 
^16  los.  to  £17  los. 

5.  Nomen.  Cicero  could  not  trust  one 
who  bore  the  name  of  Caesar  even  by 
adoption. 

Aetatem.  Octavian  was  now  19,  as  he 
was  born  Sept.  23,  63  B.C.     Cp.  Suet.  Oct.  5. 

6.  Primum.  No  corresponding  particle 
follows,  but,  as  Andr.  says,  one  is  implied  in 

p.  555.  1-  2- 

7.  Puerile.      It  was  childish  to  suppose 

that  the  movements  of  such  men  as  Cicero 
and  Octavian  would  not  be  watched  in  so 
populous  a  neighbourhood. 

9.  Caecinam  quendam.  Cicero  would 
hardly  speak  thus  of  the  intimate  friend  to 
whom  he  wrote  the  letter  91  (Ad  Fam.  6. 
6).  This  man  is  probably  not  elsewhere 
mentioned.  Cp.,  however,  Ep.  91,  13, 
note. 


10.  Cum  legione  Alaudarum.  This 
legion,  which  Caesar  had  raised  in  Trans- 
alpine Gaul,  and  had  presented  with  the 
rights  of  Roman  citizenship,  was  now  tho- 
roughly devoted  to  Antony.  It  probably 
bore  the  number  5.  Cp.  Suet.  lul.  24; 
Philipp.  I.  8,  20 ;  Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4 ;  Ap- 
pendix II.  II,  note. 

Ad  urbera  pergere  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part 

V.  §9. 

11.  Sub    signis,    'in    warlike    array,' 

•  with  colours  flying.*     Forceli. 

Consultabat,  'he  asked  my  advice.* 

12.  CIO  CIO  CIO.:  cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 
42. 

13.  Excluderet,  'cut  off  from  Rome. 
Billerb.    Antony  would  pass  through  Capua 
if  he  followed  the  Appian  way. 

14.  Tres  legiones:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V, 
and  Appendix  1 1 ,  11.  cc.  Andr .  thinks  that  the 

•  legio  Martia '  had  already  deserted  Antony. 

Secundum  mare  superum,  'by  the 
road  along  the  Adriatic  coast.*  Cp.  App. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  44. 

15.  Suas  esse,  *  are  devoted  to  him.' 
On  the  pres.  infin.  after  *  spero,'  cp.  p.  26 
(Ep.  I,  l),  note. 

Congiarium,  'a  present*  originally  of 
wine  and  oil.  More  often  used  of  gifts  to 
the  people  than  of  gifts  to  the  soldiers.  For 
the  latter  *  donativum '  is  more  common. 

16.  Hie,  i.e.  Octavian.  Cp.  •  ducem  se 
profitetur*  below.  But  Billerb.  and  Wiel. 
think  that  •  hie'  is  Caecina. 

Convitium  . .  fecerunt,  *  abused.'  Cp. 
p.  50,  1.  4. 


( 


EP.i2^.]      EPISTOLARUM  AB  ATTICUM  XVI.  ii.       555 

tium  grave  fecerunt  contionantemque  reliquerunt.  Quid  quaeris? 
ducem  se  profitetur  nee  nos  sibi  putat  deesse  oportere.  Equidem 
suasi,  ut  Romam  pergeret ;  videtur  enim  mihi  et  plebeculam 
urbanam  et,  si  fidem  fecerit,  etiam  bonos  viros  secum  habiturus. 
O  Brute,  ubi  es }  quantam  evKaLpCav  amittis !  non  equidem  hoc  5 
divinavi,  sed  aliquid  tale  putavi  fore.  Nunc  tuum  consilium 
exquiro.  Romamne  venio,  an  hie  maneo,  an  Arpinum — adcpd- 
k€Lav  habet  is  locus— fugiam  ?  Romam,  ne  desideremur,  si  quid 
actum  videbitur.  Hoc  igitur  explica :  numquam  in  maiore 
aTTopCq  fui. 


lO 


122.    To  ATTICUS  (AD  ATT.  XVI.  ii).      . 
PuTEOLi,  (.?)  Early  in  November,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

'  1.2.  Two  letters  have  arrived  from  you  to-day.  I  am  glad  you  like  my  work,  and 
you  have  shewn  judgment  in  choosing  passages  from  it.  As  for  your  criticisms  on  my 
speech,  I  will  gladly  adopt  your  suggestions,  and  hope  it  may  soon  be  possible  to  cir- 
culate it  freely.  3.  I  am  not  sorry  you  like  Varro's  rr€iT\oypa(pia,  and  glad  that  you 
approve  my  work  on  Old  Age.  4.  I  have  written  a  work  in  two  books  on  Duties  con- 
taining the  substance  of  three  books  of  Panaetius,  and  shall  add  another  book  from 
Posidonius,  on  conflicts  of  motives.  I  dedicate  the  whole  to  my  son  Marcus.  5.  Thank 
you  for  telling  me  about  Myrtilus.  6.  Octavian  writes  to  me  often,  and  is  anxious  to 
go  to  Rome  and  meet  the  senate.  I  do  not  think  anything  can  be  done  there  before 
Jan.  I ,  but  he  is  very  popular  in  Campania  and  Samnium,  and  I  shall  visit  Rome 
sooner  than  I  had  intended.  7.  Please  settle  the  business  you  referred  to  before  the 
1 2th.  I  will  give  Valerius  introductions  in  Sicily  as  he  wished.  8.  I  hear  Lepidus* 
holidays  will  last  till  the  29th.  I  shall  like  to  hear  from  you,  and  I  send  you  a  letter 
from  Quintus.     Remember  me  to  Attica. 


I.  Contionantem,  'in  the  middle  of 
his  speech.'  On  the  occurrences  here  men- 
tioned, cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  43-44.  The 
soldiers  were  discontented  with  the  smallness 
of  Antony's  offers. 

3.  Plebeculam,  cp.  p.  60,  note  on  1. 

15- 

4.  Si  fidem  fecerit,  *if  he  shall  con- 
vince them  of  his  honesty ;'  *  win  their 
confidence.*  '  Fides  *  =  '  firma  opinio  et 
persuasio  quam  habemus  de  aliquo.'     Forceli. 

5.  O  Brute,  ubi  es?  M.  Brutus  was 
probably  at  Athens  preparing  to  take  pos- 
session of  Macedonia.  Cp.  intr.  to  Part  V, 
§  II  ;  Plut.  Brut.  24. 

€vKaipiav,  'an  admirable  opportunity 
for  action,'  quite  classical. 
Hoc, '  what  has  happened.* 


7.  Venio  .  .  maneo:  cp.  Ad  Att.  13. 
40,  2  '  quid  mihi  auctor  es  ?  advolo  ne  an 
maneo.'  The  transition  to  'fugiam'  is 
curious ;  Madvig  (Opusc.  Acad.  2.  40)  ex- 
plains it  as  one  from  oratio  directa  to  obli- 
qua.  Cp.  Pro  Quinct.  17,  54  'postulo  nc  a 
praetore  .  .  an  .  .  denuntiem.' 

do<pd\€iav  habet,  *  is  safe.'  Forceli. 
Cp.  *  habere  videtur  ista  res  iniquitatem.'  In 
Cat.  4.  4,  7.  Its  retirement  made  Arpinum 
a  safe  residence.     Cp.  Appendix  5,  §  i. 

8.  Romam,  sc.  'malo,'  which  Boot  pro- 
poses to  insert.  Cicero,  however,  did  not 
apparently  visit  Rome  till  December.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  10. 

Si  quid  .  .videbitur,  '  if  any  good  shall 
seem  to  have  been  done.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  16. 9 
*  metuo  ne  quae  dpiarda  me  absente.* 


c 


55^ 


M.  TULLII  C  ICE  RON  IS 


[part  v. 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 


Nonis  accepi  a  te  duas  epistolas,  quarum  alteram  Kal.  dederas,  i 
alteram  pridie :  igitur  prius  ad  superiorem.  Nostrum  opus  tibi 
probari  laetor,  ex  quo  avQr]  ipsa  posuisti,  quae  mihi  florentiora 
sunt  visa  tuo  iudicio ;  cerulas  enim  tuas  miniatas  illas  exti- 
5  mescebam.  De  Sicca  ita  est,  ut  scribis ;  f  asta  ea  aegre  me 
tenui.  Itaque  perstringam  sine  ulla  contumelia  Siccae  aut  Sep- 
timiae,  tantum  ut  sciant  TratSes  TratScor,  sine  vallo  Luciliano,  eum 
ex  Galli  Fadii  filia  liberos  habuisse.  Atque  utinam  eum  diem 
videam,  cum  ista  oratio  ita  libere  vagetur,  ttt  etiam  in  Siccae 
10  domum  introeat !   sed  illo  tempore  opus  est,  quod  fuit  illis  III 


3.  Igitur  prius,  sc.  *  rescribam.' 
Nostrum  opus.      Usually  supposed  to 

mean  the  books  '  de  gloria/  on  which,  cp. 

Ad  Att.  i6.  2,  6  ;  i6.  6,  4.      But  I  agree 

with  Mr.  Jeans  that  the  whole  section  may 

refer  to  the  second  Philippic. 

3.  dvOr],  'the  fine  passages'  called  *eclo- 
garii,'  sc.  'loci,'  Ad  Att.  16.  2,  6.  The 
Greek  word  does  not  seem  to  be  used  by 
classical  authors  quite  in  this  sense, 

Posuisti,  'you  have  mentioned.'  For- 
cell. 

Florentiora,  'more  brilliant,'  with  al- 
lusion to  the  dvOr)  or  'flores'  mentioned 
above. 

4.  Tuo  iudicio,  'owing  to  your  ap- 
proval,* abl.  causae. 

Cerulas  . .  miniatas,  'your  marks  with 
red  wax,'  which  Atticus  used  to  point  out 
passages  to  which  he  objected.  Cp.  Ad  Att. 
15.  14,  4  '  me  ad  avvTo^fis  dedi  quae  qui- 
dem  vereor  ne  miniata  cerula  tua  pluribus 
locis  notandae  sint.' 

5.  Sicca.  A  friend  of  Cicero.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  16.  6,  I  •  IX  Kal.  igitur  ad  Siccam  ;  ibi 
tamquam  domi  meae  scilicet.'  Septimia  was 
probably  his  wife.  The  passage  seems  to 
imply  that  Antony  had  intrigued  with  Sep- 
timia, and  that  Cicero  did  not  mention  this 
in  his  second  Philippic  out  of  consideration 
for  her  husband.     Boot. 

Ita  est,  ut  scribis,  'your  suspicion  is 
well  founded.' 

Asta  ea,  foil.  Victorius  (ap.  Baiter) 
suggests  'ast  aegre;'  Boot  'ab  ista,'  '1 
could  hardly  help  mentioning  her.* 

6.  Perstringam,  sc.  Antonium.  On  the 
verb,  cp.  p.  48,  1.  16,  note. 

7.  iraiS€s  iraibMU.     Hom.  II.  20.  308. 
Sine    vallo    Luciliano,  'without  the 


obstacles   Lucilius  interposed.'     Lucilius   is 
said  to  have  declared  that  he  did  not  wish 
to  be  understood  by  everybody.     Cp.  De 
Orat.  2.  6,  25.     Corradus  ap.  Boot. 
Eum,  Antonium. 

8.  Galli  Fadii  :  cp.  Philipp.  2.  2,  3  ;  3. 
6,  17.  He  was  a  freedman,  and  as  it  was 
not  usual  for  freednien  to  take  their  patron's 
cognomen.  Boot  suggests  'Gaii'  for  'Galli.' 
His  daughter,  Fadia,  was  Antony's  first 
wife.  Cp.  King's  Philippics,  p.  306 ;  Dru- 
mann  i.  517. 

9.  Ista  oratio,  i.e.  the  second  Philippic. 
Vagetur.     On  the  future  sense  of  the 

pres.  conjunct.,  cp.  Ep.  6,  i,  note.  The 
word  seems  to  mean  *  be  published.'  Cp. 
•ea  fama  vagatur*  Verg.  Aen.  2.  17. 

In  Siccae  domum  :  where  it  could  not 
now  safely  enter  lest  Septimia  should  divulge 
its  contents. 

10.  Quod  fuit  illis  ill  viris, '  which  we 
had  under  the  triumvirs,'  i.e.  from  59-53 
B.C. — a  reference  perhaps  to  the  greater 
freedom  which  then  prevailed.  Boot  and 
Billerbeck  both  see  an  allusion  to  Caesar 
and  Pompey  having  both  been  three  times 
married.  The  words  '  tribus  viris '  seem  to 
be  a  quotation  from  a  letter  of  Atticus. 
Mr.  Jeans  paraphrases  '  I  want  my  speech 
to  make  its  way  into  Sicca's  house,  .  .  but 
to  penetrate  there  we  ought  to  have  the 
days  of  "  the  triumvirate"  back  again  when 
Antonius  and  two  unnamed  lovers  who  had 
intrigues  with  Sicca's  wife,  Septimia,  used 
frequently  to  make  their  way  in.*  Professor 
Nettleship  has  furnished  me  with  an  ingenious 
suggestion  on  this  passage.  He  would  omit 
the  comma  after  *  opus  est,'  and  explain  '  we 
want  those  times  back  t</A/c/t  are  over  now  that 
the  three  Antonii  are  triumvirs.'     A  sugges- 


EP.I22.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM   XVL  ii.       557 

viris.    Moriar,  nisifacete!    Tu  vero  leges  Sexto  eiusque  iudicium 
mihi  perscribes.     Els  e^xot  ixvpiot,     Caleni  interv^entum  et  Calvenae 

2  cavebis.  Quod  vereris  ne  abdkeaxos  mihi  tu,  quis  minus?  cui,  ut 
Aristophani  Archilochi  iambus, sic  epistola  ttia  longissima  quaeque 
optima  videtur.  Quod  me  admones,  tu  vero  etiam  si  reprehen-  5 
deres,  non  modo  facile  paterer,  sed  etiam  laetarer,  quippe  cum  in 
reprehensione  sit  prudentia  cum  eiixtveta.  Ita  libenter  ea  corrigam, 
quae  a  te  animadversa  sunt.  '  Eodem  iure,  quo  Rubriana '  potius, 
quam  ^quo  Scipionis/  et  de  laudibus  Dolabellae  deruam  cumulum. 
Ac  tamen  est  isto  loco  bella,  ut  mihi  videtur,  dpoiv^Ca,  quod  eum  lo 
ter  contra  cives  in  acie.    lUud  etiam  malo  *  f  indignius  esse  hunc 

3  vivere  '  quam  '  quid  indignius  ?  '     TrenXoypacpiav  Varronis  tibi  pro- 


l) 


tion  of  J.  F.  Gronovius,  quoted  by  Boot,  and 
approved,  though  not  adopted,  by  Orelli  sup- 
ports the  same  explanation  of  'illis'  and, 
indirectly,  of  the  force  of  '  fuit.'  Perhaps 
the  letter  of  Atticus  to  which  Cicero  is  here 
replying  would  have  explained  the  allusion, 
but  it  is  hard  to  form  an  opinion  on  the 
matter  under  existing  circumstances. 

1.  Nisi  facete,  sc.  'hoc  dixeris.' 
Leges  :  cp.  Ep.  ii,  3,  note. 
Sexto,  sc.  Peducaeo  :  cp.  Ep.  61,  2. 

2.  Efs  €fjiol  fxvpioi/ his  judgment  goes 
for  that  of  ten  thousand  with  me.'  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  2.  5,  I  '  Cato  .  .  qui  mihi  unus  est  pro 
centum  millibus.' 

Caleni.  Q,Fufius  Calenus  is  often  men- 
tioned in  the  Philippics  as  acting  on  behalf 
of  Antony.  For  notices  of  him,  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  IV,  §  5  ;  to  Part  V,  §§  13 ;  14 ;  EPP- 
7,  I ;  II,  I,  notes. 

Calvenae,  a  nickname  for  Matius.  Cp. 
Ep.  106,  2.  'Do  not  let  yourself  be  sur- 
prised by  Calenus  and  Matius  while  reading 
my  speech.'  .   , 

3.  Ne  ddoXeax^^*  sc.  'videans. 

4.  Aristophani.  Here  the  gramma- 
rian of  Byzantium  is  probably  meant.  He 
lived   at   Alexandria    in   the  third  century 

before  Christ.  ,     o  u 

Archilochus  of  Paros  lived  m  the  8th 

and  7th  centuries  before  Christ. 

Iambus,  here  for  *a  satire'  or  'iambic 

poem.'     Cp.  Smith's  Lat.  Diet. 

5.  Quod  me  admones  ..  paterer, '  as 
for'  your  criticisms,  I  should  not  objtct  even 
to  censure  from  you.'  ^ 

7.  Prudentia  cum  €u/*€i'€iqf,  *  discern- 
ment combined  with  good  will.' 

8.  Eodem  iure  quo  Rubriana:  cp. 
Philipp.  2.  40,  103  '  quo  iure?  quo  ore? 
eodem,  inquies,  quo  in  heredum  L.  Rubru. 


Cicero  seems  originally  to  have  written 
'eodem  iure  quo  Scipionis,*  and  to  have 
been  warned  by  Atticus  that  Antony  had 
not  acquired  the  estate  of  Scipio  as  he  sup- 
posed. Cp.  Philipp.  5.  7,  19  'ipse  interea 
XVII.  dies  de  me  in  Tiburtino  Scipionis  de- 
clamitavit.* 

9.  Deruam  cumulum,  'will  remove 
what  is  exaggerated.'  Cicero  had  praised 
Dolabella  for  his  courage  and  consistency 
(Philipp.  2.  30,  75).  and  for  his  vigour  dis- 
played in  support  of  the  cause  of  order  after 
Caesar's  death  (lb.  42,  107;  cp.  Ep.  III). 
'  Cumulus '  is  explained  by  Forcell.  '  quod 
supra  mensuram  adiicitur.' 

10.  Isto  loco  :  Philipp.  2.  30,  75.  Cicero 
did  not  expunge  this  passage  after  all. 

(IpctiViia,  'hidden  meaning.'  Nearly 
'  irony '  in  our  sense. 

Quod  eum  .  .  in  acie,  sc.  stetisse  dixi : 
cp.  Philipp.  I.  c.  •  ter  depugnavit  Caesar  cum 
civibus  .  .  omnibus  adfuit  his  pugnis  Dola- 
bella.' 

11.  lUud  etiam  malo,' I  prefer,  too,  the 
words  you  suggest  in  another  place  to  mine. 
Cicero  did  not,  however,  change  what  he 
had  written  ai  first.  Cp.  Philipp.  2.  34,  86 
'  quid  indignius  quam  vivere  eum  qui  im- 
posuerit  diadema.* 

12.  'ir€rr\oypa<l>iav.  This  has  been  ex- 
plained as  follows : — The  Athenians  are  said 
(cp.  Smith,  Antiq.  sub  voc.  *  Panathenaea ;' 
Schomann,  Griech.  Alt.  2.  447)  to  have 
embroidered  on  a  shawl  given  to  Athene 
every  four  years,  both  mythological  subjects 
and  the  names  of  men  distinguished  in  war 
or  otherwise  :  hence  Varro  seems  to  have 
given  the  name  to  a  portrait  album  with  ex- 
planatory comments.  This  work  is  by  some 
identified  with  one  called  '  Hebdomades,  sive 
de  Imaginibus.'     Orell.  Onomast.  sub  voc. ; 


558 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


:f' 


ill 


m 


bari  non  moleste  fero,  a  quo  adhuc  'UpaKXeiheiov  illud  non  abstuli. 
Quod  me  hortaris  ad  scribendum,  amice  tu  quidem,  sed  me  scito 
agere  nihil  aliud.  Gravedo  tua  mihi  molesta  est :  quaeso,  adhibe, 
quam  soles,  diligentiam.    '  O  Tite '  tibi  prodesse  laetor.    Anagnini 

5  sunt  Mustek  raftapx^^  et  Laco,  qui  plurimum  bibit.      Librum, 
quem  rogas,  perpoliam  et  mittam.    Haec  ad  posteriorem.    Ta  -jrepl  4 
Tov  KaOriKovTos,  quatenus  Panaetius,  absolvi  duobus  :  illius  tres  sunt, 
sed  cum  initio  divisisset  ita,  tria  genera  exquirendi  officii  esse 
unum,  cum  deliberemus,  honestum  an  turpe  sit,  alterum,  utile  an 

lo  inutile,  tertium,  cum  haec  inter  se  pugnare  videantur,  quo  modo 
iudicandum  sit,  qualis  causa  Reguli,  redire  honestum,  manere 
utile,  de  duobus  primis  praeclare  disseruit,  de  tertio  pollicetur  se 
deinceps,  sed  nihil  scripsit.  Eum  locum  Posidonius  persecutus  est  ; 
ego  autem  et  eius  librum  arcessivi  et  ad  Athenodorum  Calvum 

15  scripsi,  ut  ad  me  to.  K^(i>aKaia  mitteret,  quae  exspecto  ;  quem  velim 


I 


Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.  35.  3,  11  ;  Smith,  Diet,  of 
Biogr.  3.  1226. 

1.  A  quo,  sc.  Varrone. 
'H/)a«X€t5€iov.       Apparently   a    great 

work  in  the  style  of  Heraclides  Ponticus, 
which  Cicero  expected  from  Varro.  Cp, 
Ad  Att.  16.  12  *de  'Hpa/cAciSeiy  Varronis 
negotia  salsa  ;  me  quidem  nihil  umquam 
sic  delectavit.'  In  some  passages,  however, 
Cicero  seems  to  refer  to  a  contemplated 
work  of  his  own  as  'Hpa^XetSftov.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  15.  13,  3.  Heraclides  was  a  pupil  of 
Plato. 

Non  abstuli,  'I  have  not  succeeded  in 
getting.' 

2.  Amice  tu  quidem,  sc.  *agis.* 

3.  Gravedo  :  cp.  Ep.  74,  6,  note. 

4.  O  Tite.  The  treatise  De  Senectute 
begins  with  these  words  in  a  quotation  from 
Ennius,  in  which  T.  Flamininus  is  addressed 
by  a  guide.  Cp.  Livy  32.11.  In  Mr.  Words- 
worth's Fragments  and  Specimens  of  early 
Latin,  ed.  1874,  p.  305,  I  find — 

'  O  Tite  si  quid  ego  adiuero  curam  ve  levasso 
Quae  nunc  te  coquit  et  versat  in  pectore  fixa 
Ecquid  erit  praemi?'     Enn.  Ann.  x. 

Anagnini,  'the  men  of  Anagnia,'  re- 
ferred to  in  Philipp.  2.  41,  106.  The  pas- 
sage now  stands '  praesertim  cum  duos  secum 
Anagninos  haberet,  Mustelam  et  Laconem, 
quorum  alter  gladiorum  est  princeps,  alter 
poculorum.'  The  names  of  Mustela  and 
Laco  were  probably  inserted  by  Cicero  on 
revision,  owing  to  a  remark  from  Atticus  on 
the  obscurity  of  the  allusion. 

5.  Ta£idpx'7^  =  '"°^""°'' 
Librum,  probably  the  Topica.     Cp.  Ad 


Fam.  7. 19  •  ut  primum  Velia  navigare  coepi 
institui  Topica  Aristotelea  conscribere.* 

6.  Haec,  sc.  '  respondeo.'  This  refers 
to  what  follows.  Wesenb.  suggests  '  Haec 
(habes)  ad  superiorem ;  nunc  (or  nunc  audi) 
ad  posteriorem.' 

Ad  posteriorem,  sc.  *  epistolam.'     Cp. 

§1. 

tA    TTipX    TOV    Kad'fjKovros  =  *de  of- 

ficiis.' 

7.  Quatenus  Panaetius.  sc.  'scripsit.' 
Absolvi    duobus,  sc.  •  libris,'    •!  have 

finished  my  work,  so  far  as  Panaetius  dealt 
with  the  question,  in  two  books.'  Panaetius 
was  a  Stoic  philosopher,  patronised  by  the 
younger  Scipio,  and  often  mentioned  by 
Cicero,  e.g.  Pro  Muren.  31.  66. 

8.  Exquirendi  officii,  •  of  enquiries  on 
points  of  duty.* 

II.  Qualis  causa  ReguH.  The  con- 
struction seems  rather  irregular  ;  we  should 
expect  •  ut  in  causa  Reguli '  or  the  insertion 
of  '  cui '  before  *  redire.' 

13.  Posidonius  :  cp.  Ep  9,  2,  note.  With 
the  passage  in  general  compare  De  Off.  I. 
3,  8-10. 

Persecutus  est  =  ' per  fecit.'     Forcell. 

14.  Athenodorus  of  Tarsus,  a  Stoic,  was 
afterwards  apparently  teacher  of  Claudius 
the  emperor  during  Augustus'  lifetime.  He 
can  hardly  in  that  case  have  been  past 
middle  life  when  Cicero  knew  him.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  16.  14,  4;  Ad  Fam.  3.  7,  5;  Suet. 
Claud.  4. 

15.  TcL  K€<pd\aia,  'the  heads'  of  the 
work  of  Posidonius.  It  is  quite  a  classical 
word. 


EP.  122.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  ATTICUM  XVI,  ii.       559 

cohortere  et  roges,  ut  quam  primum.  In  eo  est  -nepX  tov  Kara  Trept- 
(TTacnv  KaOrjKovTos,  Quod  de  inscriptione  quaeris,  non  dubito  quin 
KaeiJKOv  *officium'  sit,  nisi  quid  tu  aliud,  sed  inscriptio  plenior 
'de   officiis.'      Ilpoo-^cora)    autem    Ciceroni  filio ;  visum  est  non 

5  avoLK€Loi\    De  Myrtilo  dilucide.     O  quales  tu  semper  istos !  itane  5 

6  in  D.  Brutum?  di  istis!  Ego  me,  ut  scripseram,  in  Pompeianum 
non  abdidi,  primo  tempestatibus,  quibus  nil  taetrius ;  deinde  ab 
Octaviano  quotidie  litterae,  ut  negotium  susciperem,  Capuam 
venirem,  iterum  rem  publicam  servarem,  Romam  utique  statim. 

Is  tamen  egit  sane  strenue  et  agit ;  Romam  veniet  cum  manu 
magna,  sed  est  plane  puer  :  putat  senatum  statim.  Quis  veniet  ? 
si  venerit,  quis  incertis  rebus  ofifendet  Antonium  ?  Kal.  lanuar. 
erit  fortasse  praesidio,  aut  quidem  ante  depugnabitur.  Puero  muni- 
cipia  mire  favent ;  iter  enim  faciens  in  Samnium  venit  Cales,  15 
mansit  Teani :  mirifica  aTraz/rrjo-ij  et  cohortatio.    Hoc  tu  putares  } 


10 


I.  Ut  quam  primum,  sc.  '  mittat.' 
Kard.     ir€pi<TTa<Tiv,     'under     circum- 
stances.'    The  subst.   occurs  ap.  Polyb.  I. 
35,  10,  alib. 

a.  De  inscriptione,  'about  the  title 
of  my  work.' 

4.  Ilpo(r(pojva>,  *I  address,'  i.e.  dedi- 
cate my  book  to  him.     Cp.  De  Off.  i.  i,  i. 

5.  di/oiKciov,  'inappropriate:'  cp. 
Polyb.  5.  96,  alib. 

De  Myrtilo  :  cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  13,  6.  It 
seems  that  Myrtilus  had  plotted  against  the 
life  of  Antony,  and  had  been  executed. 
Both  D.  Brutus  and  Octavius  seem  to  have 
been  suspected  of  suborning  him.  Cp.  Ep. 
119,  2  with  this  passage. 

Dilucide,  sc.  '  scripsisti.'  The  adverb 
seems  common. 

Quales  tu  semper  istos,  sc.  'Antonii 
amicos  esse  dixisti.'  *  Quam  Antonii  amicos 
recte  cognoscis  et  vere  describisl'     Boot. 

Itane  in  D.  Brutum?  sc.  'crimen  con- 
ferunt.* 

6.  Di  istis!  sc. 'mala  dent  1'  Cp.,  on 
the  ellipse,  Ep.  9,  8,  note. 

Ego  me  . .  non  abdidi,  'I  did  not  retire 
to  my  estate  at  Pompeii,  as  I  wrote  you 
word  I  intended  to  do.'  Cp.  Ad  Att.  15. 
^?»  6  'ego  autem  in  Pompeianum  prope- 
rabam.' 

7.  Primo.     Wesenb.  has  'primum.* 
Tempestatibus,  '  owing  to  the  stormy 

weather,'  abl.  causae. 

8.  Quotidie  litterae,  sc. 'veniebant.' 
Capuam.     Octavius  was  now  organizing 


a  large  force  at  Capua.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  16.  9 
'  [Octavius]  rem  gerit  palam,  centuriat  Ca- 
puae.' 

9.  Romam  utique  statim,  sc. 'irern.* 

10.  aiSfaOev  /c.t.A.  Hom.  II.  7.  93, 
where  the  Greeks'  reluctance  to  accept 
Hector's  challenge  is  described. 

12.  Est  plane  puer,  'he  is  quite  a  boy/ 
full  of  enthusiasm. 

Putat  senatum  statim,  sc.  '  a  se  cogi 
posse.'     Billerb. 

Quis  veniet?  'what  senator  will  at- 
tend?' 

13.  Incertis  rebus,  'while  things  look 
so  doubtful.' 

Kal.  lanuar.,  the  date  when  Hirtius  and 
Pansa  would  come  into  office  as  consuls. 

14.  Erit  fortasse  praesidio,  sc.  'Octa 
vius  senatui.' 

15.  Enim,  'as  we  have  been  able  to  see, 
for.' 

Cales,  an  old  Latin  colony  about  seven 
miles  N.W.  of  Casilinum,  on  the  Latin  road. 
It  received  the  Roman  franchise,  and  became 
a  municipium,  probably,  by  the  Lex  lulia  90 

B.C. 

16.  Teani.  There  were  two  cities  of  the 
name  Teanum;  one  in  Apulia,  the  other, 
here  mentioned,  an  old  city  of  the  Sidicini 
about  five  miles  N.W.  of  Cales,  on  the  same 
(Latin)  road. 

dtrdvTTjais:  cp.  Ep.  59,  2. 
Cohortatio,  'exhortation*  of  Octavius 
by  the  people,  to  be  active. 

Hoc    tu   putares,  '  could   you  believe 


56o 


M.  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


[part  v. 


If 


Ob  hoc  ego  citius  Romam,  quam  constitueram.  SImul  et  consti- 
tuero,  scribam.  Etsi  nondum  stipulationes  legeram — nee  enim  7 
Eros  venerat — ,  tamen  rem  pridie  Idus  velim  conficias.  Epistolas 
Catinam,  Tauromenium,  Syracusas  commodius  mittere  potero,  si 
5  Valerius  interpres  ad  me  nomina  gratiosorum  scripserit ;  alii  enim 
sunt  alias,  nostrique  familiares  fere  demortui :  publice  tamen 
scripsi,  si  uti  vellet  eis  Valerius,  aut  mihi  nomina  mitteret.  De  8 
Lepidianis  feriis  Balbus  ad  me,  usque  ad  III.  Kal.  Exspectabo  tuas 
litteras,  meque  de  Torquati   negotiolo  sciturum  puto.      Quinti 


this,*  potential.  Cp.  Ep.  8,  lo.note  ;  Madv. 

350  a- 

I.  Ob  hoc.    Wesenb.  suggests  *ob  haec' 

saying  that  the  reference  is  to  all  the  reasons 

stated  above. 

Citius  Romam,  sc.  *ibo.' 

Simul  et  constituero,  *  as  soon  as  I 
shall  have  fixed  my  plans.'  For  the  use  of 
*  simul  et,*  cp.  Ep.  74,  4  '  simul  et  in  Cuma- 
num  veni.* 

3.  Stipulationes,  'the covenants'  which 
Eros  (on  whom  cp.  Ep.  96,  4,  note)  was  ex- 
pected to  bring.  *  Stipulatio'  was  properly  the 
form  in  which  a  question  was  proposed  by 
one  of  the  parties  to  the  other,  e.g.  *  tu  dare 
spondes  centum  sestertios?' 

3.  Rem.  What  this  business  was  can 
hardly  be  ascertained.  Boot,  following  Ma- 
nutius,  thinks  that  it  may  refer  to  the  con- 
templated sale  of  some  estate  by  Cicero  ; 
Corrad.  (ap.  Billerb.)  and  Billerb.,  to  some 
arrangement  of  Dolabella's  for  paying  his 
debt  to  Cicero.     Cp.  Ad  Att.  15.  13,  5  ;  16. 

3.5- 

Epistolas.     Cicero  seems  to  have  been 

asked  to  give  Valerius  letters  of  introduction 

to  various  Sicilian  communities,  and  to  the 

chief  men  in  them. 

4.  Catinam,  now  Catania  on  the  east 
coast  of  Sicily,  south  of  Mount  Etna  and 
north  of  Syracuse. 

Tauromenium,  now  Taormina,  near 
Naxos  and  north  of  Mount  Etna  on  the  east 
coast. 

5.  Valerius  apparently  was  an  inter- 
preter employed  either  by  C.  Antonius 
(Cicero's  fellow  consul  in  63  B.C.)  in  Mace- 
donia, or  by  the  senate  at  Rome.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  I.  13,  3.  On  the  employment  of  pro- 
fessional interpreters  by  the  Romans,  cp.  Ad 
Fam.  13.  54;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  I.  19. 

Gratiosorum,  *of  men  of  influence*  in 
the  different  cities.  Cp.  Ep.  30,  3  *  gratioso- 
rum in  sufFragiis.* 

6.  Alias,  *at  different  times.'  Forcell., 
Boot. 


Nostri  .  .  demortui,  'I  have  been  de- 
prived by  death  of  most  of  my  friends 
there.'  On  *  demortuus '  Forcell.  remarks 
*  in  hoc  verbo  semper  relatio  ad  alios  inest 
qui  morte  alicuius  aliqua  re  privantur/ 
Cicero  had  won  the  good  will  of  many 
Sicilians  when  quaestor  at  Lilybaeum  about 
thirty  years  before  the  date  of  this  letter, 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  I,  §  3  ;  Ep.  T08,  i. 

Publice,  'to  the  different  governments.' 
Cp.  Ep.  3,  I  'ex  litteris  tuis  quas  publice 
misisti.' 

7.  Vellet  . .  mitteret,  epistolary  tenses. 
Aut  seems  sometimes  to  have  the  force 

of  'alioqui.'  Forcell.  He  does  not  give 
any  instance  of  its  use  in  that  sense  by 
Cicero.  But  cp.  Ep.  9,  3  *  aut  ne  po- 
poscisses.' 

De  Lepidianis  feriis, 'about  the  holi- 
days fixed  by  Lepidus,'  or  '  in  honour  of 
Lepidus.'  The  first  is  the  usual  rendering, 
and  it  is  supposed  that  Lepidus  as  chief 
pontiff  had  assigned  many  days  in  which 
the  augurs  should  take  the  auspices  (cp.  Ad 
Att.  16.  5,  4),  which  would  make  them 
holidays  for  the  senate.  The  pontifices  had 
much  influence  in  fixing  the  *  feriae,'  though 
they  were  not  independent  of  the  magis- 
trates. Cp.  Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  i.  304,  305  ; 
also  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voce,  *  Fe- 
riae,' p.  528;  'Pontifex,'  940,  941.  Le- 
pidus was  elected  pontifex  maximus  in  the 
place  of  Caesar,  rather  irregularly.  Cp.  Livy, 
Epit,  117;  Veil.  2.63;  Ep.  141,  note. 

8.  Balbus  ad  me,  sc.  'scripsit  futuras.' 
'  Balbus  wrote  me  word  that  they  would  last 
till  Dec.  30.*  Boot.  It  is  not  said  when 
they  would  begin. 

Exspectabo  tuas  litteras,  'I  shall  wait 
for  a  letter  from  you  before  going  to 
Rome.' 

9.  De  Torquati  negotiolo.  I  cannot 
tell  whether  the  reference  is  to  A.  Manlius 
Torquatus,  praetor  52  bc,  to  whom  the 
letter  Ad  Fam.  6.  i  was  written,  or  to  his 
brother  Lucius,  praetor  49  b.c,  on  whom, 


U. 


1  ' 


EP.  123.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XL  5.      561 

litteras  ad  te  misi,  ut  scires,  quam  valde  eum  amaret,  quem  dolet 
a  te  minus  amari.  Atticae,  quoniam,  quod  optimum  in  pueris  est, 
hilarula  est^  meis  verbis  suavium  des  volo. 


123.    To  D.  BRUTUS  (AD  FAM.  XI.  5). 
Rome,  middle  of  December,  44  b.c.  (710  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  only  returned  to  Rome  on  the  9th,  and  so  could  not  write  by  Lupus.  I  have 
since  heard  good  news  of  you  from  Pansa.  2.  I  wish  to  remind  you  how  much  your 
countrymen  expect  from  you,  and  how  important  a  position  you  hold.  3.  Exert  your- 
self, then,  to  the  utmost  to  complete  your  service  to  your  country,  and  count  on  my 
energetic  support. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  D.  BRUTO  IMP.  COS.  DESIG. 

1  Lupus  familiaris  noster  cum  a  te  venisset  cumque  Romae  quos- 
dam  dies  commoraretur,  ego  eram  in  iis  locis,  in  quibus  maxime  5 
tuto  me  esse  arbitrabar  :  eo  factum  est  ut  ad  te  Lupus  sine  meis 
litteris  rediret,  cum  tamen  curasset  tuas  ad  me  perferendas.  Ro- 
mam autem  veni  a.  d.  v.  Idus  Dec,  nee  habui  quicquam  antiquius, 
quam  ut  Pansam  statim  convenirem ;  ex  quo  ea  de  te  cognovi, 
quae  maxime  optabam.  Qua  re  hortatione  tu  quidem  non  eges,  le 
si  ne  in  ilia  quidem  re,  quae  a  te  gesta  est  post  hominum  memo- 


cp.  Ad  Att.  9.  8,  I  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  24. 
The  word  '  negotiolum '  occurs  also  Ad 
Q.  F.  3.  4,  6. 

Quinti  litteras.  This  letter  is  no 
longer  extant. 

1.  Eum,  i.e.  the  younger  Quintus. 

2.  In  pueris,  *in  children.'  Cp.  Hor. 
Epp.  I.  2,  4i^  'puerisque  beata  creandis 
Uxor.'  Attica  was  now  probably  about  7 
years  old.  Cp.  p.  420, 1.  5,  note.  Her  father 
married  Feb.  12,  56  B.C.     Cp.  Ep.  23,  7. 

3.  Hilarula,  'somewhat  merry.'  The 
word  apparently  occurs  only  here. 

Meis  verbis  =  'meo  nomine.'     Forcell. 
Suavium.     Rare,   apparently,  in  prose. 
Forcell. 

IMP.  D.  Brutus  had  perhaps  obtained 
the  title  *  imperator  '  by  successes  gained 
over  the  Inalpini.  Cp.  pp.  552-553.  This 
letter  seems  to  have  been  written  before  the 
meeting  of  the  senate  on  Dec.  20,  on  which 
cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  10. 

4.  Lupus.      Apparently  a  legate  of  D. 


Brutus,  and  perhaps  the  same  with  a  Rutil- 
ius  Lupus,  tribune  in  56  B.C.  (cp.  Ep.  21, 
3),  and  (?)  praetor  49  b.c.  (cp.  Caes.  Bell. 
Civ.  I.  24^. 

5.  In  iis  locis.  Cicero  seems  to  have 
spent  the  latter  part  of  the  autumn  in  dif- 
ferent villas.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  10'; 
Ep.  121,  2.  ' 

6.  Tuto  . .  esse.  On  the  constr.,  cp.  Ep. 
4,  I,  note. 

Sine  meis  litteris,  'without  a  letter 
from  nie.'  Cp.,  on  this  use  of  the  pronoun^ 
Ep.  72.  I,  note. 

8.  Nee  habui  .  .  antiquius,  'and 
there  was  nothing  to  which  I  attached 
greater  importance.'  On  this  sense  of  *  anti- 
quus,'  cp.  Ep.  71,  4,  note. 

9.  De  te,  probably,  'about  your  disposi- 
tion towards  the  Commonwealth.*     Frey. 

II.  Si='si  quidem.'  Cp.  In  Cat.  I.  3,  6 
'si  neque  nox  tenebris  obscurare  coetus 
nefarios  .  .  potest.* 

In  ilia  .  .  re,  i.e.  in  the  murder  of 
Caesar. 


o  o 


f 


56  a 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[PART  V. 


J    :^»«c)-;    TUud  tamen  breviter  signi- 2 
riam  maxima,  hortatorem  de^^^""^^'*''  "  „t  a  te  exspectare  atque 

in  te  aliquando  reciperandae  I'^erta*- ^^^/^'J^o     P 
si  dies  noctesque  memmens,  ^^^  ';J^'^2ni2..  tibi  etiam  nunc 
,,em  gesseris   non  ^^^ ^;:^^:::^  eHt.  cui  quidem 
gerendae  smt :  si  -"""   f  ?      .^^^^  i^^ellexi  non  modo  aperte, 

^^r'"'';Ce"  1  re  pTbTca  bellum  gerere,  spem  reliquam 
sed  etiam  libenter  cum  re  p  precibus,  3 

nuUam  video  salutis.    Quam  ob  rem  te  obsec 

.0  quibus  senatus  PoP-^^rTuTpS^^  ^^'^"^• 

cam   dominatu   regio   liberes,  ut   pr       p  ^^^^^ 

Tuum  est  hoc  munus,  tuae  partes;  l'^^^'^^,,  q^am- 
potius  gentes  non  exspectant  ^^'l^^ ^''J^J^,,  ^on  ulr  ea 
quam,  cum  hortatione  "on  egeas    "^  s"pra  ^^^  P  ;  ^^^ 

,,  pluribus  verbis ;  faciam  illud,  quod  meun^  est  ut 

^fficia,  studia,  curas,  ^f^^-^^^^^^^Z^U:.  persuadeas. 

124.    TO  Q.  CORNIFICIUS  (AD  FAM.  XII.  «)• 

END  OF  DECEMBER,  44  B.C.  (71°  A.U.C.) 

At  5    We  are  sadly  in  want 

,  ,  ^  canying  on  an  ^^^^^:^{TZt'^^o..r^^  slowly  fro.  an  iU- 

of  leaders;  Pansa  .s  very  well  <»'^P°^«<*' ^"^    ^^^^  j^,  senate  adopted  my  proposals 

ness.    I  will  do  all  I  can  for  you.     3.  On  the  20t  _^^^  ^^^^^^^  ^„ 

on  several  affairs  of  i^P^^^"' 7^""'°  J  ",7  I  beg  you  to  maintain  your 
retain  their  commands  till  superseded  by  the  senate.  g 

_       .1        -^__J    r\P    /»r»n» 


t    Maxima.    A  superlative  defined  by  a 
„Wiv"prW-  --r'  '"  *'' 

.  rnot"  On  the  accus.  and  infin.  where 
t  ac'tuaUact  is  stated,  aud  we  might  expect 
"uod-  with  the  indicat.,  cp.  Madv.  598  b, 

°tAliquando  =  ' tandem.'    F»'"»-^  ,^ 

i  iste,  Antony,  who  was  preparmg  to 

„,«1  Cisalpine  Gaul  from  D.  Brutus.     Cp. 

Intr.  to  Part  V,  i  9-  .     ,       ^■^,^^  ,he 

11    Ut  principiis,  foil-,     so  ui" 
iJe  oV  your   enterprise  (the  recovery  of 
ft«dom).m.y  agree  with  its  begmn.ng  (the 


death  of  Caesar).'    On  the  mood  of  con- 
sentiant,  cp.  p.  Id,  note  on  1.  9-  ._ 

,2.  Omnes  potius  gentes.  «yPe™". 
cal  and  even  false,  for  it  ™»y  P^'',fJ=',^„! 
indued  from  Ta.Mn..^.^h;'^h^^^^^^^ 
vinces  were  m   many  cases  lavu 

^"f  btar  ea,sc.  -hortatione'  =  -hortabor.' 

,t  Pluribus  verbis,  ablat.  mod., 
/acfam  illud..  ut,  foil.  :cp.Ep.l6. 

''  r*Faveam.  conj ,  as  representing  a  snp- 
po^^d  opinion  of  D.  Brutus.  Cp.  Madv.  368. 

369- 


EP.  124.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES    XII.  22.   563 

position  accordingly.     4.  I  wish  you  could  have  obliged  me  about  Sempronius,  but  it 
is  of  little  consequence. 

CICERO  CORNIFICIO  SAL. 

1  Nos  hie  cum  homine  gladiatore  omnium  nequissimo,  collega 
nostro,  Antonio,  bellum  gerimus,  sed  non  pari  condicione,  contra 
arma  verbis.  At  etiam  de  te  contionatur,  nee  impune  ;  nam  sen- 
tiet,  quos  lacessierit.  Ego  autem  acta  ad  te  omnia  arbitror  per- 
seribi  ab  aliis  ;  a  me  futura  debes  cognoseere,  quorum  quidem  non  5 

2  est  difficilis  eonieetura :  oppressa  omnia  sunt,  nee  habent  ducem 
boni,  nostrique  tyrannoctoni  longe  gentium  absunt.  Pansa  et 
sentit  bene  et  loquitur  fortiter ;  Hirtius  noster  tardius  eonvaleseit. 
Quid  futurum  sit,  plane  nescio ;  spes  tamen  una  est  aliquando 
populum  Romanum  maiorum  similem  fore.  Ego  certe  rei  publicae  10 
non  deero  et,  quiequid  accident,  a  quo  mea  culpa  absit,  animo 
forti  feram  ;  illud  profecto,  quoad  potero  :  tuam  famam  et  digni- 

8  tatem  tuebor.  A.  d.  Xlli.  K.  Ian.  senatus  baud  Mrequens  mihi  est 
adsensus  cum  de  ceteris  rebus  magnis  et  necessariis,  turn  de  pro- 
vinciis  ab  iis,'  qui  obtinerent,  retinendis  neque  cuiquam  tradendis,  15 
nisi  qui  ex  senatus  consulto  successisset.  Hoe  ego  cum  rei  pub- 
licae causa  censui,  tum  mehereule  in  primis  retinendae  dignitatis 
tuae  ;  quam  ob  rem  te  amoris  nostri  causa  rogo,  rei  publicae  causa 


CORNIFICIO.     On   the   position   of 
Cornificius  at  this  time,  cp.  Ep.  119. 

I.  Cum  homine  gladiatore.  On  the 
use  of '  homo '  in  apposition,  cp.  De  Orat.  2. 
4^>  193  *  hominis  histrionis.'  *  Gladiator/ 
*a  bravo.*  Cp.  Philipp.  7.  6,  17  *  quem 
(L.  Antonium)  gladiatorem  non  ita  appel- 
lavi  ut  interdum  etiam  M.  Antonius  gladia- 
tor appellari  solet  sed  ut  appellant  ii  qui 
plane  et  Latine  loquuntur.' 

Collega  nostro,  sc.  '  in  auguratu.'  Cp. 
Ep.  41,  I,  note,  and  the  superscription  of 
Ep.  103,  note. 

3.  De  te,  probably  about  the  unwilling- 
ness of  Cornificius  to  resign  his  province. 
Cp.  Ep.  119,  I,  note. 

Contionatur.  Speeches  of  Antony  to 
his  soldiers,  or  to  the  citizens  of  towns  in 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  are  probably  referred  to.  Cp., 
on  this  sense  of  the  verb,  Ep.  1 29,  4,  note. 

Sentiet  quos  lacessierit.  I  presume 
Cicero  means  that  the  senate  would  reply 
by  its  decrees  to  the  abuse  which  Antony 
heaped  on  Cornificius  and  his  friends;  or 
that  he  himself  would  retaliate  on  Antony. 

4.  Acta,  *  what  Aas  happened.' 

6.  Oppressa  omnia  sunt.  This  letter 
is  much  more  depressed  in  tone  than  the 

O  O 


third  Philippic,  delivered  on  Dec.  20.     Cp., 
especially,  Philipp.  3.  1 1-14. 

Nee  habent  ducem  boni  :  cp,  Ep. 
126,  I.  Cicero  complains  there,  as  often 
in  the  Philippics,  of  the  misconduct  of  several 
of  the  leading  senators!.  Cp.,  especially 
Philipp.  8.  7,  20. 

7.  Tyrannoctoni.  M.  Brutus  was  in 
Macedonia  ;  C.  Cassius  perhaps  in  Syria.  Cp. 
Appendix  11,  7 and  10;  Intr.toPart  V,  §  11. 

Pansa  .  .  fortiter.  Cicero  speaks  dif- 
ferently of  him  elsewhere.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  16. 
I,  4  'in  Pansa  spes?  A^pos  rroAirs  in  vino  et 
in  somno  istorum.* 

8.  Tardius  eonvaleseit.  Hirtius  was 
ill  during  the  latter  part  of  44  and  earlier 
part  of  43  B.C.  Cp.  Philipp.  i.  15,  37  with 
7.  4,  12  and  8.  2,  5. 

9.  Spes  tamen  una  est,  'however, our 
only  hope  is.* 

Aliquando  :  cp.  p.  562,  I.  3,  note. 

12.  Illud  profecto,  sc.  *  faciam.'  Cp. 
on  the  ellipse  p.  70,  1.  7,  note.  It  refers 
to  the  following  clause,  •  tuam  famam  .  . 
tucbor.' 

14.  Cum  de  ceteris  rebus  :  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §  10;  Philipp.  3.  15. 

16.  Nisi  qui,  sc.  '  nisi  ei  qui/ 


5^4 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


hortor,  ut  ne  cui  quicquam  iuris  in  tua  provmca  e-e  pat  are 
atque  ut  omnia  referas  ad  dignitatem,  qua  mh>l  esse  potes   prae 
stantius.    Vere  tecum  agam,  ut  necessitudo  nostra  P-^dat :  m  4 
Sempronio,  si  meis  litteris  obtemperasses,  maximam  ab  omnibus 
5  laudem  adeptus  esses;  sed  illud  et  praeteriit  et  levius  est,  haec 
magna  res  est :  fac  ut  provinciam  retineas  in  potestate  re.  pubh- 
cae     Plura  scripsissem,  nisi  tui  festinarent.    Itaque  Chaenppo 
nostro  me  velim  excuses. 


125.    To  D.  BRUTUS  (AD  FAM.  XI.  8). 
Rome,  January,  43  b-c  (7"  a-u-C-) 

..  I  have  no  definite  news  to  send,  but  think  you  may  be  glad  to  leam  that  every- 
body is  watching  your  movements  with  interest  and  admiration.     2.  Men  offer  them 
Ss  zJalously  for  the  army.    I  hope  we  shall  soon  hear  from  you.     I  hope  you 
confide  in  my  friendship. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  D.  BRUTO  IMP.  COS.  DESIG. 

Eo  tempore  Polla  tua  misit,  ut  ad  te,  si  quid  vellem,  darem  i 

,0  litterarum,  cum,  quid  scriberem,  non  habebam  ;  omnia  enim  erant 

suspensa  propter  exspectationem  legatorum,  qui  quid  egissent, 

nihildum  nuntiabatur.     Haec  tamen  scribenda  existimavi ;  pri- 

mum,  senatum  populumque  Romanum  de  te  laborare  non  solum 

salutis  suae  causa,  sed  etiam  dignitatis  tuae  ;  admirab.l.s  en.m  est 

T5  quaedam  tui  nominis  caritas  amorque  in  te  singulans  omnium 


1.  Ne  cui  .  .  patiare.     Cornificius  was 
to  resist  the  usurpation  of  Calvisius.    Cp.  Ep. 

IiQi  !•  ,   , 

2.  Atque,  adversative.     It  is   used  thus 

after   negative   clauses.      Cp.    Madv.   433, 

Obs.  2.  ... 

Omnia  referas  ad  dignitatem,  act 
in  all  things  with  a  view  to  your  digmty. 
Frey.     Cp.  Ep.  56,  i,  note. 

3.  In  Sempronio.  Perhaps  the  u. 
Sempronius  Rufus  mentioned  in  Ep.  34,  I. 
What  the  quarrel  between  him  and  Corni- 
ficius here  referred  to  was  seems  not  to  be 

known.  ^ 

7.  Tui, 'your  servants. 

Chaerippo.  Chaerippus  was  a  Greek 
dependent  of  Q.  Cicero  in  Asia,  and  was  on 
good  terms  with  Marcus  Cicero  also.  He 
seems  now  to  have  been  with  Cornificius  m 
Africa.  Cp.  Ad  Earn.  1 2.  30,  3  ;  Ad  Q.  F. 
I.  1,4,  14;  AdAtt,  4.  7,  I. 


Q.  Polla.     Valeria  Polla,  or  Paula,  wife 
of  D.  Brutus.     Cp.  Ad  Earn.  8.  7,  2. 

Misit,  'sends,'  or  'has  sent  to  invite  me. 
Cp.  p.  90,  1.  9,  notes. 

Si  quid  vellem  .  .  litterarum,  «what- 
ever in  the  shape  of  a  letter  I  might  feel 
disposed  to  send.'  On  the  gen.  after  neuters 
denoting  measure,  cp.  Ep.  26,  i,  note. 

10.  Quid  scriberem  non  habebam  : 

cp.  Ep.  17,  I,  note. 

11.  Suspensa, 'uncertain.'  The  word  1$ 
rarely  used  in  this  absolute  sense.  See  ex- 
amples in  Forcell. 

Legatorum  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  12.^ 

12.  Nihildum  ='nondura    quidquam.' 

Forcell. 

Haec  refers  to  what  follows.     Cp.  Ep. 

Primum.  No  corresponding  word — sucH 
as  *  deinde ' — is  found  in  the  next  sec- 
tion. 


EP.  126.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   XII,  4.     565 

civium  :  ita  enim  sperant  atque  confidunt,  ut  antea  rege,  sic  hoc 
2  tempore  regno  te  rem  publicam  liberaturum.  Romae  dilectus 
habetur  totaque  Italia,  si  hie  dilectus  appellandus  est,  cum  ultro  se 
offerunt  omnes  :  tantus  ardor  animos  hominum  occupavit  desiderio 
libertatis  odioque  diutinae  serviturfs.  De  reliquis  rebus  a  te  iam  5 
exspectare  litteras  debemus,  quid  ipse  agas,  quid  noster  Hirtius, 
quid  Caesar  meus,  quos  spero  brevi  tempore  societate  victoriae 
tecum  copulatos  fore.  Reliquum  est  ut  de  me  id  scribam,  quod  te 
ex  tuorum  litteris  et  spero  et  malo  cognoscere,  me  neque  deesse 
ulla  in  re  neque  umquam  defuturum  dignitati  tuae.  10 


126.    To  C.  CASSIUS  (AD  FAM.  XII.  4). 
Rome,  January  or  February,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I .  The  remnants  left  over  from  your  banquet  on  the  Ides  of  March  are  troublesome. 
The  consuls  and  the  mass  of  the  senate  are  firm  enough,  but  the  consulars,  especially 
Piso  and  Philippus,  shew  great  weakness.     The  people  is  admirably  disposed,  and 
have  become  popular.     2.  I  hear  no  certain  news  of  you  ;  we  hope  that  both  you  and 
Brutus  have  considerable  forces  at  your  disposal,  and  that  you  will  resist  Dolabella. 

CICERO  CASSIO  SAL. 

1  Vellem  Idibus  Martiis  me  ad  cenam  invitasses  :  reliquiarum 
nihil  fuisset.  Nunc  me  reliquiae  vestrae  exercent,  et  quidem 
praeter  ceteros  me :  quamquam  egregios  consules  habemus,  sed 
turpissimos  consulares ;  senatum  fortem,  sed  infimo  quemque 
honore  fortissimum.  Populo  vero  nihil  fortius,  nihil  melius,  Italia-  15 
que  universa ;  nihil  autem  foedius  Philippo  et  Pisone  legatis,  nihil 


I.  Ut  antea  rege,  sc.  'liberasti.'  On 
the  ellipse,  cp.  p.  563,  1.  1  2,  note. 

4.  Desiderio  .  .  odio,  ablat.  causae. 

5.  De  reliquis  rebus  .  .  debemus, 
'  on  all  other  points  we  ought  to  expect  news 
from  you.* 

7.  Caesar  meus.    Of  course  Octavius. 
Brevi  tempore  societate  victoriae. 

On  the  combination  of  ablatives  in  different 
senses,  cp.  Ep.  29,  1 2,  note. 

8.  Copulatos  fore,  'will  have  been 
united.'  Cp.  Madv.  410,  Obs.  2.  It  is  a 
fut.  exact,  of  the  infinitive, 

9.  Neque  .  .  dignitati  tuae.  Cicero 
probably  means  that  he  would  exert  himself 
to  procure  a  proper  recognition  of  D.  Bru- 
tus' services  from  the  senate. 

II.  Ad  cenam,  i.e.  to  the  murder   of 


Caesar. 

Reliquiarum  nihil  fuisset,  'we 
should  have  had  nothing  over.'  Cp.  Ep. 
127,  I.  Cicero  hints  that  had  he  been  in 
the  plot  Antony  would  have  been  killed  with 
Caesar.     Cp.  Philipp.  2.  14,  34. 

13.  Praeter  ceteros  =  '  magis  quam  ' 
(Forcell.),  '  more  than  all  the  rest.'     Frey. 

14.  Turpissimos  consulares.  Cicero 
presently  mentions  Piso  and  Philippus.  He 
was  also  much  discontented  with  Q.  Fufius 
Calenus,  and  not  altogether  satisfied  with 
L.  Caesar.     Cp.  Philipp.  8. 1,  2  ;  10.  i,  2. 

Infimo  quemque  honore,  'the  bolder 
the  lower  their  official  position,'  i.e.  the 
aedilicii  bolder  than  the  praetorii,  and  these 
than  the  consulares.  On  the  use  of  'quis- 
que'  with  superlatives,  cp.  Ep.  62.  i,  note. 

16.  Legatis :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  12. 


« 


./  / 


568 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS  [PART  V. 


tionibus  impeditus.  Sed  ilia  cognosces  ex  aliis  ;  a  me  pauca,  et 
ea  summatim  :  habemus  fortem  senatum,  consulares  partim  timi- 
dos  partim  male  sentientes.  Magnum  damnum  factum  est  m 
Servio.     L.  Caesar  optime  sentit,  sed,  quod  avunculus  est,  non 

5  acerrimas  dicit  sententias.  Consules  egregii ;  praeclarus  D.  Bru- 
tus •  egregius  puer  Caesar,  de  quo  spero  equidem  reliqua.  Hoc 
vero  certum  habeto,  nisi  ille  veteranos  celeriter  conscnpsisset 
le-ionesque  duae  de  exercitu  Antonii  ad  eius  se  auctoritatem 
contulissent  atque  is  oppositus  esset  terror  Antonio,  nihil  Anto- 

,0  nium  sceleris,  nihil  crudelitatis  praeteriturum  fuisse.  Haec  tibi, 
etsi  audita  esse  arbitrabar,  volui  tamen  notiora  esse.  Plura  scri- 
bam,  si  plus  otii  habuero. 

128.    To  C.  CASSIUS  (AD  FAM.  XII.  5). 
Rome,  February,  (?)  43  ^-c  (7^1  a.u.c.) 

I  Marcus  Brutus  has  achieved  great  things,  and,  if  rumour  tells  truth  as  to  your 
proceedings,  the  Commonwealth  has  the  whole  East  under  its  control.  2.  The  war 
will  however,  really  be  decided  before  Mutina,  and  we  hope  all  will  go  well  there, 
llirtius  and  young  Caesar,  with  efficient  armies,  confront  Antony,  who  only  holds 
three  towns ;  Pansa  is  raising  numerous  recruits,  and  Cisalpine  Gaul  is  zealous  in  our 
cause.  The  senate  is  firm ;  not  so  most  of  the  consulars.  3.  Sulpicius  was  a  great 
loss  and  cowardice,  envy,  and  ambition,  are  too  common  among  our  chief  men.  Rome 
an  ntaly  are  wonderfully  unanimous.  I  hope  your  valour  may  cause  light  to  rise  for 
us  in  the  East. 

CICERO  CASSIO  SAL. 

Hiemem  credo  adhuc  prohibuisse,  quo  minus  de  te  certum  1 
haberemus,  quid  ageres  maximeque  ubi  esses  ;  loquebantur  omnes 


2.  Summatim,      'briefly,'     'compen- 
diously.'    Cp.  Ep.  32.  I. 

Consulares  :  cp.  Ep.  126,  i,  note. 

3.  In  Servio:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  12. 

4.  L.    Caesar:     cp.  Philipp.   8.    1,    I. 
He  objected  to  a  declaration  of  war  against 

Antony. 

6.  Egregius    puer.     Octavius  was  now 

nineteen.     Cp.  p.  654'  '•  5»  "^^t^- 

Reliqua,  'what  remains  of  his  duty, 
•  the  sequel.'     Wesenb.  has  *  reliqua,  hoc' 

7.  Ille,  Octavius. 

Veteranos  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  10. 

8.  Legionesque  duae:  lb.  §  9. 

9.  Nihil    Antonium    .  .  fuisse:    cp., 
especially,  Philipp.  3.  2. 


13.  Hiemem  ..  prohibuisse, foil.  Bad 
weather  would  interfere  with  the  despatch 
of  news  either  by  land  or  by  sea.  Cassius 
thought  that  his  messengers  were  intercep'ed 
by  Dolabella.     Cp.  Ep.  138,  1. 

Certum  haberemus,  'know  for  cer- 
tain.' Cp.  Ad  Fam.  5.  14,  i  '  non  habeo 
certum  quae  te  res  .  .  retrahat.'  '  Certum 
habere '^'certam  et  indubitatam  rem  scire.' 
Forcell. 

14.  Loquebantur.  Andr.  says  that  when 
Moqui'  is  followed  by  an  accus.  and  infin., 
it  is  often  coupled  with  '  vulgo'  or  *  omnes.' 
*  Loqui '  with  a  neuter  accusative  is  found 
p.  94,  1.  6. 


EP.  128.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XII,  $.   569 

tamen— credo,  quod  volebant— in  Syria  te  esse,  habere  copias. 
Id  autem  eo  faciliiis  credebatur,  quia  simile  veri  videbatur.    Bru- 
tus quidem  noster  egregiam  laudem  est  consecutus ;    res  enim 
tantas  gessit  tamque  inopinatas,  ut  eae  cum  per  se  gratae  essent, 
tum  ornatiores  propter  celeritatem.     Quod  si  tu  ea  tenes,  quae  5 
putamus,  magnis  subsidiis  fulta  res  pubHca  est ;  a  prima  enim  ora 
Graeciae  usque  ad  Aegyptum  optimorum  civium  imperiis  muniti 
erimus  et  copiis :  quamquam,  nisi  me  fallebat,  res  se  sic  habebat, 
ut  totius  belli  omne  discrimen  in  D.  Bruto  positum  videretur,  qui 
si,  ut  sperabamus,  erupisset  Mutina,  nihil  belli  reliquum  fore  vide-  10 
batur.     Parvis  omnino  iam  copiis  obsidebatur,  quod  magno'  prae- 
2  sidio  Bononiam  tenebat  Antonius.     Erat  autem  Claternae  noster 
Hirtius,  ad  Forum  Cornelium  Caesar,  uterque  cum  firmo  exercitu  ; 
magnasque  Romae  Pansa  copias  ex  dilectu  I  taliae  comparat.  H  iems 
adhuc  rem  geri  prohibuerat.     Hirtius  nihil  nisi   considerate,  ut  15 
mihi  crebris  litteris  significat,  acturus  videbatur.     Praeter  Bono- 
niam, Regium  Lepidi,  Parmam,  totam  Galliam  tenebamus  studio- 
sissimam  rei  publicae  ;  tuos  etiam  clientes  Transpadanos  mirifice 
coniunctos  cum  causa  habebamus.    Erat  firmissimus  senatus  ex- 


1.  Quod  volebant,  sc.  'ita  esse.' 

In  Syria  te  esse  :  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V, 
§  II  ;  Appendix  ii.  lO. 

2.  Brutus  :  cp.  Iiitrod.  to  Part  V, 
§13;  Appendix  ii.  7;  Philipp.  lo.  5 
and  6. 

4.  Essent.  The  tense  is  used  of  the 
time  when  Brutus'  despatch  arrived.     Andr. 

5.  Ornatiores, 'more  famous.' 
Celeritatem.    M.  Brutus  got  possession 

of  Macedonia,  apparently,  about  the  end  of 
44  B.C.,  and  had  formed  a  considerable 
army  and  occupied  nearly  all  Illyricum 
before  the  beginning  of  March,  43  B.C.  (cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  13  ;  Mr.  King's  Intr.  to 
Philipp.  10),  when  the  tenth  Philippic  was 
delivered  (cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  79 ;  Dion 
Cassius  47.  21  and  22). 

6.  A  prima  enim  ora  .  .  Aegyptum. 
These  words  are  found,  with  slight  altera- 
tion, Philipp.  10.  5,  10. 

8.  From  nisi  me  fallebat  to  the  end 
of  this  section,  Cicero  uses  the  epistolary 
tense.      On  '  fallit '  impers.  cp.  Ep.  71,  8, 

11.  Parvis  omnino  .  •  copiis.  This 
can  hardly  be  true,  for  D.  Brutus  made  no 
attempt    to   break   through    the   besiegers' 

lines. 

12.  Bononia,     now     Bologna;      Cla- 


terna,  now  Quaderna,  on  the  Aemilian 
way  about  10  miles  S.E.  of  Bononia  ; 
Forum  Cornelium,  now  Imola,  also  on 
the  Aemilian  way,  about  13  miles  S.E.  of 
Clattrna. 

14.  Ex    dilectu    Italiae:  cp .  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §  15  ;  PhiHpp.  10.  10,  21. 

15.  Rem  geri,  *  active  operations.* 

16.  Praeter,  '  except.' 

17.  Regium  Lepidi,  now  Reggio. 
Parma  retains  its  o!d  name. 
Totam  Galliam,  '  all  Cisalpine  Gaul.' 
Tenebamus  studiosissimam  :  cp.  Ep. 

132,  I  *  tenuisse  suspensam.* 

18.  Tuos  etiam  clientes  Transpad- 
anos, even  your  dependents,  the  people 
beyond  the  Po.'  Little  or  nothing  seems  to 
be  known  of  their  connection  with  Cassius, 
but  the  relation  of  clientship  between  sub- 
ject communities  and  eminent  Romans 
was  common.  Cp.  Ep.  108,  i  ;  In  Cat. 
4.  II,  23.  Caesar  had  been  very  popular 
among  the  people  beyond  the  Po,  and 
had  granted  them  the  rights  of  Roman 
citizenship,  so  Cicero  was  surprised  at  their 
devotion  to  the  Commonwealth.  Cp.  Intr 
to  Part  II,  §  28 ;  Ep.  31,  2,  note ;  Appen- 
dix 9.  I,  3. 

19.  Cum  causa,  sc.  'nostra,'  'with  our 
party.' 


V\, 


570 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  V* 


ceptis  consularibus,  ex  quibus  unus  L.  Caesar  firmus  est  et  rectus. 
Ser.  Sulpicii  morte  magnum  praesidium  amisimus.  Reliqui  partim  3 
inertes,  partim  improbi ;  non  nulli  invident  eorum  laudi,  quos  in 
re  publica  probari  vident ;  populi  vero  Romani  totiusque  Italiae 
5  mira  consensio  est.  Haec  erant  fere,  quae  tibi  nota  esse  vellem  ; 
nunc  autem  opto,  ut  ab  istis  Orientis  partibus  virtutis  tuae  lumen 
eluceat.    Vale. 


129.     C.  ASINIUS  POLLIO  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  X.  31). 
CoRDUBA,  March  16,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  Brigandage  and  civil  war  interfere  seriously  with  correspondence,  but  now  that 
the  season  permits  navigation  I  will  write  more  frequently.  2.  My  nature  and  my 
pursuits  both  incline  me  to  peace.  I  always  regretted  the  outbreak  of  civil  war, 
though  compelled  by  private  circumstances  to  act  as  I  did.  3.  I  was  grateful  for 
Caesar  s  kindness,  and  tried  to  moderate  the  evils  of  his  government ;  I  am  now  pre- 
pared to  resist  any  one  who  attempts  to  usurp  absolute  power.  4.  I  was  long  without 
instructions  from  Rome  and  Pansa's  request  that  I  would  place  myself  at  the  disposal 
of  the  senate  was  not  wise.  How  could  I  get  through  the  province  of  Lepidus  against 
his  will  ?  5.  I  promised  publicly  at  Corduba  that  I  would  only  give  up  my  province 
to  a  successor  named  by  the  senate,  and  have  retained  the  30th  legion  under  my  com- 
mand with  some  difficulty.  Peace  and  liberty  are  my  great  objects.  6.  I  hope  I  may 
enjoy  your  society  hereafter.  At  present  I  am  inclined  to  march  into  Italy  to  support 
the  government. 

C.  ASINIUS  POLLIO  CICERONI  S.  D. 

Minime  mirum  tibi  debet  videri  nihil  me  scripsisse  de  re  pub-  I 
Ilea,  posteaquam  itum  est  ad  arma ;  nam  saltus  Castulonensis,  qui 
10  semper  tenuit  nostros  tabellarios,  etsi  nunc  frequentioribus  latro- 
ciniis  infestior  factus  est,  tamen  nequaquam  tanta  in  mora  est, 
quanta  qui  locis  omnibus  dispositi  ab  utraque  parte  scrutantur 
tabellarios  et  retinent.     Itaque  nisi  nave  perlatae  litterae  essent, 


I.  Consularibus,  cp.  Epp.  126,  I. 

Rectus,  'well  intentioned ; '  'non  con- 
torti  aut  pravi  ingenii.*  Audr.  Not  often 
used  of  persons. 

3.  Ser.  Sulpicii  morte:  cp.  Ep.  127, 
3,  note. 

3.  Eorum.  Cicero  means  himself,  ap- 
parently. 

6.  Ab  istis  Orientis  partibus,  i.e. 
*  where  the  sun  rises.* 

C.  ASINIUS  POLLIO.     For  an  ac- 


count of  Pollio,  cp.  Ep.  85,  I,  note. 

9.  Saltus  Castulonensis.  A  range  of 
mountains  on  the  upper  Baetis  or  Guadal- 
quiver,  near  the  borders  of  the  provinces  of 
Tarraconensis  and  Baetica,  now  the  Sierra 
de  Cazorla.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  38; 
and,  on  the  town  Castulo,  Pliny,  H.  N.  3. 

2.  17;  3-  3,  29. 

12.  Ab  utraque  parte,  *both  by  me 
and  by  Lepidus.'  Wiel.,  Siipfle.  An  ex- 
amination even  by  friendly  sentinels  might 
cause  some  delay. 


EP.  129.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  Z.  31.       571 

omnino  nescirem,  quid  istic  fieret.    Nunc  vero  nactus  occasionem, 
postea  quam  navigari  coeptum  est,  cupidissime  et  quam  creberrime 

2  potero  scribam  ad  te.  Ne  movear  eius  sermonibus,  quem  tametsi 
nemo  est  qui  videre  velit,  tamen  nequaquam  proinde  ac  dignus 
est  oderunt  homines,  periculum  non  est :  adeo  est  enim  invisus  5 
mihi,  ut  nihil  non  acerbum  putem,  quod  commune  cum  illo  sit ; 
natura  autem  mea  et  studia  trahunt  me  ad  pacis  et  libertatis 
cupiditatem.  Itaque  illud  initium  civilis  belli  saepe  deflevi ; 
cum  vero  non  liceret  mihi  nullius  partis  esse,  quia  utrubique 
magnos  inimicos  habebam,  ea  castra  fugi,  in  quibus  plane  tutum  10 
me  ab  insidiis  inimici  sciebam  non  futurum  ;  compulsus  eo,  quo 
minime  volebam,  ne  in  extremis  essem,  plane  pericula  non  dubi- 

3  tanter  adii.  Caesarem  vero,  quod  me  in  tanta  fortuna  modo 
cognitum  vetustissimorum  famiharium  loco  habuit,  dilexi  summa 
cum  pietate  et  fide.  Quae  mea  sententia  gerere  mihi  licuit,  ita  15 
feci,  ut  optimus  quisque  maxime  probarit ;  quod  iussus  sum,  eo 
tempore  atque  ita  feci,  ut  appareret  invito  imperatum  esse.  Cuius 
facti  iniustissima  invidia  erudire  me  potuit,  quam  iucunda  libertas 
et  quam  misera  sub  dominatione  vita  esset.  Ita,  si  id  agitur,  ut 
rursus  in  potestate  omnia  unius  sint,  quicumque  is  est,  ei  me  pro-  20 
fiteor  inimicum  ;  nee  periculum  est  ullum,  quod  pro  libertate  aut 

4  refugiam  aut  deprecer.  Sed  consules  neque  senatus  consulto  neque 


1.  Istic,  'at  Rome.' 

2.  Postea  quam  .  .  coeptum  est, 
*  now  that  navigation  has  begun/  which 
apparently  was  suspended  duiing  the  win- 
ter. 

3.  Eius, sc. Antonii.  Siipfle.  Wiel., how- 
ever, suspects  that  PoUio's  quaestor,  Balbus, 
may  be  meant.  On  the  cruelty  of  Balbus, 
cp.  Ad  Fam.  lo.  32, 1-3.  Mr.  Jeans  thinks 
that  Antony  cannot  be  referred  to. 

6.  Non  acerbum.  Cobet  proposes  to 
omit  *non,'  which  would  make  Pollio  de- 
clare himself  ready  to  endure  any  suffering 
provided  that  his  enemy  shared  it. 

7.  Studia  :  cp.  Hor.  Carm.  2.  I. 

8.  Illud  initium,  •  the  first  beginning,* 
i.e.  in  49  b.c. 

TO.  Ea  castra,  i.e.  the  camp  of  Pompey. 

II.  Inimici.  Siipfle  and  Billerb.  both 
suggest  '  of  [C]  Cato,'  whom  Pollio,  when 
21  years  old,  accused  in  the  year  54  b.c. 
Cp.  Ep.  28,  4,  note ;  Tac.  Dial,  de  Orat.  34. 
Or  is  Labienus  meant?  Cp.  Quinct.  Inst. 
Orat.  I.  5,  8. 

£0    quo    minime    volebam,    i.e.   to 


Caesar's   camp,   whereas    I  wished    to    be 
neutral. 

12.  In  extremis,  'among  the  most  des- 
picable.'    Wiel.,  Supfle. 

Plane.     Wesenb.  has  [*  plane ']. 

Pericula.  Pollio  was  with  Caesar  when 
he  crossed  the  Rubicon  and  fought  at  Phar- 
salus.  Cp.  Plut.  Caes.  32  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ. 
2.  82. 

13.  Modo  cognitum,  *  only  lately 
known.' 

15.  Gerere.  He  refers  to  his  proceedings 
as  an  officer  of  Caesar. 

16.  Quod  iussus  sum=*in  eo  quod 
iussus  sum,  'when  I  had  to  obey  orders.' 
Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  3.  6  •  quod  iussi  sunt 
faciunt.'  I  cannot  find  that  Cicero  uses  this 
construction. 

17.  Cuius  facti,  'of  this  conduct.* 
Pollio  complains  that  people  had  not  made 
allowances  for  his  position ;  but  adds  that 
the  unpopularity  he  had  incurred  for  even 
involuntary  compliances  had  shewn  him  how 
odious  monarchy  was. 

22.    Consules,     Hirtius     and     Pansa. 


57a 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


litteris  suis  praeceperant  mihi,  quid  facerem  ;  unas  enim  post  Idiis 
Martias  demum  a  Pansa  litteras  accepi,  in  quibus  hortatur  me,  ut 
senatui  scribam  me  et  exercitum  in  potestate  eius  futurum  :  quod, 
cum  Lepidus  contionaretur  atque  omnibus  scriberet  se  consentire 
5  cum  Antonio,  maxime  contrarium  fuit ;  nam  quibus  commeatibus 
invito  illo  per  illius  provinciam  legiones  ducerem  ?  aut,  si  cetera 
transissem,  num  etiam  Alpes  poteram  transvolare,  quae  praesidio 
illius  tenentur  ?  Adde  hue,  quod  perferri  litterae  nulla  condicione 
potuerunt ;  sescentis  enim  locis  excutiuntur,  deinde  etiam  reti- 
lonentur  ab  Lepido  tabellarii.     Illud  me  Cordubae  pro  contione  5 
dixisse  nemo  vocabit  in  dubium,  provinciam  me  nulli,  nisi  qui  ab 
senatu  missus  venisset,  traditurum :   nam  de  legione  tricensima 
tradenda  quantas  contentiones  habuerim  quid  ego  scribam  ?  qua 
tradita  quanto  pro  re  publica  infirmior  futurus  fuerim,  quis  ignorat  ? 
15  hac  enim  legione  noli  acrius  aut  pugnacius  quicquam  putare  esse. 
Qua  re  eum  me  existima  esse,  qui  primum  pacis  cupidissimus  sim 
— omnes  enim  cives  plane  studeo  esse  salvos—,  deinde  qui  et  me 
et  rem  publicam  vindicare  in  libertatem  paratus  sim.    Quod  fami-  6 
liarem  meum  m  tuorum  numero  habes,  opinione  tua  mihi  gratms 
20  est ;  invideo  illi  tamen,  quod  ambulat  et  iocatur  tecum.    Quaeres, 


(Manut,,  however,  thinks  that  Antony  and 
Dolabella  are  meant,  and  that  Pollio  is 
speaking  of  the  whole  time  since  Caesar's 
murder.) 

I.  Praeceperant  is,  I  think,  the  epistol- 
ary tense. 

Unas  :  cp.  Ep.  45,  I,  note. 

3.  Me  et  exercitum  .  .  futurum. 
Such  an  offer  would  imply  that  Pollio  was 
ready  to  march  to  Italy  ;  an  enterprise 
which,  as  he  remarks  just  below,  would  be 
attended  by  great  difficulties. 

4.  Contionaretur,  'said  publicly.'    Cp. 
Ad  CLF.  2.  6,  [4]  6  'C.  Cato  contionatus 
est  se  comitia   haberi   non  siturum.'     The 
active  sense  of  this  verb  seems,  however, 
not  to  be  classical  (cp.  Forcell.),  and  perhaps 
•  se  consentire'  depends  only  upon  •  scri- 
beret.'    This  is  the  first  intimation  of  the 
possible  treason  of  Lepidus,  except,  perhaps, 
one  in  Ep.  131.      The  speech  was  probably 
addressed  to  his  army.   Cp.  Ep.  1 24,  i,  note. 

5.  Contrarium,  'inexpedient.'  A  rare 
sense.     *  Contraria'  =  'quae  nocent,'  Forcell. 

7.  Transvolare,  not,  apparently,  used 
by  Cicero. 

9.  Excutiuntur,  'are  thoroughly  exam- 
ined/ 'searched.'  '  Excutere '  = '  concutere 
scrutandi  et  explorandi  causa.'     Forcell.     I 


suppose  that  Pollio  refers  to  this  diflSculty 
of  communication  as  an  additional  reason 
for  his  not  attempting  to  march  to  Italy. 

10.  Cordubae.  Corduba  is  now  called 
Cordova.  It  was  the  chief  town  of  one  of 
the  four  '  conventus '  of  Baetica,  and  often 
the  governor's  residence.  Cp.  Pliny,  H.  N. 
3.  1.3;  App.  Hisp.  65. 

12.  Nam.  I  am  not  sure  of  the  force  ol 
this  word  here.  Perhaps  it  means  '  And  I 
will  press  no  further  proofs  of  my  loyalty 

upon  y(m.' 

13.  Tradenda,  sc.  Lepido.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
10.  32,  4  '  Lepidus  ursit  me  .  .  ut  legionem 
tricensimam  mitterem  sibi.'  Pollio  did  not, 
apparently,    comply   with   the    request    of 

Lepidus. 

17.  Omnes  enim  .  .  salvos.  This 
seems  to  have  been  a  frequent  plea  with 
those  who  wished  for  a  peaceful  settlement. 
Cp.  Ep.  144  ;  Philipp.  8.  4, 13  '  ais  [Calene] 
eum  te  esse  qui  semper  pacem  optaris,  semper 
omnes  cives  salvos  volueris.' 

18.  Familiarem  meum.  ProbablyC.(?) 
CorneHus  Gallus.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  32,  5.^ 

19    Opinione  tua,  '  than  you  suppose. 

Wiel. 

20.  Iocatur.      Cicero  could  still  enjoy 

pleasantry.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  9.  24. 


EP.  130.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X,  6.       573 

quanti  id  aestimem }  Si  umquam  licuerit  vivere  in  otio,  experieris  ; 
nullum  enim  vestigium  abs  te  discessurus  sum.  Illud  vehementer 
admiror,  non  scripsisse  te  mihi,  manendo  in  provincia  an  ducendo 
exercitum  in  Italiam  rei  publicae  magis  satis  facere  possim :  ego 
quidem,  etsi  mihi  tutius  ac  minus  laboriosum  est  manere,  tamen,  5 
quia  video  tali  tempore  multo  magis  legionibus  opus  esse  quam 
provinciis,  quae  praesertim  reciperari  nullo  negotio  possint,  con- 
stitui,  ut  nunc  est,  cum  exercitu  proficisci.  Deinde  ex  litteris, 
quas  Pansae  misi,  cognosces  omnia ;  nam  tibi  earum  exemplar 
misi.     XVII.  Kal.  April.  Corduba.  ^ 


130.     To  PLANCUS  (AD  FAM.  X.  6). 
Rome,  March  20,  43  B.C.  {711  a.u.c.) 

I.  Your  despatch  did  not  bear  out  the  language  of  Furnius  as  to  your  disposition  ; 
peace  should  he  secured  by  victory,  not  by  negotiation,  and  you  will  learn  from  your 
brother  and  from  Furnius  how  your  proposals  and  those  of  Lepidus  were  received. 
2.  I  write,  however,  to  entreat  you  to  separate  yourself  from  associates^with  whom 
circumstances  and  not  your  own  judgment  have  united  you.  3.  In  revolutionary  times 
men  often  attain  a  position  which  brings  them  no  real  credit  unless  they  display  a 
patriotism  worthy  of  it— as  I  hope  you  will  do. 

CICERO  PLANCO. 

1  Quae  locutus  est  Furnius  noster  de  animo  tuo  in  rem  publicam, 
ea  gratissima  fuerunt  senatui  populoque  Romano  probatissima ; 
quae  autem  recitatae  litterae  sunt  in  senatu,  nequaquam  con- 
sentire cum  Furnii  oratione  visae  sunt :  pacis  enim  auctor  eras, 
cum  collega  tuus,  vir  clarissimus,  a  foedissimis  latronibus  obsi-  15 
deretur,  qui  aut  positis  armis  pacem  petere  debent  aut,  si 
pugnantes  eam  postulant,  victoria  pax,  non  pactione  parienda 


7.  Quae    praesertim,    'as    they    cer- 
tainly.'    Siipfle. 

8.  Ut  nunc  est,  *  as  things  now  stand.' 

Wiel. 

D  e  i  n  d  e ,  '  for  the  rest.*     Wiel. 

PLANCO.  L.  Munatius  Plancus  had 
served  Caesar  in  'he  Gallic  and  civil  wars 
(cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  5.  24;  Bell.  Civ.  i. 
40),  and  had  been  entrusted  by  him  with 
the  government  of  Transalpine  Gaul,  except 
the  old  province,  with  a  promise  of  the  con- 
sulship for  42  B.C.  He  was  a  hereditary 
friend  of  Cicero  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  13.  29,  i). 
On  his   subsequent   behaviour,  cp.  Intr.  to 


Part  V,  §§  18  ;  19  ;  Appendix  il.  3.  Vel- 
leius  speaks  of  him  with  much  bitterness 
(2.  63)  'Plancus  dubia,  id  est  sua,  fide.' 
Plancus  begged  the  triumvirs  to  proscribe 
his  brother  Plotius  PI  -ncus  (cp.  Veil.  2.  67, 
2).  According  to  Dion  Cassius  he  and 
Lepidus  jointly  founded  Lugdimum  (Lyons) 
by  the  senate's  orders.     Cp.  Dion  46.  50. 

II.  Furnius.  C.  Furnius,  a  friend  of 
Cicero  and  of  Caesar,  is  mentioned  Epp.  60  ; 
148,  7.  He  was  now  legate  of  Plancus,  cp. 
Ep.  132,  5.  Cicero  wrote  two  letters  to  him 
(Ad  Fam.  10.  25  and  26). 

15.  Collega  tuus  :  cp.  Ep.  120,  note  on 
superscription. 


574 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


est.     Sed  de  pace  litterae  vel  Lepidi  vel  tuae  quam  in  partem 
acceptae  sint,  ex  viro  optimo,  fratre  tuo,  et  ex  C.  Furnio  poteris 
cognoscere.    Me  autem  impulit  tui  caritas  ut,  quamquam  nee  tibi  2 
ipsi  consilium  deesset  et  fratris  Furniique  benevolentia  fidelisque 

5  prudentia  tibi  praesto  esset  futura,  vellem  tamen  meae  quoque 
auctoritatis  pro  plurimis  nostris  necessitudinibus  praeceptum  ad 
te  aliquod  pervenire.  Crede  igitur  mihi,  Plance,  omnes,  quos 
adhuc  gradus  dignitatis  consecutus  sis — es  autem  adeptus  amplis- 
simos — ,  eos  honorum  vocabula  habituros,  non  dignitatis  insignia, 

10  nisi  te  cum  libertate  populi  Romani  et  cum  senatus  auctoritate 
coniunxeris.     Seiunge  te,  quaeso,  aliquando  ab  iis,  cum  quibus  te 
non  tuum  indicium,  sed  temporum  vincla  coniunxerunt.     Com-  3 
plures  in  perturbatione  rei  publicae  consulares  dicti,  quorum  nemo 
consularis  habitus  est  nisi  qui  animo  exstitit  in  rem  publicam 

15  consulari.  Talem  igitur  te  esse  oportet,  qui  primum  te  ab 
impiorum  civium  tui  dissimillimorum  societate  seiungas,  deinde 
te  senatui  bonisque  omnibus  auctorem,  principem,  ducem  prae- 


1.  Lepidi  vel  tuae.  Cicero  rebuked 
Lepidus  (Ep.  131)  for  a  letter  of  similar  im- 
port to  that  of  Plancus,  which  was  probably 
discussed  in  the  senate  about  this  time.  For 
Cicero  notices  it  (Philipp.  13.  4)  after  the 
departure  of  Pansa  from  Rome  (cp.  Philipp. 
13.  20,  46),  which  did  not  take  place  before 
March  19.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  25,  i.  Cicero 
implies  that  the  letters  of  Lepidus  and 
Plancus  made  an  unfavourable  impression 
on  the  senate.  Negotiations  with  Antony 
seem  to  have  been  dropped,  but  no  vote 
declaring  him  a  traitor  passed  before  the 
news  of  the  battle  of  Forum  Gallorum 
reached  Rome.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  16. 
Perhaps  a  formal  declaration  to  that  effect 
was  not  made  till  after  the  raising  of  the 
siege  of  Mutina.  Cp.  Livy,  Epit.  1 19 ;  Cor- 
nelius Nepos,  Att.  9. 

Quam  in  partem  .  .  sint,  *the  con- 
struction put  upon  them.' 

2.  Fratre  tuo,  sc.  Cn.  Planco.  He  held 
a  commission  from  Caesar  in  Epirus  44  b.c. 
(cp.  Ad  Att.  16.  16.  A),  and  was  then  praetor 
design.itus.  He  is  mentioned  again  Ep.  139, 
2.  Cicero  wrote  some  letters  to  him.  Cp. 
Ad  Att.  16.  16  A.  B.  E. 

4.  Deesset.  The  mood  may  be  ac- 
counted for  perhaps  by  the  general  structure 
of  the  sentence,  or  as  expressing  the  view  of 
Cicero  as  of  a  third  person.  Cp.  Madv.  368; 
Zumpt,  L.  G.  547.  It  is  rare  in  Cicero's 
writings  after  '  quamquam.* 

6.  Pro  .  .  necessitudinibus.     Plancus 


had  paid  much  attention  to  Cicero  from  his 
youth.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  13.  29,  I. 

8.  Amplissimos.  He  had  probably 
held  the  lower  offices,  and  was  now  *  consul 
designatus.' 

9.  Eos  :  resumptive  after  a  parenthesis. 
Cp.  Ep  68,  I  ;  Madv.  489  a. 

Habituros,  'will  have  attached  to  them.' 
Honorum     vocabula,    'mere    official 
titles.' 

Dignitatis  insignia,  *  badges  of  merit,' 

*  of  real  dignity.'  Siipfle.  *  The  stamp  of 
a  real  worthiness,*  *  den  innern  Character  der 
Wiirde.'     Wiel. 

10.  Cum  libertate  . .  coniunxeris  :  cp, 
Ep.  128,  2  '  coniunctos  cum  causa.' 

1 1  .Aliquando,*  at  last,' after  acting  with 
them  so  long.     Cp.  Ep.  123,  2,  note. 

Ab  iis,  i.e.  *  from  Antony  and  his  friends.' 

12.  Temporum  vincla, 'bonds created 
by  circumstances.' 

Complures  . .  consulari.  Cicero  refers 
probably  to  Q.  Fufius  Calenus,  L.  Piso,  and 
others,  who  opposed  the  adoption  of  vigorous 
measures  against  Antony.  Cp.  Ep.  127,  3; 
Philipp.  8.  7,  20  'quam  hesternus  dies  nobis, 
consularibus  dico,  turpis,  illuxit  I'    lb.  7.  2,  5 

•  [Pansam]  nisi  talis  consul  esset . .  consulem 
non  putarem.' 

17.  Auctorem,  *  auctor  est  non  qui  alios 
sequitur  sed  qui  movet.'  •  Princeps  autem 
plus  est  quam  auctor  et  dux  quam  princeps.' 
Manut. 


EP.  131.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMTLIARES  X.  27.    575 

beas,  postremo  [ut]  pacem  esse  indices  non  in  armis  positis,  sed 
in  abiecto  armorum  et  servitutis  metu.  Haec  si  et  ages  et 
senties,  tum  eris  non  modo  consul  et  consularis,  sed  magnus 
etiam  consul  et  consularis;  sin  aliter,  tum  in  istis  amplissimis 
nominibus  honorum  non  modo  dignitas  nulla  erit,  sed  erit  summa  5 
deformitas.  Haec  impulsus  benevolentia  scripsi  paulo  severius, 
quae  tu  in  experiendo  ea  ratione,  quae  te  digna  est,  vera  esse 
cognosces.     D.  Xlll.  Kal.  Apr. 

131.     To   LEPIDUS    (AD   FAM.   X.    27). 
Rome,  March  20?  43  e.g.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  2.  I  am  sorry  that  you  are  not  more  grateful  to  the  senate  for  the  honour  it  has 
paid  you.  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  are  so  anxious  for  peace,  but  I  hope  that  you 
will  not  recommend  us  to  sacrifice  liberty  to  obtain  it. 

CICERO  LEPIDO  SAL. 

1  Quod  mihi  pro  summa  mea  erga  te  benevolentia  magnae  curae 
est,  ut  quam  amplissima  dignitate  sis,  moleste  tuli  te  ^  senatui  10 
gratias  non  egisse,  cum  esses  ab  eo  ordine  ornatus  summis  hono- 
ribus.  Pacis  inter  cives  conciliandae  te  cupidum  esse  laetor :  earn 
si  a  servitute  seiungis,  consules  et  rei  publicae  et  dignitati  tuae  \ 
sin  ista  pax  perditum  hominem  in  possessionem  impotentissimi 
dominatus  restitutura  est,  hoc  animo  scito  omnes  sanos,  ut  mortem  15 

2servituti   anteponant.     Itaque   sapientius,  meo   quidem  iudicio, 
facies,  si  te  in  istam  pacificationem  non  interpones,  quae  neque 


5.  Non..  erit,  sed  erit.  For  similar 
repetitions  of  a  verb,  cp.  '  satisfacio,'  Ep. 
21,  I ;  Siipfle  quotes  also  Ad  Att.  14.  14, 
6;  De  Fin.  2.  21,  68.     It  gives  emphasis. 

6.  Deformitas, 'discredit.'     Forcell. 

7.  In  experiendo  .  .  cognosces.  *  if 
you  test  my  words  in  a  way  worthy  of 
yourself  you  will  find  them  true.*  Siipfle. 
On  this  sense  of  *  experiri,'  cp.  Forcell.  Per- 
haps, however,  it  is  absolute,  and  means  'if 
you  wish  to  make  an  experiment.' 

LEPIDO.  For  an  account  of  Lepidus' 
position,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  i  ;  11;  Ap- 
pendix II.  2.  He  had  written,  like  Plancus, 
but  perhaps  in  more  urgent  terms,  to  re- 
commend peace  with  Antony  (see  §  I  of  the 
previous  letter,  note),  and  Cicero  reproves 
him  on  that  account. 


11.  Ornatus  summis  honoribus.  Ci- 
cero refers  to  votes  of  a  '  supplicatio  *  on 
Nov.  28th,  44  B.C.,  of  a  gilded  statue,  and 
of  a  triumph,  both  apparently  on  Jan.  4th, 
43  B.C.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  9;  Philipp. 

5.  15.41;  13.  4»  9.  . 

12.  Pacis  inter  cives, foil.:  cp.  Philipp. 

13-  4- 

13.  Seiungis,  Wesenb.  has  'seiunges. 

14.  Perditum  hominem,  i.e.  Antony. 

15.  Hoc  animo.  sc. 'esse.'  For  a  similar 
ellipse,  see  Ep.  80,  i  'id  si  ita  putarem.* 
Wesenb.  inserts  '  esse.'  ^  ^ 

17.  Te  .  .  .  interpones  =  'immiscebis 
(Forcell.),  '  meddle  with,'  '  intrude  yourself 

into.' 

In  istam  pacificationem,  'with  the 
negotiations  for  peace  which  you  recom- 
mend.' 


57^ 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


senatui  neque  populo  nee  cuiquam  bono  probatur.  Sed  haec  audis 
ex  aliis  aut  certior  fies  litteris :  tu  pro  tua  prudentia,  quid  opti- 
mum factu  sit,  videbis. 

132.    PLANCUS  TO  the  Magistrates,  Senate,  and 

People  (AD  FAM.  X.  8). 

Farther  Gaul,  March,  43  ^-C-  (7ii  a.u.c.) 

1  I  wish  first  to  excuse  myself  for  my  apparent  hesitation  in  declaring  my  intentions  ; 
3  only  anxiety  for  the  public  interest  prevented  my  declaring  them  long  ago.  3- 
Much  time  was  required  for  securing  my  position  in  various  ways.  4-  My  necessities 
must  be  my  apology  for  a  dissimulation  which  I  do  not  deny,  5.  and  for  the  dis- 
crepancy  between  my  despatch  and  my  instructions  to  Fumius.  6.  I  have  now  hve 
legions  under  my  command;  the  population  is  devotedly  loyal,  and  furnishes  large 
forces  of  cavalry  and  light  troops ;  I  am  ready  to  act  in  whatever  way  shall  seem  best 
for  my  country.  7.  I  hope  my  aid  may  not  be  wanted,  even  should  this  cause  me  a 
loss  of  distinction,  and  I  recommend  my  soldiers  to  your  consideration. 

PLANCUS  IMP.  COS.  DESIG.  S.  D.  COSS.  PR.  TR.  PL. 

senatui  populo  plebique  romanae. 

Si  cui  forte  videor  diutius  et  hominum  exspectationem  et  spem  1 
5  rei  publicae  de  mea  voluntate  tenuisse  suspensam,  huic  prius  excu- 
sandum  me  esse  arbitror  quam  de  insequenti  officio  quicquam  ulli 
pollicendum  ;  non  enim  praeteritam  culpam  videri  volo  redemisse, 
sed  optimae  mentis  cogitata  iampridem  maturo  tempore  enuntiare. 
Non  me  praeteribat  in  tanta  sollicitudine  hominum  et  tam  pertur-  2 


2.  Aut     certior    fies,    sc.    'de    his/ 
zeugma. 

3.  Videbis  :  for  'vide,* cp.  Ep.  1 1.  3, note. 

MARCH.  Nake  (page  20)  says  that  this 
letter  was  written  *  mense  Martio  exeunte.' 
Cicero  appears  to  have  received  it  on  April 
7.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  7  ;  10.  12.  A  letter 
seems  to  have  taken  at  least  fifteen  days  to 
reach  the  camp  of  Plancus  from  Rome  : 
Cicero  wrote  Ad  Fam  10.  12  on  April  11, 
and  Plancus  does  not  appear  to  have  received 
it  when  he  wrote  Ad  Fam.  10.  9,  not  earlier 
than  April  26.     Cp.  Nake,  pp.  7,  8. 

IMP.  It  does  not  appear  for  what  ex- 
ploits Plancus  had  assumed  the  title  of 
Mmperator.'     On  that  of  COS.  DESIG., 

cp.  p.  552.  note. 

The  address  of  this  letter  seems  peculiar. 
Cicero  (Ad  Fam.  1 5.  I,  and  2)  ends  with 
*  senatui/ 


4.  Si   cui   forte  videor,  foil.  :  cp.  Ci- 
cero's expression  of  discontent,  Ep.  130,  i. 

5.  Tenuisse  suspensam  :  cp.  Ep.  128, 
2    'totam   Galliam    tenebamus   studiosissi- 

mam/ 

6.  De  insequenti  officio,  '  about  my 
services  in  futurt-.'     Wiel. 

7.  Non  enim,  foil ,  *  for  I  do  not  wish 
my  present  attitude  to  be  considered  an 
atonement  for  the  past/  as  it  might  be  if 
he  failed  to  justify  his  past  conduct. 

Redemisse.  Redimere  'to  make  good.' 
=  •  lucre,  pro  culpa  satisfacere.*     Forcell. 

8.  Sed  .  .  enuntiare,  'but  a  decla- 
ration at  the  proper  time  of  sentiments 
long  cherished.'  On  the  part,  and  ad- 
verb with  a  genitive,  cp.  De  Amic.  3,  6 
•multa  eius  .  .  vel  provisa  prudenter  .  . 
ferebantur.' 

Maturo.  *  Maturus'«'qui  debito  tem- 
pore fit.'     Forcell. 


EP.  132.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES   X  8.       577 

bato  statu  civitatis  fructuosissimam  esse  professionem  bonae  volun- 
tatis, magnosque  honores  ex  ea  re  complures  consecutos  videbam  ; 
sed,  cum  in  eum  casum  me  fortuna  demisisset,  ut  aut  celeriter  pol- 
licendo  magna  mihi  ipse  ad  proficiendum  impedimenta  opponerem 
aut,  si  in  eo  mihi  temperavissem,  maiores  occasiones  ad  opitulan-  5 
dum  haberem,  expeditius  iter  communis  salutis  quam  meae  laudis 
esse  volui.     Nam  quis  in  ea  fortuna,  quae  mea  est,  et  ab  ea  vita, 
quam  in  me  cognitam  hominibus  arbitror,  et  cum  ea  spe,  quam  in 
manibus  habeo,  aut  sordidum  quicquam  pati  aut  perniciosum  con- 
3  cupiscere  potest  ?  Sed  aliquantum  nobis  temporis  et  magni  labores  10 
et  multae  impensae  opus  fuerunt,  ut,  quae  rei  publicae  bonisque 
omnibus  polliceremur,  exitu  praestaremus  neque  ad  auxilium  pa- 
triae nudi  cum  bona  voluntate,  sed  cum  facultatibus  accederemus. 
Confirmandus  erat  exercitus  nobis,  magnis  saepe  praemiis  solli- 
citatus,  ut  ab  re  publica  potius  moderata  quam  ab  uno  infinita  15 
speraret ;  confirmandae  complures  civitates,  quae  superiore  anno 
largitionibus  concessionibusque  praemiorum  erant  obligatae,  ut 
et  ilia  vana  putarent  et  eadem  a  melioribus  auctoribus  petenda 
existimarent ;  eliciendae  etiam  voluntates  reliquorum,  qui  finitimis 
provinces  exercitibusque  praefuerunt,  ut  potius  cum  pluribus  soci-  20 
etatem  defendendae  libertatis  iniremus,  quam  cum  paucioribus 


I  f 


2.  Complures.  Perhaps  M.  Lepidus 
among  others,  cp.Ep.  131.  i  ;  also  Octavius 
and  L.  Egnatuleius,  Philipp.  5.  1 7,  46;  5. 

19»  52-  ^ 

3.  Demisisset,  cp.  p.  307. 

4.  A  d  proficiendum,  •  in  respect  of 
the  execution  of  my  promise/  Siipfle.  Cp. 
Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  i.  62  'ad  transeun- 
dum  impedirentur;'  also  Nagelsb.  123,340. 
Plancus  (probably)  wished  to  sound  Lepidus, 
and  to  ascertain  the  disposition  of  his  own 
soldiers  and  of  the  provincials.     Cp.  §  3. 

5.  In  eo,  sc.  •  in  pollicendo/ 
Opitulandum,   used   with    a    dat.  Ep. 

133.  2.  , 

6.  Expeditius  iter  .  .  volui,  lit.  'that 
the  road  to  the  common  safety  should  be  in 
better  condition  than  that  which  led  to  my 
private  fame.'  •  I  wished  rather  to  consider 
my  country's  good  than  my  own  reputation/ 

7.  In  ea  fortuna.  He  was  governor  of 
a  province,  imperator,  and  consul  designatus. 

Ab  ea  vita,  'after  such  a  life/  'with 
such  antecedents/  Cp.  Ep.  33,  I,  note  on 
*  ab  repulsa.* 

8.  Ea  spe,  i.e.  the  hope  of  the  consul- 
ship for  42  B.C. 

9.  Sordidum   quicquam    .   •  potest, 

pp 


*  can  either  suffer  any  humiliating  treatment 
[from  Antony]  or  desire  a  position  danger- 
ous to  the  state.* 

II.  Multae  impensae.  The  plural  is 
common,  but  not  apparently  in  Cicero's 
writings. 

Opus,  used  as  a  plural.     Cp.  Madv.  266. 

14.  Magnis  .  .  praemiis,  'by  the  offer 
of  large  rewards '  on  Antony's  behalf. 

15.  Ab  uno,  sc,  Antonio. 

17.  Largitionibus.  Especially  by  grants 
of  citizenship  and  of  exemption  from  taxes. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  3  ;  Philipp.  2,  36, 93. 

Obligatae,  i.e.  by  Antony  as  consul. 

18.  A  melioribus  auctoribus.  That 
is,  from  the  senate  and  people. 

19.  Reliquorum,  'of  the  other  gover- 
nors,' especially  of  Lepidus  and  of  Asinius 
PoUio. 

20.  Ut . .  iniremus.  On  the  mood,  cp. 
Ep.  15,  15,  note. 

21.  Cum  paucioribus  ..  partiremur. 
The  sense  seems  to  be  that  Plancus  wished 
to  secure  so  much  support  for  his  cause  as 
should  save  the  commonwealth  from  suffer- 
ing the  loss  which  must  attend  even  victory 
in  an  obstinate  struggle.  Or  perhaps,  as 
Wieland  thinks,  'paucioribus*  =  'Antonianis/ 


578 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


\^t 


funestam    orbi  terrarum  victoriam  partlremur.  ^^^^  ^ 
nosmet  ipsi  fuimus  aucto  exercitu  auxilusque  «""Ifpl'^^f  ^'  "*' 
^uTpraeferremus  sensus  aperte,  tum  etiam  .nv.t.  qu.busd^n. 
sciri  quid  defensuri  essemus,  non  esset  penculosum      Ita  num 

5  cuam  diffitebor  multa  me,  ut  ad  effectum  horum  cons.l.orum  per- 
vLTem.  et  simulasse  invitum  et  dissimulasse  cum  dolore,  quod 
p  aemat'ura  denuntiatio  boni  civis  imparati  ^-m  pencdos  es  . 
ex  casu  collegae  videbam.  Quo  nomme  etiam  C.  Furmo  legato, 
?ro  fort  atque  strenuo,  plura  etiam  verbo  quam  scnptura  man- 
viro  lom  atqu  J  ^  ^a  ^rn<^  nerferrentur  et  nos  essemus 

10  data  dedimus,  ut  et  tectius  ad  vos  perterrentur 

tutiores  quibusque  rebus  et  communem  salutem  munin  et  nos 

rrfcoVen^  praeceplmus.     Ex  quo  intelle^^  ^Pf^^^^^^^^^^^ 
rei  publicae  summe  defendendae  iam  pndem  apud  ^^s  excubare 
Nunc  cum  deum  benignitate  ab  omni  re  sumus  paratiores,  non  e 

.5  sokm  bene  sperare  de  nobis  homines,  sed  explorate  mdicare  volu- 
mts  Sone's  habeo  quinque  sub  signis  et  sua  fide  v.rtuteque  rei 
publicae'coniunctissimas  et  nostra  ^beralitate  nob.  obsequ^^^^^^^ 
provinciam  omnium  civitatium  consensu  P^-^^^^"^^^;;™ 
contentione  ad  officia  certantem,  equitatus  auxihorumque  tantas 

Jc^lT^n^^^^^  ^ae  gentes  ad  defendendam  suam  salutem  hber- 


It 


3  Cum  praeferremus, 'wheni  should 
declare.'  The  cdtij.  expresses  a  past  frame 
of  mind  of  the  writer.  Cp.  Ep.  29, 4.  note ; 
and  for  the  imperf.  in  a  future  sense,  tp.  7»; 
c  note.  •  Praeferre '  =  •  prae  nobis  ferre. 
SiipHe.     A  rare  construction  in  Ciceronian 

*Invitis  quibusdam.  These  words  may 
either  be  an  ablative  absolute,  or  a  dative 
after  sciri.  Cp.  Madv.  250  a.  The  sense 
will  be  of  course  slightly  different ;  m  the 
first  case  '  sciri '  would  mean  *  should  be 
generally  known.'  Wesenb.  has  '  tum, 
etiam  invitis  quibusdam,'  of  course  making 
'invitis' an  ablative.  , 

5.  Ad    effectum,    'to   the   execution, 
s='  ut  perficeremus.'     Cp.  Forcell. 

Multa  . .  simulasse.  i.e.  regard  for  An- 
tony ;     dissimulasse,    devotion    to    the 
senate       Plancus  concealed  his  sentiments 
eff-ectually,  cp.  Ep.  130,  i.  note      'Simulo 
=  •1  pretend  to  be  or  have  that  which  I 

am  or  have  not;'  '  ^^^'r^\='\^'Tt 
not  to  be  or  to  have  that  which  I  am  or 

have 

7.'Denuntiatio, '  declaration,'  *  fere  ter- 

rendi  causa.'     Forcell. 

8.  Ex  casu  collegae.     D.  Biutus  was 


now  besieged  in  Mutina. 

Quo  nomine :^cp.  Ep.  38.  3,  ^ote  on 
•  multis  nominibus.' 

C.  Furnio  :  cp.  Ep.  130.  i.  "«^e. 

Q  Plura  etiam  .  .  dedimus.  Cicero 
had  noticed  a  discrepancy  between  the  de- 
spatch  of    Plancus   and   the    language    of 

Furnius.     Ep.  130,  i. 

12  Praecepimus,  Furnio.  Plancus  prob- 
ably charged  Furnius  to  inform  the  senate 
what  measures  he  wished  that  it  should  adopt. 

Curam  .  .  excubare.  A  military  meta- 
phor '  That  anxiety  to  defend  the  com- 
monwealth to  the  best  of  my  power  has  long 
been  keeping  watch  in  my  heart.' 

n.  Summe.     Wesenb.  *  summae. 

14.  Ab  omni  re,  *  in  every  respect. 
For  this  sense  of '  ab,'  cp.  Ep.  i,  2,  note.    ^ 

15.  Explorate, 'confidently,'     *  Certo, 

•plane.'     Forcell. 

16.  duinque.     He  seems  to  have  used 
only  four  for  active  operations.     Cp.  Epp. 

140,  3  ;  148,  3-  ,  .  - 

18.  Civitatium,  a  less  common  form  or 

the  genitive  than  'civitatum.'     It  appears 
to  be  the  MS.  reading.  , 

19.  Ad  officia,  'in  the  discharge  of  its 
duties.*     Cp.  §  2  «ad  proficiendum.' 


J 


EP.  133.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X,   lo.     579 

tatemque  conficere  possunt ;  ipse  ita  sum  animo  paratus,  ut  vel 
provinciam  tueri  vel  ire,  quo  res  publica  vocet,  vel  tradere  exer- 
citum  auxilia  provinciamque,  vel  omnem  impetum  belli  in  me 
convertere  non  recusem,  si  modo  meo  casu  aut  confirmare  patriae 
7  salutem  aut  periculum  possim  morari.  Haec  si  iam  expeditis  5 
omnibus  rebus  tranquilloque  statu  civitatis  polliceor,  in  damno 
meae  laudis  rei  publicae  commodo  laetabor ;  sin  ad  societatem 
integerrimorum  et  maximorum  periculorum  accedam,  consilia  mea 
aequis  iudicibus  ab  obtrectatione  invidorum  defendenda  com- 
mendo.  Mihi  quidem  ipsi  fructus  meritorum  meorum  in  rei  pub-  10 
licae  incolumitate  satis  magnus  est  paratus  ;  eos  vero,  qui  meam 
auctoritatem  et  multo  magis  vestram  fidem  secuti  nee  ulla  spe 
decipi  nee  ullo  metu  terreri  potuerunt,  ut  commendatos  vobis 
habeatis,  petendum  videtur. 

133.    To   PLANCUS   (AD  FAM.  X.  ,10). 
Rome,  March  30,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  Your  letter  has  produced  a  very  favourable  impression,  and  the  senate  would 
have  shewn  its  gratitude  to  you  but  for  the  absence  of  the  consuls.  A  battle  has 
perhaps  already  decided  the  state's  fortunes.  2.  If  our  cause  prospers  you  will  receive 
abundant  honours,  and  I  hope  you  will  exert  yourself  to  the  utmost  in  support  of  your 
colleague.     Public  and  private  grounds  alike  will  secure  you  my  warm  co-operation. 

CICERO  PLANCO. 

1      Etsi  satis  ex  Furnio  nostro  cognoram,  quae  tua  voluntas,  quod  15 
consilium  de  re  publica  esset,  tamen  tuis  litteris  lectis  liquidius  de 
toto  sensu  tuo  iudicavi.    Quam  ob  rem,  quamquam  in  uno  proelio 
omnis  fortuna  rei  publicae  disceptat — quod  quidem,  cum  haec 


2.  Tradere,  *  to  hand  over'  to  a  succes- 
sor appointed  by  the  home  government. 

5.  Si  iam  expeditis,  foil.  In  English 
we  should  say,  '  If  when  I  make  this  offer 
everything  has  been  settled  satisfactorily.' 
Cp.  Siipfle. 

6.  In  damno  .  .  laetabor,  *I  shall  re- 
joice in  the  commonwealth's  gain  though 
attended  by  loss  to  me.'  On  the  abl.  com- 
modo, cp.  Madv.  264. 

8.  Integerrimorum,  *  not  diminished 
in  any  degree.* 

Consilia :  cp.  §  3. 

11.  Eos,  i.e.  his  soldiers  and  the  provin- 
cials. 

12.  Vestram  fidem  secuti, 'influenced 
by  your  promises,'  'relying  on  your  good  faith.* 

pp 


15.  Ex  Furnio  :  cp.  Ep.  130,  I,  note. 
Furnius  probably  stayed  some  days  at 
Rome. 

16.  Tuis  litteris.  The  letter  of  Plancus 
here  referred  to  seems  to  have  been  lost. 
It  can  hardly  be  Ad  Fam.  10.  7,  which  ap- 
pears to  have  accompanied  10.  8  (Ep.  132), 
and  does  not  seem  to  have  reached  Cicero 
before  April  7,  eight  days  after  he  wrote  this 
letter.  Cp.  Nake,  Jahresbericht  iiber  das 
Luisenstadtische  Gymnasium.  Berlin,  1866. 
I  have  learned  from  this  paper  that  the 
note  in  my  previous  editions  gave  a  wrong 
account  of  this  matter. 

Liquidius,  'more  clearly.* 
18.  Disceptat,  Ms  at  stake,*  =  ' pericli- 
tatur,*  a  rare  sense.    Wesenb.  '  disceptatur." 


58o 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


legeres,  iam  decretum  arbitrabar  fore-,  tamen  ipsa  fama,  quae  de 
tua  voluntate  percrebruit,  magnam  es  laudem  consecutus;  itaque 
si  consulem  Romae  habuissemus,  declaratum  esset  ab  senatu  cum 
tuis  magnis  honoribus,  quam  gratus  esset  conatus  et  apparatus 
5  tuus  :  cuius  rei  non  modo  non  praeteriit  tempus,  sed  ne  maturum 
quidem  etiam  nunc  meo  quidem  iudicio  fuit ;  is  en.m  denique 
Sonos  mihi  videri  solet,  qui  non  propter  spem  futun  beneficii,  sed 
propter  magna  merita  Claris  viris  defertur  [et  datur].    Qua  re  sit  2 
modo  aliqua  res  publica,  in  qua  honos  elucere  possit,  omnibus, 
,0  mihi  crede,  amplissimis  honoribus  abundabis  ;  is  autem,  qui  vera 
appellari  potest  honos,  non  invitamentum  ad  tempus,  sed  per- 
petuae  virtutis  est  praemium.    Quam  ob  rem,  mi  Plance,  incumbe 
toto  pectore  ad  laudem,  subveni  patriae,  opitulare  collegae  om- 
nium gentium  consensum  et  incredibilem  conspirationem  adiuva. 
I,  Me  tuorum  consiliorum  adiutorem,  dignitatis  fautorem,  omnibus 
in  rebus  tibi  amicissimum  fidelissimumque  cognosces ;  ad  eas  enim 
causas  quibus  inter  nos  amore  sumus,  officiis,  vetustate  conmncti, 
patriae  caritas  accessit,  eaque  effecit  ut  tuam  vitam  anteferrem 
meae.    ill.  K.  Apr. 

134.     To  CASSIUS  (AD  FAM.  XII.  6). 
Rome,  April  (?),  43  ^.c.  {711  a.u.c.) 

\  C  Titius  will  tell  you  the  news  ;  he  has  the  greatest  regard  for  you.  2.  D.  Brutus 
can  hardly  hold  out  longer  at  Mutina ;  if  he  prospers  our  fears  are  at  an  end  ;  if  not, 
all  our  hopes  will  rest  on  you  and  on  M.  Brutus. 


Quod  proelium  decretum  :  cp.  Livy  28. 
05  '  irritare  magis  quam  decernere  pugnam, 
•decided.'      The  decisive  battle  at  Mutina 
did  not,  however,  take  place  for  some  days 
afteiwards.      Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  16; 

►  3.  Si  consulem,  foil.  Hirtius  had  left 
for  the  seat  of  war,  probably,  in  January ; 
Pansa  about  March  20.   Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V, 

5.  Cuius  rei,  •  for  which  declaration  of 

the  senate.' 

Ne    maturum  .  .  fuit,  'has  not  even 

now  fully  come.' 

6.  Is  enim  denique,  foil.,  'that  only 
seems  to  me  to  be  true  honour/  '  Is'  masc. 
by  attraction  to  'honos.'  Cp.  Ep.  90,  4. 
In  the  following  words  Cicero  hints  that  the 
state  now  looked  for  deeds  from  Plancus, 
not  merely  for  professions. 

8.  Sit  modo  .  .  res  publica,  «if  only 
we  have  some  form  of  free  government. 


10.  Qui   vere    .  .  potest,  sc.   'honos,' 
♦  which  may  truly  bear  that  name.'    ^  ^ 

11.  Invitamentum,     'an     invitation, 

Ad  tempus:  cp.  Ep.  11 1,  8.     Here  it 
seems  to  mean  '  to  do  your  duty  for  a  time. 

Manut. 

12.  Incumbe  .  .  ad  laudem,  'stnveafter 
fame  to  the  utmost  of  your  power.' 

15.  Dignitatis.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Plancus  had  been  honoured  by  votes  like 
those  adopted  in  favour  of  Lepidus.  Cp. 
Ep.  132  with  Ad  Fam.  10.  7,  2  'cum  alii 
occupare  possessionem  laudis  viderentur;' 
and  again,  '  a  te  peto  ut  dignitati  meae  suf- 
frageris.' 

17.  Quibus,  ablat.  cans. 

Vetustate,  '  the  length  of  our  con- 
nection.' 

April.  This  letter  seems  to  have  been 
written   before  the  news  of  the  battle  at 


EP.  135.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X.  30.       5^1 

CICERO  CASSIO  SAL. 

1  Qui  status  rerum  fuerit  turn,  cum  has  litteras  dedi,  scire  poteris 
ex  C.  Titio  Strabone,  viro  bono  et  optime  de  re  publica  sentiente  ; 
nam  quid  dicam  '  cupidissimo  tui,'  qui  domo  et  fortunis  relictis 

2  ad  te  potissimum  profectus  sit }  Itaque  eum  tibi  ne  commendo 
quidem  ;  adventus  ipsius  ad  te  satis  eum  commendabit  Tu  velim  5 
«ic  existimes  tibique  persuadeas,  omne  perfugium  bonorum  in  te 
et  Bruto  esse  positum,  si,  quod  nolim,  adversi  quid  evenerit. 
Res,  cum  haec  scribebam,  erat  in  extremum  adducta  discrimen ; 
Brutus  enim  Mutinae  vix  iam  sustinebat :  qui  si  conservatus  erit, 
vicimus  ;  sin— quod  di  omen  avertant !— ,  omnis  omnium  cursus  10 
est  ad  vos.  Proinde  fac  animum  tantum  habeas  tantumque 
apparatum,  quanto  opus  est  ad  universam  rem  publicam  recu- 
perandam.    Vale. 

135.    GALBA  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  X.  30). 
Camp  before  Mutina,  April  16,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c) 

I.  On  the  15th  Pansa,  to  meet  whom  Hirtius  had  sent  me,  was  dra^ving  near  the 
seat  of  war.  Antony  met  us  with  a  large  force,  and  2.  when  his  cavalry  appeared, 
we  could  not  restrain  the  Martian  legion,  and  an  engagement  followed.  3.  At  first  we 
got  the  better,  but  Antony's  superiority  in  numbers  enabling  him  to  outflank  us,  4.  we 
fell  back  on  our  camp,  which  he  attacked  in  vain,  and  on  his  return  to  his  own  met 
Hirtius,  who  with  two  legions  destroyed  nearly  his  whole  force  at  Forum  Gallorum. 


Forum  Gallorum,  which  reached  Rome  on 
April  20,  had  arrived  there.  Cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §  16. 

2.  C.  Titio  Strabone:  he  is  apparently 
only  here  mentioned. 

3.  Nam  quid  dicam:  cp.  Ad  Q.  F.  i. 

1,  10  'nam  quid  ego  de  Gratidio  dicam? 
quem  certo  scio  ita  elaborare  de  existima- 
tione  sua  ut  .  .  etiam  de  nostra  laboret.* 
The  phrase  introduces  what  is  notorious  or 
otherwise  attested. 

6.  Omne  perfugium  ..  positum,'that 
all  the  well-disposed  have  only  you  and 
M.  Brutus  to  look  to  for  aid.'     Cp.  Ep.  $3, 

2,  note. 

7.  Qjiod  nolim.     The  conj.  expresses  a 

wish  modestly.     Cp.  Ep.  i,  3,  note. 

8.  Cum  .  .  scribebam  .  .  sustinebat, 
'  at  the  time  I  am  writing  Brutus  can  hardly 
hold  out  any  longer  at  Mutina.'  Cp.  for 
the  absol.  use  of  'sustinere,*  Caes.  Bell. 
Gall.  2.  6  *sese  diutius  sustinere  non  posse.' 


10.  Vicimus.  The  perfect  indicative  is 
used  even  of  things  future  when  it  is  de- 
sired to  express  certainty.  Cp.  Ep.  52,  4, 
note,  p.  314  ;  Madv.  340,  Obs.  2. 

Sin  ..  avertant,  aposiopesis:  cp.Madv. 

479  d,  Obs.  6. 

Omnis  .  .  ad  vos,  'everybody  will 
hasten  to  you  and  Brutus.* 

GALBA.  Servius  Sulpicius  Galba,  great 
grandfather  of  the  emperor  of  that  name,  had 
served  Caesar  in  Gaul,  and  was  put  forward 
by  him  as  a  candidate  for  the  consulship  in 
the  year  50  b.c.  Cp.  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  8.  50. 
But  subsequently  he  was  annoyed  because 
Caesar  did  not  grant  him  a  consulship,  and 
conspired  against  his  life.  Cp.  Suet.  Galba 
3.  He  now  commanded  the  Martian  legion. 
With  the  narrative  here  given  should  be 
compared  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  16  ;  Philipp.  14. 
9  ;  10  ;  and  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  67-70. 


582 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


GALEA  CICERONI  SAL. 

A   d.  XVII.  Kal.  Maias,  quo  die  Pansa  in  castris  Hirtii  erat  i 

futurus,  cum  quo  ego  eram-nam  ei  obviam  processeram  m.ha 

passuum   centum,    quo    maturius  veniret-,  Antomus   leg.ones 

eduxit  duas,  secundam  et  quintam  tricensimam  et  cohortes  prae- 

5  torias  duas,  unam  suam,  alteram  Silani,  et  evocatorum  partem  : 
ita  obviam  venit  nobis,  quod  nos  quattuor  legiones  t.ronum  habere 
solum  arbitrabatur.  Sed  noctu,  quo  tutius  venire  m  castra  pos- 
semus  legionem  Martiam,  cui  ego  praeesse  solebam,  et  duas 
cohortes  praetorias  miserat  Hirtius  nobis.     Cum  equites  Antonu  a 

.o  apparuissent,  contineri  neque  legio  Martia  neque  cohortes  prae- 
toriae  potuerunt ;  quas  sequi  coepimus  coacti,  quoniam  retmere 
eas  non  potueramus.  Antonius  ad  Forum  Gallorum  suas  cop.as 
continebat  neque  sciri  volebat  se  legiones  habere  ;  tantum  equi- 
tatum  et  levem  armaturam  ostendebat.     Postea  quam  vidit  se 

I.  invito  legionem  ire  Pansa,  sequi  se  duas  legiones  iussit  tironiim. 
■  Postea  quam  angustias  paludis  et  silvarum  transiimus,  acies  est 


I    A.  d.  xvii  Kal.  Maias,  April  15. 

Erat  .  .  eram,  not  epistolary  tenses. 

2.  Cum  quo,  sc.  Pansa.  A  relative  does 
BOt  always  refer  to  the  nearest  substantive. 
Cp.  Ep.  71,  9,  note  on  p.  377,  1.13- 

Obviam  processeram.  Pansa  haa 
set  out  from  Rome  for  the  seat  of  war  about 
March  20.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  15. 

4  Quintam  tricensimam.  Qumtam 
et  tricensimam  would  be  the  usual  expression. 

"cohortes  praetorias.  The  establish- 
ment of  a  select  body  of  troops  called  a 
praetorian  cohort  to  act  as  a  body-guard  to 
the  general  is  said  to  have  originated  with 
the  younger  Scipio  at  the  siege  of  Numan- 
tia.  Cp.  Paul.  Diac.  ap.  Festum,  p.  223 
Miiller  We  also  find  references  to  it  Sail. 
Cat.  60;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  i.  42.  Those 
engaged  on  both  sides  on  this  occasion  prob- 
ably  consisted  of  '  evocati.' 

c  Silani.  M.  luniusSilanus  (mentioned 
by  Caesar  Bell.  Gall.  6.  i).  appears  to  have 
held  high  command  under  Lepidus  in  Gaul, 
and  to  have  deserted  him  for  Antony.  He 
afterwards,  however,  rejoined  Lepidus,  Ep 

141  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  38.  He  was  half- 
brother  of  M.  Brutus.  See  Ep.  147,  i, 
note. 


Evocatorum.  'Evocati*  were  soldiers 
who,  having  served  their  full  time,  were  in- 
duced to  enlist  again.  They  may  have 
been  exempted  from  the  more  irksome 
military  duties.  Cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq. 
477 ;  Dion  Cassius  45.  12  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall. 
7.  65;  Ad  Fam.  3.  6,  5. 

7.  In  castra,  Hirtii. 

8.  Legionem  Martiam:  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §§  9  ;  16 ;  Philipp.  3.  3.  6  ;  14.  9 

and  10. 

Solebam.  It  was  commanded  on  this 
occasion  by  D.  Carfulenus,  or  Carsuleius,  as 
Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  67)  calls  him.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4 ;  Ad  Alt.  15.  4,  I. 

Duas  cohortes.     Those  of  Hirtius  and 

Octavius. 

10.  Contineri  .  .  potuerunt.  The 
soldiers  of  the  Martian  legion  were  probably 
enraged  by  Antony's  attempt  to  enforce 
discipline  among  them.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V, 

§  9. 

12.  Forum  Gallorum,  about  eight  miles 

S.E.  of  Mutina,  and  on  the  Aemilian  way : 
now  Castel  Franco. 

15.  Tironum.  i.e.   of  the   new  levies 
raised  in  Italy  by  Pansa.     Cp.  Philipp.  II. 

15.39;  14- 2.  5-  .,  ^     ^  ., 

16.  Angustias  .  .  silvarum,  *a  dehle 


EP.  135.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X.  30.      583 

3  instructa  a  nobis  Xll.  cohortium  ;  nondum  venerant  legiones  duae  : 
repente  Antonius  in  aciem  suas  copias  de  vico  produxit  et  sme 
mora  concurrit.    Primo  ita  pugnatum  est,  ut  acnus  non  posset 
ex  utraque  parte  pugnari ;  etsi  dexterius  cornu,  in  quo  ego  eram 
cum  Martiae  legionis  cohortibus  octo,  impetu  pnmo  fugaverat  5 
legionem  XXXV.  Antonii,  ut  amplius  passus  *  ultra  ac.em  [quo 
loco  steterat]  processerit,    Itaque  cum  equites  nostrum  cornu 
circumire  vellent,  recipere  me  coepi  et  levem  armaturam  opponere 
Maurorum  equitibus,  ne  aversos  nostros  adgrederentur.    Interim 
video  me  esse  inter  AntonianoS  Antoniumque  post  me  esse  ah-  10 
quanto.     Repente  equum  immisi  ad  eam  legionem  tironum,  quae 
veniebat  ex  castris,  scuto  reiecto.    Antoniani  me  msequ. ;  nostri 
pila  coniicere  velle  :  ita  nescio  quo  fato  sum  servatus,  quod  sum 

4cito  a  nostris  cognitus.  In  ipsa  Aemilia,  ubi  cohors  Caesans 
praetoria  erat,  diu  pugnatum  est.  Cornu  sinistenus,  quod  erat  :s 
infirmius,  ubi  Martiae  legionis  duae  cohortes  erant  et  cohors 
praetoria,  pedem  referre  coeperunt,  quod  ab  equitatu  circumi- 
bantur,  quo  vel  plurimum  valet  Antonius.  Gum  omnes  se  rece- 
pissent  nostri  ordines,  recipere  me  novissimus  coepi  ad  castia ; 
Antonius  tamquam  victor  castra  putavit  se  posse  capere :  quo  cum  ,0 
venit,  complures  ibi  amisit  nee  egit  quicquam.  Audita  re  Hirtius 
cum  cohortibus  XX.  veteranis  redeunti  Antonio  m  sua  castra 


formed   by  wooded   and   marshy   ground, 
which  extended    along   both  sides   of    the 
road.     Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3-  67. 

I.  XII.  cohortium.     Ten  of  the  Mar- 
tian legion  and  two  praetorian. 

Legiones  duae,sc.  'tironum.'   Cp.  §  2. 

4    Etsi,  foil.,  '  [the  battle  was  obstinate] 
although   we   met   with   great    success   at 

first.*  ,        , 

Dexterius.      Not   uncommon,   thougli 
apparently  needless,  =  'dextrum.' 

6.  Amplius  passus.     Some  editions  in- 
sert D.  ,  1  1- 
Ultra  aciem,  «beyond  the  general  line 

of  battle.'  .  , 

7    Processerit,  sc.  ' dexterius  cornu. 
Cum  equites,  sc.  Antonii.     Perhaps  the 
previous  retreat  had  been  a  feint. 

Q.  Maurorum  equitibus.  These  horse- 
men were  probably  levied  by  Caesar  for  his 
projected  campaign  in  Parthia,  where  they 
would  have  been  very  useful.  ^ 

10.  Post  me,  'in  my  rear.' 

11.  Quae  veniebat.  Probably  one  of 
the  two  which  had  followed  Pansa.  Cp. 
§  2.    Two   others  were   probably  left   to 


fortify  a  camp.     Cp.  §  5>  ^nd  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  3.  69.  1..  11  u 

13.  Scuto  reiecto,  'with  my  shield  be- 
hind  my  shoulder,'  shewing  that  he  came  as 
a  friend,  or  perhaps  to  protect  himself  from 
the  missiles  of  the  pursuers.  *  Reiicere  — 
♦  retro  iacere.'     Forcell. 

14.  In  ipsa  Aemilia,  'on  the  raised 
causeway  of  the  Aemilian  road,'  a  continua- 
tion of  the  Flaminian,  leading  from  Arimi- 
num  to  Bononia  and  Placentia:  the  portion 
between  Placentia  and  Adminum  was  con- 
structed in  187  B.C. by  M.  Aemilius  Lepidus, 

see  Livy  39,  2. 

16.  Cohors  praetoria,  sc.  Hirtn. 

20.  Tamquam  victor  :  *  like  a  coii- 
queror'  without   having   really  conquered. 

Andr.  ,         , ,  , 

Cum  venit:  *venisset*  Would  be  more 
in  accordance  with  usage,  but  the  style  of 
this  letter  is  not  very  correct.     Andr. 

21.  Nee  egit  quicquam.  Appian 
however,  says  that  Antony  slaughtered  a 
large  number  of  Pansa's  new  recruits  (Bell. 

Civ.  3.  69). 

22.  Cum   cohortibus  xx  vcteranu. 


584 


M,  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


occurrit  copiasque  ems  omnes  delevit  fugavitque  eodem  loco,  ubi 
erat  pugnatum,  ad  Forum  Gallorum ;  Antonius  cum  equitibus 
hora  noctis  quarta  se  in  castra  sua  ad  Mutinam  recepit ;  Hirtius  5 
in  ea  castra  rediit,  unde  Pansa  exierat,  ubi  duas  legiones  reli- 
5  querat  quae  ab  Antonio  erant  oppugnatae.  Sic  partem  maiorem 
suarum  copiarum  Antonius  amisit  veteranarum  ;  nee  id  tamen 
sine  aliqua  iactura  cohortium  praetoriarum  nostrarum  et  legionis 
Martiae  fieri  potuit.  Aquilae  duae,  signa  LX.  sunt  relata  Antonn. 
Res  bene  gesta  est.    A.  d.  xvi.  K.  Mai.  ex  castris. 

136.     D.  BRUTUS  to  M.  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XL  9)- 
Regium  Lepidi,  April  29,  43  ^-C-  (7^1  A.u.g.) 

I  Pansa  is  a  great  loss,  and  I  hope  you  will  exert  yourself,  as  I  shall,  to  avert  evil 
consequences.  By  all  means  write  to  Lepidus ;  2.  I  have  little  confidence  m  him,  but 
I  hope  Plancus  will  be  loyal.  If  Antony  crosses  the  Alps  I  shall  secure  the  passes, 
and  write  to  you  again. 

D.  BRUTUS  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI. 
,0      Pansa  amisso  quantum  detrimenti  res  publica  acceperit,  non  te  1 
praeterit :  nunc  auctoritate  et  prudentia  tua  prospicias  oportet,  ne 
inimici  nostri  consulibus  sublatis  sperent  se  convalescere  posse. 
Ego,  ne  consistere  possit  in  Italia  Antonius,  dabo  operam  ;  sequar 
eum'  confestim  :  utrumque  me  praestaturum  spero,  ne  aut  Venti- 


Two  legions— the  fourth,  one  of  the  two 
which  revolted  from  Antony  (cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §  9),  and  the  seventh,  composed  of 
veterans  recalled  to  arms.  Philipp.  14. 10,27. 
I.     Delevit    fugavitque.      The   first 
word   perhaps  refers   to   the   infantry,  the 
second  to  the  cavalry.      Que  here  =  ' or,' 
see  instances  in  Forcell.   PoUio  had  received 
an  account  similar  to  that  here  given.     Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4.     Appian  does  not  de- 
scribe Antony's  loss  as  having  been  so  great, 
and  says  that  his  cavalry  recovered  many  of 
the  wounded  from  the  marshes  where  they 
lay  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  70). 

Eodem  loco.  Wesenb.  has  'eodem  die 
eodemque  loco.' 

Ubi  erat  pugnatum,  *  where  the  battle 
previously  mentioned  had  taken  place.' 

3.  Hora  noctis  quarta.  About  10  or 
II  P.M.  according  to  our  reckoning.  Cp. 
Ep.  loi,  2,  note. 

4.  In  ea  castra  :  cp.  §  3,  note.  Pansa's 
quaestor,  Torquatus  had  fortified  it  during 
the  first  engagement. 


5.  Partem  maiorem.  But  the  fifth 
legion  and  some  of  the  'evocati'  had  not 
been  engaged.      Cp.  §  i  with  Ad  Fam.  10. 

7.  Sine  aliqua  iactura.  Galba  seems 
to  underrate  the  loss  on  his  own  side.  Cp. 
Ad  Fam.  1.  c. ;  App.  1.  c. 

8.  Aquilae  duae.  The  eagles  of  the 
second  and  thirty-fifth  legions.  C.  Marius 
first  gave  the  eagle  to  the  legion  collectively 
as  a  standard.  Cp.  Pliny,  H.  N.  10.  4,  5; 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  p.  1044. 

Signa  LX.  'Signum'  seems  properly  to 
mean  the  standard  of  a  cohort,  but  may  be 
used  here  for  the  '  vexilla'  of  the  centuries. 
Cp.  Smith's  Diet.  pp.  1044-45. 

10.  Pansa  amisso.  Pansa  died  at  Bono- 
nia  on  April  28,  the  day  after  the  battle  of 
Mutina.  Merivale  3.  147 ;  Drumann  I. 
310.     Cp.  Ep.  145.  3. 

14.  Ventidius.  P.  Ventidius  Bassus 
was  taken  prisoner  in  the  Marsic  or  Italian 
war,  and  followed  a  very  humble  calling  for 


^ 


EP.  137.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XI,  lo.    585 

dius  elabatur  aut  Antonius  in  Italia  moretur.     In  primis  rogo  te, 
ad  hominem  ventosissimum,  Lepidum,  mittas,  ne  bellum  nobis 
redintegrare   possit  Antonio    sibi  coniuncto :   nam  de  Pollione 
Asinio  puto  te  perspicere,  quid  facturus  sit.     Multae  et  bonae  et 
2  firmae  sunt  legiones  Lepidi  et  Asinii.     Neque  haec  idcirco  tibi  5 
scribo,  quo  te  non  eadem  animadvertere  sciam,  sed  quod  mihi 
persuasissimum  est  Lepidum  recte  facturum  numquam,  si  forte 
vobis  id  de  hoc  dubium  est.     Plancum  quoque  confirmetis  oro, 
quem  spero  pulso  Antonio  rei  publicae  non  defuturum.     Si  se 
Alpes  Antonius  traiecerit,  constitui  praesidium  in  Alpibus  con-  10 
locare  et  te  de  omni  re  facere  certiorem.    III.  Kal.  Maias,  ex 
castris  Regii. 

* 

137.    D.  BRUTUS  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XL  10). 
Dertona,  May  5,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  thank  you  much  for  your  fair  judgment  of  my  conduct.  2.  You  know  as  well 
as  I  do  what  confusion  the  consuls'  death  has  caused,  and  what  hopes  it  has  encouraged. 
3.  Antony  has  enlisted  slaves  and  other  recruits,  and  has  joined  Ventidius  at  Vada.  He 
has  thus  a  large  force  with  him.  4.  Had  Caesar  been  willing  to  listen  to  me,  we 
should  have  reduced  Antony  to  extremity;  but  Caesar  will  not  obey  me,  nor  his  afmy 
him.  5.  I  find  it  almost  impossible  to  provide  for  my  army,  which  now  numbers 
seven  legions ;  I  have  spent  my  private  fortune,  and  incurred  heavy  debts  in  the  service 
of  the  State. 


some  time.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  18,  3.  He 
served  Caesar  in  the  civil  wars,  and  was  now 
leading  three  legions— raised  apparently  in 
Picenum — to  the  support  of  Antony,  whom 
he  joined  near  Vada  Sabatia  (now  Vado, 
near  Savona).  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4 ;  1 1. 
10.  3  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  72. 

2.   Ventosissimum,  *most fickle.'  For- 
cell. gives  *  inconstans  '  as  a  synonym. 
Mittas,  'send  him  a  message.' 
Ne  . .  possit.     This  expresses  result,  not 
•direct  purpose.     D.  Brutus  probably  wished 
Cicero  to  threaten  Lepidus  with  outlawry, 
for  the  next  clause  shews  that  Brutus  had 
little  confidence  in  Lepidus. 

4.  Quid  facturus  sit.  This  is  obscure, 
but  as  Pollio  is  coupled  with  Lepidus,  and 
distinguished  from  Plancus,  I  think  Brutus 
hints  distrust  of  him.  Cp.  Veil.  2.  63  «Pol- 
lio .  .  lulianis  partibus  fidus.'  But  Manutius 
merely  remarks  on  the  words  Me  perspi- 
cere' that  Cicero  was  a  friend  of  Pollio. 

Multae,  foil.  Lepidus  had  seven  legions, 
cp.  App.  Bell.  Ciy.  3.  84;  Pollio  three,  cp.  Ad 


Fam.  10.  32,  4.     But  his  were  entirely  com- 
posed of  veterans,  apparently. 

6.  Quo  .  .  sciam  .  .  quod  .  .  est.  On 
the  different  force  of  the  indie,  and  conj.,  cp. 
Epp.  14,  I  ;  28,  7,  notes. 

8.  Id  de  hoc  dubium  est.  Rather  a 
harsh  construction,  as  SUpfle  remarks,  and 
more  in  the  style  of  D.  Brutus  than  in  that 
of  Cicero. 

9.  Se  Alpes  ..  traiecerit.  This  double 
accusative  is  rare.  Cp.,  however,  Ep.  145,  4 
*  Isaram  se  traiecerint.' 

12.  Regii.  *  Regium  Lepidi'  was  on 
the  Aemilian  road,  about  half  way  between 
Mutina  and  Parma.  Perhaps  it  was  founded 
by  the  Lepidus  who  made  the  Aemilian  road, 
on  whom  cp.  p.  583,  note  on  1.  14.  The 
town  is  now  called  Reggio. 

Dertona,  now  Tortona,  stood  on  the 
north  side  of  the  Apennines,  about  51  miles 
from  Placentia,  and  between  that  place  and 
Genua.  It  was  about  10  miles  south  of  the 
Padus. 


5^6 


M.  TULLII  CICERO  NTS 


D.  BRUTUS  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI. 


[party. 


Non  mihi  rem  publicam  plus  debere  arbitror  quam  me  tibi.  i 
Gratiorem  me  esse  in  te  posse,  quam  isti  perversi  sint  in  me, 
exploratum  habes ;  si  tamen  haec  temporis  videantur  dici  causa, 
malle  me  tuum  indicium  quam  ex  altera  parte  omnium  istorum : 

5  tu  enim  a  certo  sensu  et  vero  iudicas  de  nobis ;  quod  isti  ne 
faciant,  summa  malevolentia  et  livore  impediuntur.  Interpellent 
me,  quo  minus  honoratus  sim,  dum  ne  interpellent,  quo  minus 
res  publica  a  me  commode  administrari  possit ;  quae  quanto  sit 
in  periculo,  quam  potero  brevissime  exponam.    Primum  omnium,  2 

10  quantam  perturbationem  rerumurbanarumadferat  obitus  consulum 
quantamque  cupiditatem  hominibus  iniiciat  vacuitas,' non  te  fugit : 
satis  me  multa  scripsisse,  quae  litteris  commendari  possint,  arbi- 
tror ;  scio  enim,  cui  scribam.     Revertor  nunc  ad  Antonium,  qui  3 
ex  fuga  cum  parvulam  manum  peditum  haberet  inermium,  ergas- 

15  tula  solvendo  omneque  genus  hominum  adripiendo  satis  magnum 
numerum  videtur  effecisse;  hue  accessit  manus  Ventidii,  quae 
trans  Appenninum  itinere  facto  difficillimo  ad  Vada  pervenit 
atque  ibi  se  cum  Antonio  coniunxit. '  Est  numerus  veteranorum 
et  armatorum  satis  frequens  cum  Ventidio.      Consilia  Antonii  4 

20  haec  sint  necesse  est :  aut  ad  Lepidum  ut  se  conferat,  si  reci- 
pitur ;  aut  Appennino  Alpibusque  se  teneat  et  decursionibus  per 


2.  Isti  perversi.  Apparently  men 
jealous    of   D.   Brutus.      Cicero    speaks   of 

*  obtrectatores  *  A<1  Fam.  ii.  14,  2.     'Isti' 

*  those  referred  to  in  your  letter.*  Hence 
sint  is  used,  not  '  sunt.'  Cp.  Ep.  3,  3, 
note. 

3.  Si  tamen  haec,  foil.  This  passage 
is  obscure,  and  possibly  corrupt.  The  sense 
seems  to  require  *  if  they  speak  as  time- 
servers,  and  are  not  therefore  so  hostile  to 
me  as  their  language  would  seem  to  imply, 
still  I  value  your  judgment  more  than  that 
of  all  of  them.'  Wieland  despairs  of  the 
text,  and  gives  for  the  general  sense  *  what- 
ever they  may  say  now.' 

5.  A  certo  sensu  et  vero,  •  with  de- 
cided and  honest  feelings,'  *  certus  dicitur 
qui  constans.'     Forcell. 

6.  Livore  =  *invidia,'*  by  envy.'  Forcell. 
Interpellent  =  '  impediant.*      Forcell. 

Cp.  Ep.  114,  7. 

II.  Hominibus.  D.  Brutus  refers,  prob- 
ably to  the  arrogant  pretensions  of  Octavius 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  18. 


Vacuitas, '  the  vacancy  of  both  consular 
places,'  '  interregnum.'  Billerb.,  Forcell. 
The  word  is  used  here  only  apparently  in 
this  sense. 

12.  Satis  . ,  mnlta  . .  quae  . .  possint, 
•  as  much  as  can  be  safely  entrusted  to  a 
letter.'  The  construction  is  rather  con- 
densed and  confused,  but  the  sense  is  clear. 
Cp.  Madv.  363  ;  364  and  Obss. 

14.  Ex  fuga,  'after  his  rout.' 

Ergastula  solvendo,  *  by  breaking 
open  the  workhouses  where  slaves  were 
detained,'  or  *  by  releasing  the  slaves  so 
detained.'  '  Ergastulum '  means  both  the 
prison  and  its  occupants.     Forcell. 

17.  Vada,  sc.  Sabatia,  now  Vado,  near 
Savona. 

19.  Et  armatorum, '  and  of  other  armed 
men,'  apparently. 

20.  Si  recipitur,  *  if  Lepidus  is  willing 
ta  receive  him.*  Cp.,  on  the  tense,  Ep.  38, 
9,  note. 

21.  Appennino  Alpibusque.  It  would 
be  more  usual  to  insert  a  preposition  before 


EP.  137.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XI.  lo.    587 

equites,  quos  habet  multos,  vastet  ea  loca,  in  quae  incurrerit :  aut 
rursus  se  in  Etruriam  referat,  quod  ea  pars  Italiae  sine  exercitu 
est.  Quod  si  me  Caesar  audisset  atque  Appenninum  transisset 
in  tantas  angustias  Antonium  compulissem,  ut  inopia  potius  quam 
ferro  conficeretur.  Sed  neque  Caesari  imperari  potest  nee  Caesar  5 
exercitui  suo ;  quod  utrumque  pessimum  est.  Cum  haec  talia 
sint,  quo  minus,  quod  ad  me  pertinebit,  homines  interpellent 
ut  supra  scripsi,  non  impedio ;  haec  quem  ad  modum  explicari 
5  possint  aut,  a  te  cum  explicabuntur,  ne  impediantur  timeo.  Alere 
iam  milites  non  possum.  Cum  ad  rem  publicam  liberandam  ac-  10 
cessi,  HS.  mihi  fuit  pecuniae  •  CCCC  •  amplius.  Tantum  abest,  ut 
meae  rei  familiaris  liberum  sit  quicquam,  ut  omnes  iam  meos 
amicos  aere  alieno  obstrinxerim.  Septem  numerum  nunc  legio- 
num  alo  ;  qua  difficultate,  tu  arbitrare  :  non,  si  Varronis  thesauros 
haberem,  subsistere  sumptui  possem.  Cum  primum  de  Antonio  15 
exploratum  habuero,  faciam  te  certiorem.  Tu  me  amabis  ita,  si 
hoc  idem  me  in  te  facere  senseris.  III.  Non.  Mai.  ex  castris, 
Dertona. 


these  words.  Ancient  geographers  seem  to 
have  placed  the  junction  of  the  Alps  and 
Apennines  at  various  places — Strabo  (4.  6, 
I,)  at  Genua.  Cp.  Ep.  145,  2;  Smith's 
Diet,  of  Geogr.  i,  p.  154. 

D e c u r s i o  11  i b u Si  'by  descents,'  =  Kara- 
tpofiais.     Forcell. 

2.  Rursus.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Antony  had  marched  through  Etruria,  but 
the  movement  described  would  be  on  the 
whole  a  retrograde  one; 

3.  Atque  .  .  transisset.  So  as  to  an- 
ticipate and  cut  off  Antony  when  he  also  tried 
to  cross  the  mountains. 

5.  Conficeretur  «= 'deleretur,'  'should 
be  destroyed.'     Forcell. 

Nee  Caesar,  sc.  '  imperare  potest.* 

7.  Quod  ad  me  pertinebit,  *  what 
shall  concern  my  distinction.'     Cp.  §  I. 

8.  Supra.     Cp.  §  i  of  this  letter. 
Haec,  'my  present  difficulties.* 

9.  A  te  cum  explicabuntur,  'when 
you  try  to  settle  them.* 

II.  HS.  ..-CCCC-.  400,000  sestertii — 
the  sum  at  which  the  *  census  equester  *  was 
fi.xed — seems  a  small  sum  for  D.  Brutus,  an 
eminent  member  of  a  victorious  party,  to 
have  possessed  at  the  death  of  Caesar ;  and 


I  therefore  now  think  that  HS.  'cccc*  must 
be  understood  as  =  *  quadringenties,'  or 
40,000,000     sestertii.       Wiel.    renders    it 

*  400,000  sesterces  in  ready  money.' 

12.  Liberum,  '  unencumbered.* 

13.  Aere  .  .  obstrinxerim.  '  Aer.  al. 
obstringere'  =  ' facere  ut  aliquis  pecuniam 
mutuam  sumat  seque  creditori  obliget,* 
Forcell.  According  to  Dion  Cassius  (4^. 
40),  L.  Pontius  Aquila  had  furnished  him 
with  large  sums. 

Septem,  a  genitive. 

Numerum,  'a  force,*  *a  number.* 

14.  Arbitrare, 'form  an  opinion,'  'just 
consider.* 

Varronis.  The  wealth  of  Varro  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  proverbial ;  hence 
some  have  supposed  the  reference  to  be  to 
the  wealth  described  in  some  of  Varro's 
works. 

15.  Subsistere,  *  to  support.*     Forcell. 
De   Antonia,   'about   Antony's  move- 
ments.* 

16.  Tu  me  amabis  .  .  senseris,  'lore 
me  only  if  you  shall  be  persuaded  of  my 
affection  for  you.'  On  the  force  of  '  ama- 
bis,' cp.  Ep.  1 1,  3,  note ;  and  of  '  ita  si '  =» 

♦  only  if,'  Ep.  44,  5,  note. 


588 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


138.     C.  CASSIUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XII.  12). 
Camp  in  Syria,  May  7,  43  B.C.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  If  you  and  the  senate  have  not  received  letters  from  me,  perhaps  Dolabella  has 
intercepted  my  messengers.  2.  I  have  under  my  orders  all  the  forces  which  were  in 
Syria,  and  four  legions  which  A.  AUienus  has  brought  from  Egypt.  I  am  now  ready 
for  action,  and  recommend  my  own  dignity  3.  and  my  soldiers'  interests  to  your  con- 
sideration. I  also  recommend  to  your  attention  the  conduct  of  Murcus  and  Crispus. 
Bassus,  on  the  other  hand,  would  have  resisted  me,  but  that  his  soldiers  compelled  him 
to  submit.  4.  This  army  is  devoted  to  the  senate,  and  especially  to  you,  owing  to 
what  I  say  of  your  good  will  towards  it.  5.  I  have  just  heard  that  Dolabella  has 
entered  Syria,  and  shall  march  to  meet  him  there. 

CASSIUS  PROCOS.  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI  SUO. 

S.  V.  b.  e.  e.  q.  v.  Legi  tuas  litteras,  in  quibus  mirificum  tuum  i 
erga  me  amorem  recognovi ;   videbaris  enim  non  solum  favere 
nobis— id  quod  et  nostra  et  rei  publicae  causa  semper  fecisti— , 
sed  etiam  gravem  curam  suscepisse  vehementerque  esse  de  nobis 

5  sollicitus.  Itaque,  quod  te  primum  existimare  putabam,  nos  op- 
pressa  re  publica  quiescere  non  posse,  deinde,  cum  suspicarere  nos 
moliri,  quod  te  sollicitum  esse  et  de  salute  nostra  et  de  rerum 
eventu  putabam,  simul  ac  legiones  accepi,  quas  A.  Allienus  edux- 
erat  ex  Aegypto,  scripsi  ad  te  tabellariosque  complures  Romam 

10  misi ;  scripsi  etiam  ad  senatum  litteras,  quas  reddi  vetui  prius, 
quam  tibi  recitatae  essent,  si  forte  mei  obtemperare  mihi  volue- 
runt.     Quod  si  litterae  perlatae  non  sunt,  non  dubito  quin  Dola- 


C.  CASSIUS.  On  the  proceedings  of 
Cassius  in  Syria,  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  11 ; 
14;   20;  Appendix  11.  10. 

I.  S.  v.  b.  e. :  cp.  pp.  32  ;  121. 

E.  q.  V.  =  *  ego  quidem  [or  *  quoque  ' 
Tyrr.  p.  Ivii]  valeo.* 

5.  Quod  te  primum,  foil.,  *  first,  be- 
cause I  supposed  you  would  think.'  The 
position  of  '  primum'  is  strange. 

6.  Deinde  .  .  putabam.  The  sense 
would  be  clearer  if  the  words  ran  '  deinde 
quod  putabam  te,  cum  suspicarere  .  .  solli- 
citum esse.' 

Nos  moliri,  *  that  we  were  attempting 
somewhat.*  For  the  absol.  use  of  '  moliri,* 
cp.  Ad  Fam.  6.  10,  2  •  agam  per  me  ipse  et 
moliar.* 

8.  Quas  A.  Allienus  eduxerat.  They 
were  four  in  number,  composed,  according 


to  one  account,  of  men  who  had  belonged 
to  the  armies  of  Pompey  and  Crassus ;  ac- 
cording to  another,  of  men  left  by  Caesar  to 
protect  Cleopatra.  Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 
78,  and  4.  59. 

9.  Scripsi.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12,  II.  Man. 

10.  Reddi,  sc.  'ad  senatum.'  They 
would  probably  be  sent  in  the  first  instance 
to  the  relations  of  Cassius  at  Rome. 

11.  Mei,  *  my  household.'  Ern.  (ap. 
Billerb.),  Wiel.  The  former  remarks  that 
the  connections  of  Cassius  may  have  been 
on  bad  terms  with  Cicero.  His  mother, 
Servilia  his  mother-in-law,  and  his  brother 
disputed  the  wisdom  of  some  of  Cicero's 
measures  (cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  7,  i),  and  Cas- 
sius and  Lepidus  had  married  sisters  (cp.  Ep. 
147,  I,  note). 


\ 


EP.  138.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XIL  I2.    589 

bella,  qui  nefarie  Trebonio  occiso  Asiam  occupavit,  tabellarios 

2  meos  deprehenderit  litterasque  interceperit.  Exercitus  omnes, 
qui  in  Syria  fuerunt,  teneo ;  habui  paullulum  morae,  dum  pro- 
missa  militibus  persolvo.  Nunc  iam  sum  expeditus.  A  te  peto, 
ut  dignitatem  meam  commendatam  tibi  habeas,  si  me  intellegis  5 
nullum  neque  periculum  neque  laborem  patriae  denegasse,  si 
contra  importunissimos  latrones  arma  cepi  te  hortante  et  auc- 
tore,  si  non  solum  exercitus  ad  rem  publicam  libertatemque 
defendendam  comparavi,  ?  ^d  etiam  crudelissimis  tyrannis  eripui, 
quos  si  occupasset  Dolabella,  non  solum  adventu,  sed  etiam  10 
opinione  et  expectatione  exercitus  sui  Antonium  confirmasset. 

3  Quas  ob  res  milites  tuere,  si  eos  mirifice  de  re  publica  meritos 
esse  animadvertis,  et  effice,  ne  quem  paeniteat  rem  publicam 
quam  spem  praedae  et  rapinarum  sequi  maluisse.  Item  Murci 
et  Crispi  imperatorum  dignitatem,  quantum  est  in  te,  tuere :  15 
nam  Bassus  misere  noluit  mihi  legionem  tradere ;  quod  nisi 
milites  invito  eo  legatos  ad  me  misissent,  clausam  Apameam 
tenuisset,  quoad  vi  esset  expugnata.  Haec  a  te  peto  non  solum 
rei  publicae,  quae  tibi  semper  fuit  carissima,  sed  etiam  amicitiae 

4  nostrae  nomine,  quam  confido  apud  te  plurimum  posse.     Crede  20 
mihi  hunc  exercitum,  quem  habeo,  senatus  atque  optimi  cuiusque 
esse  maximeque  tuum,  de  cuius  voluntate  adsidue  audiendo  miri- 
fice te  diligit  carumque  habet :  qui  si  intellexerit  commoda  sua 
curae  tibi  esse,  debere  etiam  se  tibi  omnia  putabit. 


1.  Trebonio  occiso.  The  death  of 
Trebonius  seems  to  have  taken  place  in 
February ;  it  was  known  at  Rome  by  about 
the  middle  of  March.  Cp.  Philipp.  ii.  i, 
foil.,  with  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  26  and  61  ; 
also  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  14;  Abeken  450; 
Merivale  3.  135,  136. 

2.  Exercitus  omnes.  Those  of  Q^ 
Caecilius  Bassus,  L.  Statins  Murcus,  Q^Mar- 
cius  Crispus,  and  A.  Allienus.  Cp.  §  3 ; 
Philipp.  II.  12,  30;  II.  13,  33. 

5.  Dignitatem,  'Cupere  se  ostendit 
Syriae  administrationem.*     Manut. 

6.  Nullum  neque  .  .  neque:  cp.  Ep, 
8,  8,  note,  on  this  combination  of  negatives. 

9.  Crudelissimis  tyrannis:  i.e.  from 
Antony  and  Dolabella. 

10.  Quos,  sc.  •  exercitus.* 

11.  Opinione,  *  by  the  opinion  people 
would  form  of  it.* 

14.  Murci.  L.  Statius  Murcus  is  men- 
tioned Ep.  85,  I ;  Philipp.  1 1.  12,  30. 

15.  Crispi.  Qj^Marcius  Crispus  is  men- 


tioned by  Cicero,  Philipp.  11.  12,  30  as 
holding  a  command  in  the  East.  Murcus 
certainly,  and  -Crispus  perhaps,  had  served 
under  Caesar  in  the  civil  war.  Cp.  Caes. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  15  ;  Bell.  Afric.  77. 

16.  Nam  Bassus,  *!  say  nothing  of 
Bassus,  for.'  Cp.  Ep.  26,  2,  note.  On 
Bassus,  cp.  pp.  403,  481. 

Misere  =*  nuUo  consilio  et  suo  malo,* 
'foolishly.*  Forcell.  *  Turpiter  et  infeli- 
citer.*    Manut. 

Quod  nisi,  *  and  unless.*  On  this  sense 
of  *  quod,*  cp.  Ep.  76,  I  note. 

17.  Apameam.  This  Apamea  stood  near 
the  Orontes,  about  60  miles  S.E.  of  Antioch, 
and  is  of  course  to  be  distinguished  from  one 
mentioned  Ep.  32,  2. 

20.  Nomine  :  cp.  Ep.  38,  3,  note,  p.  259. 
Crede  mihi  .  .  esse:  cp.  Ep.  58,  i. 

22.  Audiendo,  'from  hearing  of  it,*  i.e. 
in  my  speeches.  On  this  use  of  the  gerund, 
cp.  Mad  v.  416. 

23.  Qui  si   intellexerit  .  .  putabit, 


590 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


Litteris  scriptis  audivi  Dolabellam   in   Ciliciam  venisse   cum  5 
suis  copiis :  proficiscar  in  Ciliciam.      Quid  egerim,  celeriter  ut 
scias,  dabo  operam ;    ac  velim,  ut  meremur  de  re  publica,  sic 
felices  simus.     Fac  valeas  meque  ames.    Nonis  Maiis  ex  castris. 


139.    PLANCUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  X.  ii). 
Country  of  the  Allobroges,  May  io,  (?)  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  T  can  never  requite  your  support,  but  pray  continue  it.  2.  When  I  heard  on  my 
march  towards  Mutina  of  Antony's  defeat,  I  halted  to  watch  events.  If  Antony  comes 
alone,  I  can  deal  with  him,  even  if  Lepidus  support  him  ;  if  he  brings  any  forces  with 
him  I  will  still  do  my  best,  and  shall  have  good  hopes  if  any  aid  be  sent  me  from 
Italy.  3.  I  will  exert  myself  to  the  utmost  in  our  country's  cause,  and  will  try  to 
secure  Lepidus,  in  negotiating  with  whom  I  employ  my  brother,  Furnius,  and 
Laterensis. 

PLANCUS  CICERONI. 

5      Immortales  ago  tibi  gratias  agamque  dum  vivam;  nam  relatu-  1 
rum  me  adfirmare  non  possum  :  tantis  enim  tuis  officiis  non  videor 
mihi  respondere  posse,  nisi  forte,  ut  tu  gravissime  disertissimeque 
scripsisti,  ita  sensurus  es,  ut  me  referre  gratiam  putes,  cum  me- 
moria  tenebo.     Si  de  filii  tui  dignitate  esset  actum,  amabilius 


'  if  a  mere  statement  of  your  good  will  has 
had  such  an  effect,  a  persuasion  that  you  have 
its  interests  at  heart  will  make  it  think  it 
owes  you  everything.' 

1.  Litteris  scriptis.  Here  a  postscript 
begins. 

In  Ciliciam  :  cp.  Dion  Cassius  47,  30. 
Tarsus  supported  Dolabella. 

Cum  suis  copiis.  Two  legions,  accord- 
ing to  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  78. 

2,  Proficiscar.  Cassius  met  Dola- 
bella apparently  somewhere  between  Aradus 
and  Laodicea,  and  drove  him  into  the  latter 
place,  which  was  a  coast  town  about  60 
miles  S.W.  of  Antioch,  and  50  miles  N.W. 
of  Aradus.     Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  20. 

Quid  egerim,  *  what  I  shall  have  done.' 
4.  Ex  castris.    This  camp  was  probably 

somewhere  in  the  valley  of  the  Orontes. 

His  previous  letter  had  been  dated  March  7, 

Taricheae,  which  was  at  the  south  end  of 

the  sea  of  Tiberias. 

The  Allobroges  lived  mainly  between  the 
Rhone,  the  Is^re,  and  the  high  Alps  of  Savoy. 
A  line  drawn  from  Geneva  to  Valence  would 


traverse  nearly  all  their  territory. 

MAY  10.  This  is  the  date  given  by 
Baiter  and  by  Wesenberg.  But  Andresen, 
following  Nake,  has  given  reasons  for  think- 
ing that  the  letter  was  written  somewhat 
earlier.  All  that  can  be  said  is,  firstly,  that 
Plancus  can  hardly  have  heard  before  May  3 
of  the  relief  of  Mutina,  which  happened 
towards  the  close  of  April  and  is  mentioned 
in  §  2  of  this  letter  ;  secondly,  that  there  is 
no  mention  in  this  letter  of  the  bridge 
thrown  over  the  Isara  by  Plancus  on  or 
about  May  8.     Cp.  Ep.  140,  3,  notes. 

5.  Relaturum,  *  to  repay,'  'requite.* 
*  Agere  gratias '  is  used  of  expressions  of 
gratitude :  '  referre  gratiam*  of  a  practical 
return.     Forcell. 

7.  Respondere.     Cp.  Ep.  3,  2,  note. 

8.  Scripsisti.  In  a  letter  now  lost,  ap- 
parently. But  Andr.  thinks  that  the  refer- 
ence need  not  be  to  a  letter,  and  suggests 
that  Plancus  had  in  his  mind  pro  Plane.  28 
68,  where  a  similar  thought  occurs. 

Cum  .  .  tenebo,  *  by  keeping  in  re- 
membrance.' '  Cum'  =  '  quod.'  cp.  Ep.  23. 6, 
note,  and  Forcell. 


\>^ 


I 


EP.  139.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  F AMI  LI  ARES  Z.  ii.        591 

certe  nihil  facere  potuisses.  Primae  tuae  sententiae  infinitis  cum 
muneribus,  posteriores  ad  tempus  arbitriumqueamicorum  meorum 
compositae,  oratio  adsidua  et  perpetua  de  me,  iurgia  cum  obtrecta- 
toribus  propter  me  notissima  mihi  sunt ;  non  mediocris  adhibenda 
mihi  est  cura,  ut  rei  publicae  me  civem  dignum  tuis  laudibus  5 
praestem,  in  amicitia  tui  memorem  atque  gratum.  Quod  reH- 
quum  est,  tuum  munus  tuere  et  me,  si,  quem  esse  voluisti,  eum 
2  exitu  rebusque  ccgnoscis,  defende  ac  suscipe.  Cum  Rhodanum 
copias  traiecissem  fratremque  cum  tribus  milibus  equitum  prae- 
misissem,  ipse  iter  ad  Mutinam  dirigerem,  in  itinere  de  proelio  10 
facto  Brutoque  et  Mutina  obsidione  Hberatis  audivi :  animadverti 
nullum  alium  receptum  Antonium  reliquiasque,  quae  cum  eo 
essent,  habere  nisi  in  his  partibus,  duasque  ei  spes  esse  propo- 
sitas,  unam  Lepidi  ipsius,  alteram  exercitus.  Quod  quaedam  pars 
exercitus  non  minus  furiosa  est  quam  qui  cum  Antonio  fuerunt,  15 
equitatum  revocavi ;  ipse  in  Allobrogibus  constiti,  ut  proinde  ad 
omnia  paratus  essem  ac  res  me  moneret.  Si  nudus  hue  se  Anto- 
nius  confert,  facile  mihi  videor  per  me  sustinere  posse  remque 
publicam  ex  vestra  sententia  administrare,  quamvis  ab  exercitu 
Lepidi  recipiatur ;  si  vero  copiarum  aliquid  secum  adducet  et  si  20 
decima  legio  veterana,  quae  nostra  opera  revocata  cum  reliquis 


1.  Primae  tuae  sententiae,  foil., 
*  your  first  expressions  of  opinion  in  the 
senate  proposed  unlimited  honours  for  me.^ 
Cp.  Ad  Fam.  lo.  12,  3.  The  words  'primae' 
and  *  posteriores  '  perhaps  refer  respectively 
to  the  two  days  of  debate  in  the  senate 
mentioned  in  Cicero's  letter  Ad  Fam.  10. 
12,  3  and  4. 

2.  Ad  tempus  .  .  meorum,  «according 
to  the  demands  of  the  time  and  the  will  of 
my  friends.'  Forcell.  gives  *  e  re  nata '  as 
one  equivalent  of  *  ad  tempus. 

3.  Iurgia  cum  obtrectatoribus,  espe- 
cially with  P.  Servilius.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10. 

12,  3  and  4. 

7.  Tuum  munus.  Either  'your  fa- 
vourite,' Wiel.,  or  '  quas  in  me  tuendo  atque 
ornando  partes  suscepisti.* 

8.  Exitu    rebusque,    *in   the    actual 

event. 

Suscipe  =  ♦  tuere,"  defende.* 

Rhodanum.    Plancus  crossed  the  Rhone, 

probably  somewhere  near  Vienna  (Vienne), 

on  April  26,  and  was  preparing  to  march 

into    Italy    by    the   Cottian    Alps—Mont 

Gen^vre — when   he   heard  of  the  relief  of 

Mutina.    Then  he  encamped  near  the  Isara 


(Is^re),  which  he  bridged  on  May  II  or  12. 
Cp.  Ep.  140.  3;   Ad  Fam.  10.  9,  3. 

9.  Fratremque,  i.e.  Cn.  Munatius 
Plancus.     Cp.  Ep.   130,  i. 

13.  In  his  partibus.  Wesenb.  has  «in 
has  partes.'  Andr.  thinks  that  the  ablative 
may  stand,  as  'receptum'  in  1.  2,  may 
mean  '  a  possibility  of  retreat.' 

14.  Exercitus  eius,sc.  Lepidi.  The  gen. 
is  objective.     Cp.  Ep.  16,  3,  note. 

Quaedam  pars  exercitus,  'a  certain 
part  of  the  army  of  Lepidus.' 

15.  Fuerunt.  The  perfect  is  used  as  im- 
plying that  Antony  had  lost  his  army.  Andr. 

16.  Proinde  .  .  ac,  'just  as.'  Cp.  Ep, 
114,  2,  note;  and  'proinde  quasi'  Pro 
Quinct.  14,  45. 

17.  Nudus,  *  without  reinforcements/ 
which,  in  fact,  Antony  had  received  from 
Venridius.     Cp.  Appendix  11.  11. 

18.  Sustinere,  '  to  resist  him,'  'tohold 
out.*     Cp.  Ep.  1 34»  2  ;  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  2. 6. 

21.  Decima  legio.  This  legion,  as 
Drumann  (i.  351)  and  Siipfle  remark,  had 
taken  the  lead  both  in  battle  and  mutiny 
under  Caesar.  Cp.  Bell.  Gall.  I.  40  and  41, 
with  Suet.  luU  70.     It  now  seems  to  have 


^Vt 


59« 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


est,  ad  eundem  furorem  redierit,  tamen,  ne  quid  detrimenti  fiat, 
dabitur  opera  a  me,  idque  me  praestaturum  spero,  dum  istinc 
copiae  traiciantur  coniunctaeque  nobiscum  facilius  perditos  oppri- 
mant.  Hoc  tibi  spondeo,  mi  Cicero,  neque  animum  nee  diligen-  3 
5  tiam  mihi  defuturam.  Cupio  mehercules  nullam  residuam  soUici- 
tudinem  esse;  sed  si  fuerit,  nee  animo  nee  benevolentiae  nee 
patientiae  cuiusquam  pro  vobis  cedam.  Do  quidem  ego  operam, 
ut  etiam  Lepidum  ad  huius  rei  societatem  incitem,  omniaque  ei 
obsequia  polliceor,  si  modo  rem  publicam  respicere  volet.     Utor 

10  in  hac  re  adiutoribus  interpretibusque  fratre  meo  et  Laterense  et 
Furnio  nostro.  Non  me  impedient  privatae  offensiones,  quo 
minus  pro  rei  publicae  salute  etiam  cum  inimicissimo  consentiam. 
Quod  si  nihil  profecero,  nihilo  minus  maximo  sum  animo  et 
maiore  fortasse  cum  mea  gloria  vobis  satis  faciam.    Fac  valeas 

15  meque  mutuo  diligas. 

140.     PLANCUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  X.  15). 
Near  the  Isara,  May,  12  (?),  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  hope  that  I  have  secured  Lepidus  for  the  good  cause;  2.  he  has  given  his 
word,  by  Laterensis,  that  he  will  oppose  Antony,  and  I  am  on  my  march  to  join  him. 
My  army,  3.  and  especially  my  cavalry,  will  be  most  welcome.  I  have  bridged  the 
Isara,  and  sent  my  brother  with  cavalry  to  oppose  L.  Antonius.  I  shall  follow  myself 
with  the  rest  of  my  army.     4.  With  moderately  good  fortune  we  shall  succeed. 

PLANCUS  CICERONI. 
His  litteris  scriptis  quae  postea  accidissent  scire  te  ad  rem  i 


belonged  to  the  army  of  Lepidus,  Cp.  App. 
Bell.  Civ.  3.  83  ;  Drumann,  1.  c.  Plancus 
does  not  hint  at  any  disaffection  in  his  own 
army,  otherwise  we  might  suppose  the 
Tenth  belonged  to  him. 

Revocata,  *  recalled  to  its  duty/ 

3.  Istinc,  'from  Italy.* 

5.  Defuturam.  Fern,  as  agreeing  with 
the  nearest  subst.  Cp.  Ep.  29,  7,  note; 
Madv.  214  a. 

6.  Nee  animo  ..  cedam.  *  Benevo- 
lentia  '  and  *  cuiquam  *  would  be  more  in 
accordance  with  usage.  But  cp.  Tac.  Hist. 
4.  2  'Lucius  Vitellius  .  .  par  vitiis  fratris.' 
Andr. 

8.  Huius  rei,  'of  this  enterprise,'  the 
liberation  of  the  Commonwealth. 

Omniaque  .  .  polliceor,   *I  promise 


to  consult  his  wishes  in  everything.'     The 
plural  'obsequia  '  seems  to  be  rare. 

10.  Laterense:  cp.  Ep.  ii,  2,  note. 

11.  Furnio  :  cp.  Ep.  60,  note. 

12.  Inimicissimo, Lepido.  Manut.  Cp. 
Epp.  140,  I ;  146,  I. 

13.  Sum.  Plancus  means  '  I  am  in  good 
spirits  even  with  the  possibility  of  failure 
before  me.'     Andr. 

14.  Maiore  fortasse  .  .  gloria,  'per- 
haps with  all  the  more  distinction  to  myself.* 
Wiel.  He  would  gain  more  reputation  by 
a  victory  over  Antony  and  Lepidus,  than  by 
effecting  a  peaceful  settlement. 

16.  His  litteris  scriptis,  'aftertheac- 
companying  letter  had  been  written.'  The 
present  one  seems  to  have  been  sent  by  the 
same  bearer  as  Ep.  139, 


4 


EP.  140.]   EPISTOLARUM  AJD  FAMILIARES  X.  15.       593 

publicam  putavi  pertinere:  sedulitas  mea,  ut  spero,  et  mihi  et 
rei  publicae  tulit  fructum.  Namque  adsiduis  internuntiis  cum 
Lepido  egi,  ut  omissa  omni  contentione  reconciliataque  voluntate 
nostra  communi  consilio  rei  publicae  succurreret,  se,  liberos  ur- 
bemque  pluris  quamunum  perditum  abiectumque  latronemputaret  5 

2  obsequioque  meo,  si  ita  faceret,  ad  omnes  res  abuteretur.  Profeci : 
itaque  per  Laterensem  internuntium  fidem  mihi  dedit  se  Anto- 
nium,  si  prohibere  provincia  sua  non  potuisset,  bello  persecuturum, 
me  ut  venirem  copiasque  coniungerem  rogavit,  eoque  magis,  quod 
et  Antonius  ab  equitatu  firmus  esse  dicebatur  et  Lepidus  ne  medio-  10 
crem  quidem  equitatum  habebat ;  nam  etiam  ex  paucitate  eius  non 
multis  ante  diebus  decem,  qui  optimi  fuerant,  ad  me  transierunt. 
Quibus  rebus  ego  cognitis  cunctatus  non  sum ;  in  cursu  bonorum 

3  consiliorum  Lepidum  adiuvandum  putavi.  Adventus  mens  quid 
^profecturus  esset,  vidi ;  vel  quod  equitatu  meo  persequi  Antonium  15 
atque  opprimere  equitatum  eius  possem,  vel  quod  exercitus  Lepidi 
eam  partem,  quae  corrupta  est  et  ab  re  publica  alienata,  et  corri- 
gere  et  coercere  praesentia  mei  exercitus  posset.  Itaque  in  Isara, 
flumine  maximo,  quod  in  finibus  est  Allobrogum,  ponte  uno  die 
facto  exercitum  a.  d.  IIII.  Idus  Maias  traduxi.     Cum  vero  mihi  20 


2.  Namque  .  .  abuteretur.  These 
wo'-ds  explain  'sedulitas.* 

/vdsiduis  internuntiis.  On  this  use 
of  the  ablat.  instrum.,  cp.  Ep.  loi,  3,  note. 

Cum  Lepido  egi.     Cp.  Ep.  139,  3. 

6.  Abuteretur:  abuti  =  ' large  et  plene 
uti,'  *  use  to  the  utmost.*  Forcell.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  9-  6,  5. 

Profeci,  *I  succeeded.'  Forcell.  gives 
instances  of  a  similar  sense  from  Caesar, 
e.g.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  23  '  adeo  . .  profecit.*  Andr. 
remarks  that  this  word  is  inserted  to  recall 
the  attention  to  '  tulit  fructum  '  in  I.  2.  The 
following  words  to  '  rogavit '  shew  wherein 
the  success  of  Plancus  consisted. 

11.  Ex  paucitate  eius,  'from  his 
slender  force  of  cavalry.' 

12.  Transierunt.      Wesenb.    suggests 

*  transierant,'    corresponding   to    '  habebat ' 
and  '  fuerant.* 

13.  In  cursu  bonorum  consiliorum, 

•  in  this  patriotic  course  of  policy.' 

17.  Eam  partem.  Especially  the  tenth 
legion.     Cp.  Ep.  139,  2. 

18.  Isara,  now  the  Isere, 

19.  Ponte  .  .  facto.  This  may  perhaps 
have  been  near  Cularo.  A  comparison  of 
Ep.  146.  §  3  with  §  7  of  the  same  letter 
would  lead  us  to  place  Cularo  on  the  right 

Q 


bank  of  the  Isara,  and  Mr.  Jeans  thinks  the 
place  stood  near  the  modern  suburb  of  St. 
Laurent,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Isere,  op- 
posite Grenoble.  The  editor  of  Murray's 
Handbook  for  France  (1873)  says  that  that 
suburb  occupies  the  site  of  the  original 
Gaulish  town  of  Cularo.  Spniner  and  Mr. 
G.  Long  (Diet,  of  Geogr.  I.  716)  both  place 
Cularo  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Isara,  and 
certainly  the  Cularo  of  the  third  century 
A.D.  appears  to  have  occupied  the  same  site 
as  the  modern  Grenoble.  Perhaps  '  Cula- 
rone'  in  Ep.  146,  7  may  refer  to  a  camp 
just  opposite  the  city  and  on  the  other  bank 
of  the  Isara  :  or  the  town  may  originally 
have  stood  on  both  sides  of  the  river, 
especially  if  it  was  not  fortified  till  after 
the  date  of  these  letters.  The  map  of 
Gaul  in  the  Atlas  of  Ancient  Geography  by 
Dr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Grove  supports  this  view. 
An  inscription  of  the  third  century  found  at 
the  modern  Grenoble  and  speaking  of  the 
place  as  Cularo  is  published  by  Gruter,  In- 
scriptiones  cbcvii,  l ;  cp.  Diet,  of  Geography 
I.  715.  The  Emperor  Gratian  renamed  the 
place  after  himself,  Gratianopolis,  from 
which  word  the  modern  name  Grenoble  is 
derived.  No  very  direct  road  seems  to  have 
led  from  the  Isara  to  Forum  lulii. 


\ 


594 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


nuntiatum  esset  L.  Antonium  praemissum  cum  equitibus  et  cohor- 
tibus  ad  Forum  lulii  venisse,  fratrem  cum  equitum  quattuor  mili- 
bus,  ut  occurreret  ei,  misi  a.  d.  v.  Idus  Maias ;  ipse  maximis 
itineribus  cum  quattuor  legionibus  expeditis  et  reliquo  equitatu 

5  subsequar.    Si  nos  mediocris  modo  fortuna  rei  publicae  adiuverit,  4 
et  audaciae  perditorum  et  nostrae  sollicitudinis  hie  finem  reperie- 
mus.     Quod  si  latro  praecognito  nostro  adventu  rursus  in  Italiam 
se  recipere  coeperit,  Bruti  erit  officium  occurrere  ei,  cui  scio  nee 
consilium  nee  animum  defuturum.     Ego  tamen,  si  id  acciderit, 

lo  fratrem  cum  equitatu  mittam,  qui  sequatur,  Italiam  a  vastatione 
defendat.     Fac  valeas  meque  mutuo  diligas. 


141.     M.  LEPIDUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  X.  34  (i.  %)) 
Pons  Argenteus,  May  22  (?),  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  When  I  heard  that  Antony  was  on  the  march  for  my  province,  I  marched  to 
oppose  him,  and  have  encamped  on  the  Argenteus.  He  is  strong  in  cavalry  and  his 
infantry  is  numerous,  but  not  all  armed,  and  he  loses  many  men  by  desertion.  2.  Si- 
lanus  and  Culleo  have  left  him,  and  I  have  spared  them,  but  do  not  employ  them. 
I  shall  do  my  duty  to  the  senate  and  to  the  commonwealth  in  this  war. 


1.  L.  Antonium.  This  brother  of  the 
triumvir  is  often  spoken  of  with  disgust  in 
the  Philippics.  Cp.,  especially,  3.12,31; 
5-  3»  7 »  5-  7»  20.  He  was  consul  41  b.c, 
and,  aided  by  his  sister-in-law  Fulvia,  took  a 
leading  part  in  organizing  opposition  to  Oc- 
tavian  in  Italy.  The  siruggle  which  fol- 
lowed was  known  as  the  *  war  of  Perusia/ 
for  the  siege  of  that  place  was  its  most 
important  incident.  Cp.  Livy  Epitt.  125 
and  126;  Veil.  1.  74;  Suet.  Oct.  9;  14; 
15  >  App.  Bell.  Civ.  5.  19-50. 

2.  Forum  lulii,  now  Frejus,  on  the 
coast  of  Provence,  between  Antibes  and 
Toulon,  looking  S.E. 

3.  Misi.  But  Plancus' brother  seems  to 
have  fallen  ill  soon  afterwards  (cp.  Ad  Fam. 
10.  21,  7)  and  can  hardly  have  moved  far. 
Andr. 

A.  d,  V.  Idus.  May  11.  But  the  bridge 
seems  only  to  have  been  ready  for  the  pas- 
sage of  the  army  on  the  ]  2th.  Hence 
Wesenb.  suggests  iii.  Id.,  and  remarks  that 
if  v.  Id.  were  the  true  date,  'miseram'  should 


be  substituted  for  *misi.*  Andr.  would  prefer 
to  read  a.  d.  vn.  or  a.  d.  vni.  in  p.  593,  1.  ao. 
He  follows Nake,  who  (pp.  9-13)  argues  (i) 
that  Plancus  must  have  bridged  the  Isara 
before  he  sent  his  brother  with  cavalry  to 
meet  L.  Antonius ;  (2)  that  one  of  the  two 
dates  •nil.  Idus*  in  p.  593, 1.  20  or  'v.  Idus*  in 
1.  3  must  be  wrong;  (3)  that  as  Plancus  does 
not  say  that  his  brother  left  him  on  the 
same  day  on  which  he  himself  crossed  the 
Isara  or  on  the  next,  it  is  probable  that  two 
days  may  have  passed  between  the  two 
events ;  (4)  that  'nil.  Idus'  is  more  likely  to 
have  been  erroneously  substituted  for  'vii.* 
or  *viii.  Idus*  than  *v.  Idus*  for  *pridie  Idus' 
or  *  Idibus.' 

4.  Quattuor.  In  Ep.  132,  6  Plancus 
speaks  of  five  legions,  but  of  four  Ep.  148,  3. 

5.  Mediocris  modo,  'only  to  a  mode- 
rate extent.'  The  adjective  is  used  as  an 
adverb.     Cp.  Epp.  2,  2  ;  22,  i. 

10.  Sequatur  ..  defendat.  Asyndeton. 
Cp.  Ep.  20,  6,  note.  Wesenb.  inserts  '  ut ' 
after  *  sequatur.* 


EP.  141.]  EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES.    X.  34.     595 

M.  LEPIDUS  IMP.  ITER.  PONT.  MAX.  S.  D.  M.  TULLIO 

CICERONI. 

1  S.  V.  b.  e.  e.  v.  Cum  audissem  Antonium  cum  suis  copiis, 
praemisso  L.  Antonio  cum  parte  equitatus,  in  provinciam  meam 
venire,  cum  exercitu  meo  ab  confluente  [ab  Rhodano]  castra  movi 
ac  contra  eos  venire  institui.  Itaque  continuis  itineribus  ad 
Forum  Voconii  veni  et  ultra  castra  ad  flumen  Argenteum  contra  5 
Antonianos  feci.  P.  Ventidius  suas  legiones  tres  coniunxit  cum 
eo  et  ultra  me  castra  posuit ;  habebat  antea  legionem  quintam 
et  ex  reliquis  legionibus  magnam  multitudinem,  sed  inermorum. 
Equitatum  habet  magnum:  nam  omnis  ex  proelio  integer  discessit, 
ita  ut  sint  amplius  equitum  milia  quinque.  Ad  me  complures  10 
milites  et  equites  ab  eo  transierunt  et  in  dies  singulos  eius  copiae 


This  letter  must  have  been  written  after 
Antony  and  Ventidius  had  joined  their  forces 
near  Forum  Voconii.  Now  Antony  reached 
Forum  lulii,  distant  24  Roman  miles  from 
Forum  Voconii,  on  May  15,  and  Ventidius 
was  two  days'  march  behind  him.  (Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  10.  17,  I.)  Allowing  one  day  for  the 
march  from  Forum  lulii  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Forum  Voconii,  and  two  more  for 
Ventidius  to  come  up,  we  see  that  this  letter 
cannot  have  been  written  before  May  18. 
The  date  xn.  Kal.  lun.  is  found  in  a  frag- 
ment attached  to  this  letter  in  the  MSS. 
apparently,  but  detached  from  it  by  some 
of  the  latest  editors,  following  Victorius. 

On  M.  LEPIDUS,  cp.  Ep.  62,  3,  note; 
Intr.  to  Part  V,  §§  i ;   11  ;  17  ;  22. 

IMP.  ITER.  Lepidus  assumed  the  title 
of  imperator  once,  for  alleged  achievements 
in  Spain  48-47  b.c.  ;  and  again  for  his  suc- 
cessful negotiations  with  Sex.  Pompeius.  Cp. 
Intr.  to  Part  III,  §  13  ;  to  Part  V,  §  11 ; 
Philipp.  13.  4,  7,  with  Mr.  King's  note; 
Bell.  Alex.  59 ;  63  ;  64;  Drumann  i.  13. 

PONT.  MAX.  Lepidus  had  received 
this  office  in  the  previous  year  through  An- 
tony's influence,  but  the  appointment  seems 
to  have  been  somewhat  irregular.  Cp.  Livy 
Epit.  117;  Veil.  2.  63;  Dion  Cassius  44, 
53;  Epp.  122,  8.  note. 

Pons  Argenteus  was  apparently  a  little 
N.E.  of  Forum  Voconii  (Le  Canet),  on  the 
road  from  Aquae  Sextiae  (Aix)  to  Forum 
lulii  (Frejus).  The  Argenteus,  or  Argents, 
enters  the  sea  a  little  W.  of  Forum  lulii. 
Cp.  Spruner's  map  of  Gaul,  and  Smith,  Diet, 
of  Geogr.  i.  198,  sub  voc.  'Argenteus.* 

I.  S.  V.  b.  e.  e.  v.:  cp.  p.  121,  note. 


3.  Ab  confluente.  Wiel.  and  Billerb. 
both  explain  this  of  the  confluence  of  the 
Rhone  and  Durance,  near  Avignon.  Wesenb. 
suspects  that  the  true  text  may  be  '  ab  con- 
fluente Rhodani  et  Druentiae.* 

4.  Ad  Forum  Voconii:  cp.  introduc- 
tory remarks. 

5.  Ultra,  'beyond  that  place,*  i.e.  be- 
tween it  and  Forum  lulii.  Wesenb.  suspects 
the  word  here. 

6.  Suas  legiones  tres.  The  seventh, 
eighth,  and  ninth.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4. 

Cum  eo,  sc.  Antonio. 

7.  Ultra  me,  'between  me  and  Rome,' 
*  further  from  my  starting  point.' 

Habebat  antea,  Antonius. 

Legionem  quintam.  Probably  com- 
posed of  the  Alaudae  who  were  devoted  to 
Antony.  Cp.  Philipp.  i.  8,  20.  The  state- 
ment in  the  next  lines  that  Antony  had 
many  soldiers  from  his  other  legions  with 
him  seems  to  shew  that  his  loss  at  Forum 
Gallorum  had  been  exaggerated  by  Galba. 
Cp.  Ep.  135,  4-5. 

8.  Ex  reliquis  legionibus.  The 
veteran  second  and  thirty-fifth,  and  three  of 
recruits,  strengthened  probably  by  an  ad- 
mixture of  '  evocati.*  Antony,  in  a  letter 
quoted  Philipp.  8,  8,  25,  .«poke  of  having 
six  legions.  One  of  the  mixed  legions  seems 
to  have  been  organized  by  L.  Antonius.  Cp. 
Philipp.  3.  12,  31. 

II.  Milites  et  equites.  'Miles*  was 
used  especially  of  the  regular  infantry.  Cp. 
Livy  22.  37,  where  Hicro  writes  to  the 
Roman  senate, '  milite  atque  equite  scire  nisi 
Romano  Latinique  nomiuis  nou  uti  populum 
Romanum.' 


"V 


Qq2 


59^ 


M.  TULLIl  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


minuuntur ;  Silanus  et  CuUeo  ab  eo  discesserunt.  Nos  etsi  gravi-  2 
ter  ab  iis  laesi  eramus,  quod  contra  nostram  voluntatem  ad  Anto- 
nium  ierant,  tamen  nostrae  humanitatis  et  necessitudinis  causa 
eorum  salutis  rationem  habuimus  ;  nee  tamen  eorum  opera  utimur 
5  neque  in  castris  habemus  neque  ulli  negotio  praefecimus.  Quod 
ad  bellum  hoc  attinet,  nee  senatui  nee  rei  publicae  deerimus. 
Quae  postea  egerimus,  faciam  te  eertiorem. 


142.    To   PLANCUS   (AD    FAM.  X.  13). 
Rome,  May,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  The  senate's  decree  will  shew  how  anxious  I  have  been  to  secure  your  services  a 
proper  recognition.  2.  I  hope  you  will  go  011  as  you  have  begun.  Whoever  over- 
powers Antony  will  be  the  real  finisher  of  the  war. 

CICERO  PLANCO. 

Ut  primum  potestas  data  est  augendae  dignitatis  tuae,  nihil  1 
praetermisi  in  te  omando,  quod  positum  esset  aut  in  praemio  vir- 

10  tutis  aut  in  honore  verborum  :  id  ex  ipso  senatus  consulto  poteris 
cognoscere ;  ita  enim  est  perscriptum,  ut  a  me  de  scripto  dicta 
sententia  est,  quam  senatus  frequens  secutus  est  summo  studio 
magnoque  consensu.     Ego  quamquam  ex  tuis  litteris,  quas  mihi  2 
misisti,  perspexeram  te  magis  iudicio  bonorum  quam  insignibus 

15  gloriae  delectari,  tamen  considerandum  nobis  existimavi,  etiamsi 
tu  nihil  postulares,  quantum  tibi  a  re  publica  deberetur.   Tu  con- 


I.  Silanus  :  cp.  Ep.  135,  I,  note. 
Culleo  (Q;.  Terentius)  had  been  posted 
on  the  Alps  by  Lepidus,  nominally  to  pre- 
vent Antony  from  leaving  Italy,  but  prob- 
ably with  secret  orders  to  grant  him  a  pas- 
sage. He  and  Silanus  both  probably  acted 
'«s  go-betweens  for  Antony  and  Lepidus 
(cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  83).  Culleo  has 
been  mentioned  Ep.  16,  5. 

4.  Eorum    salutis    rationem  habui- 
^•aus,  *I  spared  their  lives.* 

8.  Augendae  dignitatis.  It  is  not 
clear  to  what  these  words  refer.  Probably 
some  decree  in  honour  of  Plancus  had  re- 
cently passed.  M.  Cornutus,  praetor  ur- 
banus,  and  P.  Servilius  seem  to  have  opposed 
'any  distinct  recognition  of  his  services  (cp. 
Ad  Fam.  10.  12,  3  and  4 ;  10.  16,  i),  and 
Cicero  had  to  exhort  him  to  consider  virtue 


its  own  reward.  Plancus  seems  to  hare 
wished  for  a  place  on  the  commission  of  ten 
already  referred  to  (Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  18: 
Ad  Fam.  10.  22,  2). 

9.  In  praemio  .  .  verborum,  'in  sub- 
stantial rewards  for  merit,  or  in  honourable 
expressions.' 

II.  De  scripto.  On  some  occasions 
senators  wrote  out  beforehand  the  proposal 
they  intended  to  make  in  the  senate.  Cp. 
Philipp.  I.  I,  3  ;  3-  8,  20;  10.  2,  5. 

13.  Tuis  litteris.  Probably  Cicero  re- 
fers to  Ad  Fam.  10.  9 ;  cp.  Nake,  pp.  31- 

32. 

16.  Contexes.      On  the  mood,  cp.  Ep. 

II,  3,  note.     'Let  the  end  of  your  work  be 

worthy  of  its  beginning '  =  •  efficies  ut  ex- 

trema  eandem  cum  primis  formam,  speciem 

referant.'     Forcell. 


EP.  143.]    EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XI.  23.     597 

texes  extrema  cum  primis  :  qui  enim  M.  Antonium  oppresserit,  is 
bellum  confecerit ;  itaque  Homerus  non  Aiacem  nee  Achillem, 
sed  Ulixem  appellavit  TirokmopQiov, 


143.    D.  BRUTUS  to  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XI.  23). 
Eporedia,  May  25,  43  -B.c.  (711  a.u.c) 

I.  We  are  getting  on  very  well.  Lepidus  seems  to  be  well  disposed ;  three  such 
armies  ought  to  give  you  confidence.  2.  What  I  reported  to  you  before  must  have  been, 
an  invention  mtended  to  frighten  you.     I  shall  stay  in  Italy  till  I  hear  from  you. 

p.  BRUTUS  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI. 

1  Nos  hie  valemus  recte  et,  quo  melius  valeamus,  operam  dabi- 
mus.     Lepidus  commode  nobis   sentire  videtur.    Omni  timore  5 
deposito  debemus  libere  rei  publicae  consulere.     Quod  si  omnia 
essent  aliena,  tamen  tribus  tantis  exercitibus,  propriis  rei  publicae, 
valentibus,  magnum  animum  habere  debebas,  quern  et  semper 

2  habuisti  et  nunc  fortuna  adiuvante  augere  potes.  Quae  tibi  supe- 
rioribus  litteris  mea  manu  scripsi,  terrendi  tui  causa  homines  10^ 
loquuntur:  si  frenum  momorderis,  peream,  si  t«  omnes,  quot 
sunt,  conantem  loqui  ferre  poterunt  Ego,  tibi  ut  antea  scripsi, 
dum  mihi  a  te  litterae  veniant,  in  Italia  morabor.  vili.  K.  lunias 
Eporedia, 


2.  Itaque  =  *  as  the  last  service  done 
seems  most  important.' 

3.  irro\nr6p0iov.  Homer  applies 
the  epithet  irToXiwopOios  to  Achilles  in  vari- 
ous passages  (e.g.  II.  8.  372  ;  15.  77)  ;  but 
Cicero  is  probably  thinking  of  others,  where 
the  services  of  Ulysses  are  most  highly 
praised  (e.g.  Odyss.  9.  504,  530;  22.  230). 
The  point  of  this  passage  is,  I  think,  that  as 
Ulysses  had  the  credit  of  the  capture  of 
Troy,  not  Ajax  and  Achilles,  who  both  fell 
before  it  was  taken,  so  would  Plancus,  if  he 
gave  the  final  blow  to  Antony,  have  rather 
than  Hirtius  or  Pansa  the  fame  of  finishing 
the  war. 

I  cannot,  with  Mr.  Jeans,  see  any  sugges- 
tion to  use  craft. 

Eporei>ia.  Its  site  is  occupied  by  the 
modern  Ivrea,  on  the  Dora  Baltea  (Duria) 
in  Piedmont. 

4.  Nos,  'I  and  my  army.* 

6.  Omnia,  *  all  other  forces.*  The  mean- 
ing must  depend  on  that  of  tribus  tantis 


exercitibus.  Two  of  them,  no  doubt, 
were  those  of  Decimus  himself  and  of  Plan- 
cus, the  third  may  have  been  that  of  Octa- 
vius  (Manut.,  Wiel.,  Billerb.)  or  of  Lepidus. 

8.  Animum  ..  augere.  A  rare  phrase, 
with  a  personal  subject  to  the  principal  verb. 
*  Fortuna  adiuvans  augere  potest'  would  be 
more  common. 

9.  Quae  tibi  .  .  scripsi :  cp.  Ad  Fam. 
II.  20,  I  and  2.  D.  Brutus  had  reported  to 
Cicero  a  conversation  with  Segulius  Labeo, 
who  had  spoken  of  Octavius  and  the  vete- 
rans as  discontented. 

11.  Si  frenum  momorderis,  'if  you 
champ  the  bit,*  *  shew  a  high  spirit.*  *  Si  te 
ferocem  et  recusantem  ostenderis.'  Forcell. 
*Si  eos  contempseris.  Manut.  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  II.  24,  I. 

12.  Conantem  loqui,  * nedum  loqucn- 
tem.*     Manut. 

13.  Italia.     Sec  Ep.  145,  3.  «0*«- 

14.  Eporedia.  On  the  ablative,  cp.  Ep. 
17,  4,  note,  p.  III. 


_1 


59» 


M,  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


EP.145.]   EPIST0LARU3I  AD  FAMILIARES  XLi^d..    599 


144.    M.  LEPIDUS  to  the  SENATE  and  PEOPLE 

(AD  FAM.  X.  ^sl 


Pons  Argenteus,  May  30,  43  B.C.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  protest  that  I  should  soon  have  convinced  you  of  my  devotion,  but  that  my  army 
mutinied  and  declared  for  peace.  2.  I  beseech  you,  therefore,  to  forget  all  private 
quarrels,  and  not  to  treat  as  a  crime  the  merciful  disposition  of  myself  and  of  my  army. 
Act  as  is  best  for  the  safety  and  dignity  of  all. 

M.  LEPIDUS  IMP.  ITER.  PONTIFEX  MAX.  S.  D.  SENATUI 

POPULO  PLEBIQUE  ROMANAE. 

S.  V.  liberique  vestri  v.  b.  e.  e.  q.  v.    Deos  hominesque  tester,  1 
patres  conscripti,  qua  mente  et  quo  animo  semper  in  rem  publi- 
cam  fuerim  et  quam  nihil  antiquius  communi  salute  ac  libertate 
iudicarim  ;  quod  vobis  brevi  probassem,  nisi  mihi  fortuna  proprium 

5  consilium  extorsisset :  nam  exercitus  cunctus  consuetudinem  suam 
in  civibus  conservandis  communique  pace,  seditione  facta,  retinuit 
meque  tantae  multitudinis  civium  Romanorum  salutis  atque  inco- 
lumitatis  causam  suscipere,  ut  vere  dicam,  coegit.     In  qua  re  ego  2 
vos,  patres  conscripti,  oro  atque  obsecro,  ut  privatis  offensionibus 

10  omissis  summae  rei  publicae  consulatis  neve  misericordiam  nos- 
tram  exercitusque  nostri  in  civili  dissensione  sceleris  loco  ponatis. 
Quod  si  salutis  omnium  ac  dignitatis  rationem  habueritis,  melius 
et  vobis  et  rei  publicae  consuletis.  D.  iii.  Kal.  Tun,  a  Ponte 
Argenteo. 


On  the  titles  of  jLepidus,  and  on  the  ab- 
breviations in  1.  I,  cp.  Ep.  141,  note. 

4.  Brevi  probassem,  i.e.  by  resisting 
Antony. 

Fortuna.  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  83  and 
84)  represents  that  the  army  of  Lepidus  was 
debauched  by  emissaries  from  that  of  An- 
tony. It  is  probable  that  Lepidus  offered 
no  great  resistance  to  his  soldiers,  but 
neither  Appian  (1.  c.)  nor  Velleius  (2.  63) 
charges  him  with  premeditated  treachery. 
A  son  of  Lepidus  had  been  betrothed  to 
Antony's  daughter  (Ep.  118,  2  ;  Dion  Cas- 
sius  44.  53),  and  Antony  flattered  Lepidus 
by    promising    to    act    under    his    orders 


(Veil.  1.  c). 

5.  Consuetudinem  suam.  Perhaps 
there  is  here  an  allusion  to  Caesar's  orders 
at  Pharsalus  '  ut  civibus  parceretur.'  Cp. 
Suet.  lul.  75;  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  98;  cp. 
also  Philipp.  8.  4,  13,  where  Cicero  repre- 
sents Calenus  as  saying,  *  eum  te  esse  qui  .  . 
semper  .  .  omnes  cives  salvos  volueris.' 

6.  Communique  pace,  sc.  *  con  ser- 
vanda.* 

9.  Privatis  offensionibus.  Perhaps 
with  especial  reference  to  the  quarrel  between 
Cicero  and  Antony. 

12.  Dignitatis.  Perhaps  of  Antony  and 
himself  as  *  consulares.* 


u . 


) 


145.    D.  BRUTUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  XI.  i^  a). 

Graian  Alps  (?)  May  or  beginning  of  June, 

43  B.C.  (711  A.u.c.) 

I.  I  wish  you  to  read  this  letter  carefully.  I  could  not  follow  Antony  at  once,  for  want 
of  transport,  and  from  uncertainty  as  to  the  position  of  affairs.  2.  Next  day  I  should 
have  visited  Pansa,  but  heard  of  his  death.  My  forces  were  exhausted,  and  Antony, 
who  had  two  days'  start,  marched  much  faster  than  I  could,  and  first  halted  at  Vada. 
3.  Ventidius  joined  him  there,  and  I  heard  that  his  followers  were  eager  to  decide  the 
contest  in  Italy.  4.  I  anticipated  them,  however,  in  occupying  PoUentia,  and  the 
speed  of  my  march  has  rather  disconcerted  them.  Plancus  and  I  are  confident  that  we 
are  a  match  for  the  enemy;  5.  you  may  trust  us,  and  hope  for  the  best,  but  do  what 
you  can  to  send  us  reinforcements  and  supplies,  that  we  may  resist  the  guilty  combina- 
tion of  public  enemies. 

D.  BRUTUS  IMP.  COS.  DESIG.  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI. 

1  lam  non  ago  tibi  gratias ;  cui  enim  re  vix  referre  possum, 
huic  verbis  non  patitur  res  satis  fieri :  attendere  te  volo,  quae 
in  manibus  sunt;  qua  enim  prudentia  es,  nihil  te  fugiet,  si 
meas  litteras  diligenter  legeris.  Sequi  confestim  Antonium 
his  de  causis,  Cicero,  non  potui :  eram  sine  equitibus,  sine  5 
iumentis;    Hirtium  perisse  nesciebam ;    Caesari  non  credebam 

2  prius,  quam    convenissem    et   collocutus  essem.      Hie  dies  hoc 


GRAIAN  ALPS.  This  letter  as  we 
have  it  seems  to  be  compounded  of  two 
fragments  written  at  different  times  and 
from  different  places.  The  first  portion  of 
it,  from  the  beginning  to  *  cum  equitibus ' 
or  perhaps  to  '  puto  consistere '  seems  to  be 
a  reply  to  Ad  Fam.  ii.  12,  and  to  have 
been  written  while  D.  Brutus  was  on  the 
march  from  Pollentia  to  Eporedia  :  he  wrote 
in  good  spirits  from  the  latter  place  on  May 
25,  cp.  Ep.  143.  With  regard  to  the  rest 
of  the  letter,  it  seems  from  the  latter  part 
of  §  4  that  D.  Brutus  was  already  acting  in 
concert  with  Plancus,  and  from  Ep.  146,  3, 
that  Plancus,  in  his  camp  at  Cularo,  ex- 
pected D.  Brutus  to  join  him  on  June  8  or 
9.  This  portion  of  the  letter,  then,  was 
probably  written  from  a  camp  on  the  upper 
Isara,  perhaps  at  or  near  Darentasia  (Mou- 
tlers).  The  writer  seems  to  refer  to  the 
treachery  of  Lepidus  in  §  5,  and  that  seems 
to  have  been  consummated  late  in  May. 
Cp.  Epp.  141,  144.  Cp.  the  Journal  of 
Philology,  vol.  viii.  16,  pp.  269  foil. 

s.  Non  patitur  res,  *  the  nature  of  the 
case  does  not  allow.'     Biilerb. 


Attendere,  sc.  'ea/  *  to  observe.'  Cp. 
Ep.  100,  3;  Philipp.  2.  12,  30  'stuporem 
hominis  .  .  attendite.' 

Quae  in  manibus  sunt.  *Quie'  is 
relative,  not  interrogative ;  hence  the  indie. 
Cp.  Zumpt,  L.  G.  553  ;  Madv.  356,  Obs.  i. 
Forcell.  gives  as  an  equivalent  for  these 
wordSj'ea  circa  quae  in  praesentia  laboramus.* 

3.  Qua  enim  prudentia  es=*pro  tua 
prudentia*  (Ep.  131,  2)  or  'quae  est  tua 
prudentia,'  both  of  which  are  more  common. 
(Cp.  Ep.  98,  6,  note.) 

4.  Diligenter.  D.  Brutus  writes  in 
rather  obscure  terms,  and  therefore  invites 
Cicero  to  read  attentively.    Cp.  §  5. 

6.  Nesciebam,  H.  adds  '  Aquilam  pe- 
risse nesciebam.* 

7.  Prius,  quam  convenissem.  These 
words,  which  only  describe  a  past  state  of 
mind  in  Decimus,  do  not  imply  that  he 
actually  met  Octavius,  but  from  Ep.  137,  4 
it  is  perhaps  probable  that  he  did  so, 
though  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  73)  says  that 
Octavius  refused  to  meet  him. 

Hie  dies,  i.e.  'the  day  of  the  battle.' 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  17. 


6oo 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


modo  abiit.  Postero  die  mane  a  Pansa  sum  arcessitus  Bono- 
niam.  Cum  in  itinere  essem,  nuntiatum  mihi  est  eum  mor- 
tuum  esse.  Recurri  ad  meas  copiolas ;  sic  enim  vere  eas  appel- 
lare  possum :  sunt  extenuatissimae  et  inopia  omnium  rerum 
5  pessime  acceptae.  Biduo  me  Antonius  antecessit,  itinera  multo 
maiora  fugiens  quam  ego  sequens  :  ille  enim  iit  passim,  ego 
ordinatim.  Quacumque  iit,  ergastula  solvit,  homines  adripuit, 
constitit  nusquam  prius,  quam  ad  Vada  venit ;  quem  locum 
volo  tibi  esse  notum  :  iacet  inter  Appenninum  et  Alpes,  inpe- 

lo  ditissimus  ad  iter  faciendum.      Cum  abessem  ab  eo  milia  pas-  3 
suum  XXX.  et  se  ei  iam  Ventidius  coniunxisset,  contio  eius  ad 
me   est   adiata,   in   qua   petere   coepit  a  militibus,  ut  se  trans 
Alpes  sequerentur ;   sibi   cum    M.  Lepido  convenire.      Succla- 
matum   est   ei   frequenter,    a    militibus  Ventidianis — nam  suos 

15  valde  quam  paucos  habet — ,  sibi  aut  in  Italia  pereundum  esse 
aut  vincendum  ;   et   orare   coeperunt,  ut  Pollentiam  iter  face- 
rent.      Cum    sustinere    eos   non  posset,  in  posterum  diem  iter 
suum  contulit.     Hac  re  mihi  nuntiata  statim  quinque  cohortes  4 
Pollentiam  praemisi  meumque  iter  eo  contuli :    hora  ante  prae- 


T.  Bononiam.  Pansa  lay  there  disabled 
by  a  wound.     Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  69. 

3.  Copiolas,  *  my  handful  of  men.* 
The  word  seems  to  be  found  here  only. 

4.  Extenuatissimae,  'very  much  re- 
duced.' Rare  in  this  sense.  The  language  of 
this  passage  hardly  agrees  with  that  of  §  5, 
or  with  that  of  other  letters  written  abo.it 
this  time.   Cp.  Ad  Fam.  11.  20, 4;  11.23,1. 

5.  Pessime  acceptae,  'have  been 
brought  into  an  evil  plight.*  *  Acceptae '  = 
'  tractatae.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  12.  14, 
4  '  Dolabeila  .  .  in  oppugnando  male  accep- 
tus;*     also  Ter.  Ad.  2.  i,  12. 

Itinera  .  .  sequens,  *  making  much 
greater  marches  in  his  flight  than  I  in  my 
pursuit.'  Cp.  Smith*s  Lat.  Diet,  sub  voc. 
'Iter*;  Madv.  223  c,  Obs.  4.  Wesenb. 
suggests  either  the  insertion  of '  fecit*  before 
'itinera,'  or  the  substitution  of'fuga  faciens* 
for  •  fugiens.*  Forcell.  quotes  the  passage  as 
it  stands,  saying  '  notat  aliquando  (iter)  mo- 
dum  itineris  faciendi.*  H.  inserts  'fecit* 
after  'itinera.' 

6.  Passim,  'spreading  his  troops  over 
the  country;'  opposed  to  ordinatim,  'in 
regular  array.*  For  the  description  of  An- 
tony's march,  cp.  Ep.  137,  3,  'Passim* 
seems  not  to  be  Ciceronian  in  this  sense; 
•  ordinatim '  not  in  any.     The  latter  word, 


however,  is  used  by  Snlpicius  (Ep.  98,  3) 
and  by  Caesar  (Bell.  Civ.  2.  10),  who  also 
(Bell.  Civ.  2.  38)  uses  'passim*  in  the  sense 
in  which  it  is  used  here. 

13.  Sibi  .  .  convenire, 'that  he  had  an 
understanding  with  Lepidus.'  D.  Brutus 
had  suspected  this  a  month  before.  Cp.  Ep. 
136,  I. 

Succlamatum  est  ei,  'his  speech  was 
followed  by  cries.*  Not  a  Ciceronian  word, 
but  used  by  Livy  both  of  friendly  and  hos- 
tile interruptions.  Cp.  3.  50,  lo ;  21.  18, 
14. 

14.  Frequenter,  either  'often,'  or  'by 
numbers.*  Forcell.  recognizes  both  senses ; 
Wieland  adopts  the  latter. 

15.  Valde  quam.  Forcell.  quotes  no 
other  instance  of  this  combination,  which  he 
says  has  the  same  force  as  *  sane  quam '  in 
the  next  section. 

16.  Pollentiam.  On  the  left  bank  of 
the  Tanarus  (Tanaro),  about  35  miles  S.  by 
E.  of  Augusta  Taurinorum  (Turin).  It  is 
mentioned  by  Pliny,  H.  N.  3.  5,  7,  and  is 
now  a  small  place  called  Polenza  or  Polenzo. 

17.  In  posterum  .  .  contulit,  '  he  put 
off  his  march  till  the  next  day.'  '  Conferre  * 
=  'differre.'  Forcell.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  6.  i,  24 
I  de  rebus  urbanis,  de  provinciis  quae  omnia 
in  mensem  Martium  sunt  conlata.* 


EP.145.]   EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  XL  13  a.  5oi 

sidium  meum  Pollentiam  venit  quam  Trebellius  cum  equitibus. 
Sane  quam  sum  gavisus ;   in  hoc  enim  victoriam  puto  consis- 
tere.     In  spem  venerant,  quod  neque  Planci  quattuor  legiones 
omnibus   suis   copiis   pares    arbitrabantur  neque  ex  Italia  tarn 
celeriter  exercitum  traiici  posse  credebant.      Quos   ipsi   adhuc  5 
satis  adroganter  Allobroges   equitatusque  omnis,   qui  eo  prae- 
missus  erat   a   nobis,   sustinebant,   nostroque   adventu  sustineri 
facilius   posse   confidimus.     Tamen,  si  quo  etiam  casu  Isaram 
se   traiecerint,  ne   quod    detrimentum   rei    publicae   iniungant, 
5  summa  a  nobis  dabitur  opera.    Vos  magnum  animum  optimam-  10 
que  spem  de  summa   re   publica  habere  volumus,  cum  et  nos 
et   exercitus   nostros   singular!    concordia  coniunctos  ad  omnia 
pro  vobis  videatis  paratos.      Sed  tamen  nihil  de  diligentia  re- 
mittere   debetis    dareque    operam,  ut   quam  paratissimi  et  ab 
exercitu  reliquisque  rebus  pro  vestra  salute  contra  sceleratissi-  15 
mam  conspirationem  hostium  confligamus  ;  qui  quidem  eas  co- 
pias,  quas  diu  simulatione  rei  publicae  comparabant,  subito  ad 
patriae  periculum  converterunt. 


) 


1.  Trebellius.  L.  Trebellius  Fides  was 
tribune  in  the  same  year  with  Dolabeila, 
48-47  B.C.,  and  resisted  his  colleagueV 
attacks  upon  public  credit.  After  Caesar*s 
death  he  was  a  decided  partisan  of  Antony. 
Cp.  Philipp.  6.  4;  II.  6,  14;  13.  12,  26. 

2.  Sane  quam  :  cp.  Ep.  33,  2,  note. 
In    hoc  .  .  consistere,    'depends    on 

this.' 

3.  In  spem  venerant,  'they  had 
begun  to  hope,'  '  venire  in  spem  =  sperare.' 
Forcell.  Not  often  used  without  the  thing 
hoped  for  being  expressed. 

Quattuor  legiones:   cp.  Ep.  140,  3, 

note. 

4.  Ex  Italia.  Italy  is  here  spoken  of 
in  its  modern  sense,  as  including  the  modern 
Piedmont  and  Lombardy.  Cp.  p.  597, 
1.  13;  Merivale  3.  157,  note;  and  §  3  of 
this  letter.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  S.  R.  31  has 
produced  some  strong  evidence  to  shew 
that  '  Italia  *  even  at  an  earlier  date  than 
that  of  this  letter  was  considered  to  include 
Gallia  Cisalpina. 

Tam  celeriter,  'so  quickly  as  has  been 
the  case.'    '  Tam  dicitur  cum  ellipsi  oppositi 


membri.'says  Forcell.  Cp.  De  Off  I.  21,  73. 

5.  Ipsi,  'by  themselves.'  ^ 

6.  Satis  adroganter,  '  boldly  enough. 
Allobroges  :  cp.  Ep.  139,  note. 
Equitatusque  omnis  :  cp.  Ep.  140,  J. 

7.  A  nobis,  'by  Plancus  and  me.* 
Sustinebant,  epistolary  imperfect. 

9.  Iniungant  =  *imponant.'     Forcell. 

10.  Vos.  Cicero  and  his  friends  at  Rome. 

11.  Et  nos,  'both  PUncus  and  me.* 

14.  Et  ab  exercitu,  foil.,  'in  respect  of 
soldiers  and  of  everything  else.*  For  this 
sense  of  '  ab,*  cp.  Ep.  i.  2,  note.  The  posi- 
tion of  *  que*  is  irregular. 

16.  CLui  quidem.  The  reference  is  prob- 
ably to  Lepidus  mainly;  for,  though  the 
words  diu  .  .  comparabant,  'which  they 
were  raising  for  a  long  while,  nominally  for 
the  defence  of  the  Commonwealth,'  '  spent 
much  time  in  raising,  as  they  pretended,  for 
the  defence  of  the  Commonwealth,*  Billerb.,. 
suit  Octavius  better  than  Lepidus,  the  defec- 
tion of  Octavius  can  hardly  have  taken  place, 
early  enough  to  be  known  already  to  D. 
Brutus.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  18.  But  see 
also  Ad  Fam.  11.  10,  4 ;  n.  20,  i. 


60Q, 


M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


146.    PLANCUS  TO  CICERO  (AD  FAM.  X.  23). 
Camp  at  Cularo,  June  6,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

1.  I  never  really  trusted  Lepidus,  but  was  unwilling  to  incur  the  charge  of  suspecting 
him  unfairly.  2.  I  marched  to  within  forty  miles  of  the  camp  of  Antony  and  Lepidus, 
and  then  halted,  when  I  heard  that  they  had  moved  twenty  miles  nearer.  3.  I  with- 
drew across  the  Isara  on  June  4,  and  broke  down  the  bridge.  I  expect  D.  Brutus  in 
three  days.  4.  Laterensis  has  shewn  much  loyalty,  but  not  enough  penetration.  On 
hearing  of  the  treason  of  Lepidus  he  attempted  his  own  life,  but  I  hope  may  survive. 
5.  My  escape  has  annoyed  the  public  enemies  a  good  deal.  6.  Do  what  you  can  to 
support  us  ;  let  Caesar's  army  come  to  our  aid,  with  or  without  himself.  7.  My  regard 
for  you  increases  daily,  and  I  hope  that  I  may  have  opportunities  hereafter  of  proving 
this  to  you. 

PLANCUS  CICERONL 

Numquam  mehercules,  mi  Cicero,  me  paenitebit  maximal 
pericula  pro  patria  subire,  dum,  si  quid  accident  mihi,  a  repre- 
hensione  temeritatis  absim.  Confiterer  imprudentia  me  lapsum, 
si  umquam  Lepido  ex  animo  credidissem  ;  credulitas  enim  error 
5  est  magis  quam  culpa,  et  quidem  in  optimi  cuiusque  mentem 
facillime  inrepit :  sed  ego  non  hoc  vitio  paene  sum  deceptus ; 
Lepidum  enim  pulchre  noram.  Quid  ergo  est  ?  pudor  me,  qui 
in  bello  maxime  est  periculosus,  hunc  casum  coegit  subire  ;  nam, 
nis\    uno    loco    essem,  verebar  ne  cui  obtrectatorum  viderer  et 

10  nimium    pertinaciter   Lepido  offensus   et   mea  patientia  etiam 
alere  bellum.     Itaque  copias  prope  in  conspectum  Lepidi  An-  2 
toniique  adduxi  quadragintaque  milium  passuum  spatio  relicto 
consedi  eo  consilio,  ut  vel  celeriter  accedere  vel  salutariter  re- 
cipere  me  possem.     Adiunxi  haec  in  loco  eligendo,  flumen  op- 

15  positum  ut  haberem,  in  quo  mora  transitus  esset,  Vocontii  sub 


On  the  situation  of  Cularo,  cp.  Ep.  140, 
3,  note. 

2.  Si  quid  acciderit  mihi,  'if  I  meet 
with  any  disaster.'     Cp.  Ep.  71,  8,  note. 

A  reprehensione  .  .  absim,  ♦  I  be 
free  from  the  charge  of  rashness."  On  this 
sense  of  *  abesse  a,'  cp.  Ep.  16,  2,  note. 

6.  Non  hoc  .  .  deceptus,  *this  is  not 
the  fault  by  which  I  have  been  so  nearly 
taken  in.*     Siipfle. 

7.  Pudor,  explained  by  the  next  sentence, 
*  fear  of  public  opinion.' 

9.  Nisi  .  .  essem,  'if  I  did  not  meet 
Lepidus.' 

10.  Patientia,  '  inactivity.*      Wieland. 


13.  S  alutariter  =  •  exercitu  salvo  et  inco- 
lumi,'  '  without  loss.'     Forcell. 

14.  Haec.  *  the  following  advantages,'  i.e. 
(l)  the  protection  of  a  river;  (2)  a  safe  re- 
treat through  the  country  of  the  Vocontii. 

Flumen.  Perhaps  the  Verdon,  a  feeder 
of  the  Druentia  or  Durance,  separating  the 
modern  department  of  the  Var  from  that  of 
the  Basses  Alpes.  But  Andr.  thinks  that  it 
was  the  Druentia  itself. 

15.  Vocontii.  This  people  lived  between 
the  Druentia  and  the  Isara.  The  modern 
Avignon  and  Grenoble  would  perhaps  mark 
the  extreme  west  and  east  of  their  territory. 

Sub  manu=*prope.'     Forcell. 


EP.  146.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X.  23       603 

manu  ut  essent,  per  quorum  loca  fideliter  mihi  pateret  iter. 
Lepidus  desperato  adventu  meo,  quem  non  mediocriter  capta- 
bat,  se  cum  Antonio  coniunxit  a.  d.  IIIL  Kal.  lunias,  eodemque 
die  ad  me  castra  moverunt ;  viginti  milia  passuum  cum  abessent, 

3  res  mihi  nuntiata  est.  Dedi  operam  deum  benignitate,  ut  et  5 
celeriter  me  reciperem  et  hie  discessus  nihil  fugae  simile  habe- 
ret,  non  miles  ullus,  non  eques,  non  quicquam  impedimentorum 
amitteretur  aut  ab  illis  ferventibus  latronibus  interciperetur. 
Itaque  pridie  Nonas  lunias  omnes  copias  Isaram  traieci  pontes- 
que,  quos  feceram,  interrupi,  ut  spatium  ad  colligendum  se  homi-  10 
nes  haberent  et  ego  me  interea  cum  collega  coniungerem,  quem 

4  triduo,  cum  has  dabam  litteras,  exspectabam.  Laterensis  nostri 
et  fidem  et  animum  singularem  in  rem  publicam  semper  fatebor ; 
sed  certe  nimia  eius  indulgentia  in  Lepidum  ad  haec  pericula 
perspicienda  fecit  eum  minus  sagacem.  Qui  quidem  cum  in  frau-  15 
dem  se  deductum  videret,  manus,  quas  iustius  in  Lepidi  perniciem 
armasset,  sibi  adferre  conatus  est;  in  quo  casu  tamen  interpel- 
latus  et  adhuc  vivit  et  dicitur  victurus.   Sed  tamen  de  hoc  parum 


1.  Fideliter, 'through  a  loyal  district.* 
So,  in  substance,  Siipfle.  Perhaps  '  fideliter 
pateret '  may  be  translated  '  would  be  loyally 
kept  open.' 

2.  Desperato  adventu.  But  Plancus 
wrote  a  short  time  before  (Ad  Fam.  lo.  21, 
a)  that  Lepidus  had  asked  him  to  halt  on 
the  Isara,  and  felt  strong  enough  to  deal 
with  Antony  single  handed. 

4.  Ad  me,  *  towards  me.* 
Moverunt.    This  is  only  true  of  Antony, 

for  Lepidus  was  still  on  the  30th  at  his  old 
quarters  near  Pons  Argenteus.  Cp.  Ep. 
144,  2,  and  Andresen's  note  on  this  passage. 

5.  Deum  benignitate  =  'diis  favenli- 
bus.'     Abl.  caus. 

6.  Celeriter.  His  retreat  probably 
began  on  May  30th  or  31st,  for  Antony 
joined  Lepidus  on  the  29th,  and  Plancus 
heard  of  their  junction  when  they  (or  rather 
Antony,  see  above)  had  marched  20  miles 
(§  2).  Now  Cularo,  whence  this  letter  was 
written  on  June  6,  was  about  1 50  miles  from 
Pons  Argenteus,  and  as  Plancus  had  halted  40 
miles  short  of  the  latter  place  (§  2),  he  must 
have  retreated  no  miles,  crossed  the  Isara, 
and  broken  his  bridges,  in  six  days  at  most, 
perhaps  in  five.     Cp.  Ep.  140,  3,  note. 

7.  Non  miles  .  .  non  eques:  cp. Ep. 
^41,  I,  note. 

8.  Ferventibus  = 'furiosis.'  Forcell. 
A  rare  use  of  the  word. 


9.  Pontesque:  cp.  Ep.  140, 1.  c.  Only 
one  has  been  mentioned  before.  Cp.  Ep. 
140,  3  and  Ad  Fam.  10.  21,  2.  He  had 
secured  one  of  them  with  forts  at  each  end, 
so  that  D.  Brutus  might  follow  him  with 
safety.     Cp.  Ad  Fam.  10.  18,  4. 

10.  Ut  spatium  .  .  colligendum. 
Wesenb.  thinks  that  a  double  'et'  is  re- 
quired by  the  form  of  the  sentence  (ut  ct 
spatium),  and  that  'colligendum,'  for  which 
he  substitutes  '  colligendi,'  is  here  a  solecism. 

Homines.  Perhaps  he  refers  principally 
to  his  own  soldiers,  whose  loyalty  might  be 
shaken  by  the  sudden  defection  of  Lepidus. 

11.  Cum  collega,  sc.  D.  Bruto. 

12.  Triduo  cum  has  dabam  litteras, 
'  in  three  days  from  the  date  of  this  letter.' 
Siipfle.  Cp.  Ep.  145  for  the  movements  of 
D.  Brutus. 

Laterensis.  He  had  written,  just  before 
attempting  his  own  life,  to  warn  Plancus 
against  the  designs  of  Lepidus.  Cp.  Ad  Fam. 
10.  21,  3. 

13.  Fatebor «*testabor/  *  praedicabo.' 
Forcell. 

17.  In  quo  casu  =  'discrimine,* 'in  which 

perilous  act.' 

Interpellatus  :  cp.  Ep.  I14,  7« 

18.  Parum  mihi  certum  est.  Laterensis 
died  of  his  wound  (Veil,  a,  63),  and  had  a 
statue  and  public  funeral  voted  him  by  the 
senate  (cp.  Dion  Cassius  46.  51). 


6o4 


M.  TULLII  CIC FRONTS 


[part  v. 


mihi  certum  est.  Ego  magno  cum  dolore  parricidarum  elapsus  6 
sum  iis  ;  veniebant  enim  eodem  furore  in  me  quo  in  patriam, 
incitati.  Iracundias  autem  harum  rerum  recentes  habebant :  quod 
Lepidum  castigare  non  destiteram,  ut  exstingueret  bellum ;  quod 
5  colloquia  facta  improbabam  ;  quod  legatos  fide  Lepidi  missos 
ad  me  in  conspectum  venire  vetueram  ;  quod  C.  Catium  Ves- 
tinum,  tribunum  mil.,  missum  ab  Antonio  ad  eum  cum  litteris 
exceperam  :  in  quo  banc  capio  voluptatem,  quod  certe,  quo  magis 
me  petiverunt,  tanto  maiorem  iis  frustratio  dolorem  attulit.     Tu,  e 

lo  mi  Cicero,  quod  adhuc  fecisti,  idem  praesta,  ut  vigilanter  ner- 
voseque  nos,  qui  stamus  in  acie,  subornes.  Veniat  Caesar  cum 
cppiis,  quas  habet  firmissimas,  aut,  si  ipsum  aliqua  res  impedit, 
exercitus  mittatur  ;  cuius  ipsius  magnum  periculum  agitur :  quic- 
quid  aliquando  futurum  fuit  in  castris  perditorum  contra  patriam, 

15  hue  omne  iam  convenit.     Pro'  urbis  vero  salute  cur  non  omnibus 
facultatibus,  quas  habemus,  utamur  ?  Quod  si  vos  istic  non  de- 
fueritis,  profecto,  quod   ad   me  attinet,  omnibus   rebus  abunde^ 
rei  publicae  satis  faciam.     Te  quidem,  mi  Cicero,  in  dies  meher-  7 
cules  habeo  cariorem  sollicitudinesque  meas  quotidie  magis  tua 

20  merita  exacuunt,  ne  quid  aut  ex  amore  aut  ex  iudicio  tuo  perdam. 


I.  Parricidarnm, 'traitors.*  Cp.Philipp. 
14.  10,  27;  2.  13,  31  •confiteor  eos  .  . 
plus  .  .  quam  parricidas  esst,  si  quidem  est 
atrocius  patriae  parentem  quam  suum  occi- 
dere ;'  lb.  2.  7,  17;  and  Mr.  King's  note. 

3.  Iracundias  .  .  habebant,  '  their 
angry  feelings  had  been  lately  aroused  by 
the  following  causes.*  The  plural  '  iracun- 
diae'  seems  very  rare.     But  cp.  Ad  Q^F. 

I-  I,  13'  39. 

4.  Castigare  = 'castigando  impellere.* 
BUlerb. 

5.  Colloquia,  conferences  between  An- 
tony and  Lepidus,  or  between  their  soldiers. 
Cp.  Ep.  144,  notes ;  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  17. 

Legatos,  sc.  Antonii.  Cp.  App.  Bell. 
Cir.  3.  83. 

Fide  Lepidi,  'under  the  safe  conduct 
of  Lepidus.*  Cp.  Ep.  13,  2,  note  on  'fides 
publica/ 

6.  C.  Catium  Vestinum.  This  man 
seems  to  be  only  here  mentioned.  The 
Vestini  were  a  people  of  central  Italy  living 
N.E.  of  the  Marsians,  S.E.  of  the  Picentines. 

7.  Ad  eum,  sc.  Lepidum.     Manut. 

8.  Exceperam,  'I  had  intercepted.' 

In  quo,  'on  account  of  which.*  Cp. 
p.  67, 1.  15,  note. 


10.  Nervose» ' energetically' =  'fortitcr.* 
Forcell, 

11.  Subornes,  'supply,*  '  subinde  in- 
struas.'  Forcell.  Not  Ciceronian  appa- 
rently. 

12.  Quas  habet  firmissimas, 'which 
are  very  efficient'  (unter  die  schlagfertigsten). 
Wiel. 

13.  Cuius  ipsius,  sc.  Caesaris,  'whose 
own  safety  is  much  imperilled.*  With  thisi 
use  of  a  relative  not  referring  to  the  last 
substantive  cp.  Ep.  135,  i,  note.  Plancus. 
then  did  not  believe  that  any  agreement 
had  yet  been  made  between  Antony  and 
Octavius. 

Quicquid  aliquando  .  .  convenit, 
'  all  the  desperadoes  who  were  likely  at  any 
time  to  take  the  field  against  their  country 
have  met  here/  i.e.  in  the  camp  of  Antony 
and  Lepidus. 

15.  Cur  non  .  .  utamur.  A  protest 
against  any  reluctance  to  transfer  the  forces 
of  Octavian  to  the  critical  spot. 

17.  Omnibus  rebus, 'in  every  respect.* 
Bilierb. 

20.  Exacuunt, 'stimulate.* 
Ex  iudicio  tuo,  '  of  your  good  opinion,* 
*  consideration.*     Bilierb. 


EP.  147.]  EPISTOLAJIUM  AD  SAMILIARES  XII.  lo.    605 

Opto  ut  mihi  liceat  iam  praesenti  pietate  meorum  officiorum 
tua  beneficia  tibi  facere  iucundiora.  Vlll.  Idus  lun.  Cularone,  ex 
finibus  AUobrogum. 


147.    To  C.  C  A  S  SI  U  S  (AD  FAM.  XII.  10). 
Rome,  July,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  Lepidus  has  been  declared  a  public  enemy  by  the  senate.  We  hear  good  news 
about  Dolabella,  2.  and  hope  that  you  are  coming  to  Italy  with  your  army.  We 
wish  to  hear  not  only  of  your  efforts  but  of  their  results,  and  3.  are  most  anxious  for 
your  presence.  Our  success  was  secure  had  not  Lepidus  given  Antony  a  refuge.  We 
have  great  hopes  that  the  consuls  elect  may  prosper,  but  4.  all  really  depends  on  you 
and  on  M.  Brutus;  we  shall  need  your  aid  even  if  we  conquer  our  enemies  without 
you. 

CICERO  CASSIO  SAL. 

1  Lepidus,  tuus  adfinis,  meus  familiaris,  pr.  K.  Quinctiles  sen- 
tentiis  omnibus  hostis  a  senatu  iudicatus  est  ceterique,  qui  una  5 
cum  illo  a  re  publica  defecerunt ;  quibus  tamen  ad  sanitatem  rede- 
undi  ante  K.  Sept.  potestas  facta  est.  Fortis  sane  senatus,  sed 
maxime  spe  subsidii  tui.  Bellum  quidem,  cum  haec  scribebam, 
sane  magnum  erat  scelere  et  levitate  Lepidi.  Nos  de  Dolabella 
quotidie,  quae  volumus,  audimus,  sed  adhuc  sine  capite,  sine  auc-  10 

2  tore,  rumore  nuntio.  Quod  cum  ita  esset,  tamen  litteris  tuis,  quas 
Nonis  Mails  ex  castris  datas  acceperamus,  ita  persuasum  erat  civi- 
tati,  ut  ilium  iam  oppressum  omnes  arbitrarentur,  te  autem  in 
Italiam  venire  cum  exercitu,  ut,  si  haec  ex  sententia  confecta 
essent,  consilio  atque  auctoritate  tua,  sin  quid  forte  titubatum,  15 


•■  • 


1.  Praesenti  pietate  .  .  iucundiora, 
*to  make  your  services  more  agreeable  to 
you/  i.e.  to  make  you  a  return  for  your 
services — '  by  affection  shewn  in  kindnesses 
done  at  Rome.' 

2.  Cularone:  see  note  at  the  beginning 
of  this  letter: 

4.  Tuus  adfinis.  Lepidus  had  married 
lunia,  and  Cassius  lunia  TertuUa — both 
daughters  of  D.  Silanus,  cos.  62  b.c.  and  ot 
Servilia,  and  half-sisters  of  M.  Brutus.  Cp.  Ad 
Att.  14.  20,  2  ;  Dion  Cassius  44.  34;  Veil, 
2.  88.  Their  brother  M.  Silanus  has  beeu 
mentioned  Ep.  135,  i ;  he  was  consul  25  b.c. 

6.  Quibus.  I  agree  with  Wiel.  in  think- 
ing that  this  does  not  include  Lepidus  himself. 


Sanitatem,  'bonam  mentem,'  'rectum 
consilium/  'a  sound  state  of  mind.'    Forcell. 

8.  Scribebam  .  .  erat,  *  epistolary 
tenses. 

9.  De  Dolabella:  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V, 
§  20;  Appendix  11.  10.  From  a  letter  of 
Cassius,  a  quaestor,  to  Cicero  (Ad  Fam.  12. 
13,  4),  it  would  seem  that  Laodicea  was  in- 
vested about  June  13. 

10.  Sine  capite,  *  without  any  definite 
source.'  '  Caput  *  =  '  origo  unde  aliquid 
manat  ct  exit  in  vulgus/  Forcell.  Cp.  Pro 
Plane.  23,  57  *si  quid  sine  capite  manabit.' 

11.  Litteris  tuis  :  Ep.  138. 

14.  Haec,  'the  war  with  Antony  and 
Lepidus.' 

15.  Titubatum,  cp.de  Orat.  3.50,  19a. 


6o6 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[part  v. 


ut  fit  in  bello,  exercitu  tuo  niteremur ;  quern  quidem  ego  exercitum 
quibuscumque  potuero  rebus  ornabo ;  cuius  rei  turn  tempus  erit, 
cum,  quid  opis  rei  publicae  laturus  is  exercitus  sit  aut  quid  iam 
tulerit,  notum  esse  coeperit :  nam  adhuc  tantum  conatus  audiuntur, 
5  optimi  illi  quidem  et  praeclarissimi,  sed  gesta  res  exspectatur, 
quam  quidem  aut  iam  esse  aliquam  aut  adpropinquare  confido. 
Tua  virtute  et  magnitudine  animi  nihil  est  nobilius  ;  itaque  opta-  3 
mus,  ut  quam  primum  te  in  Italia  videamus :  rem  publicam  nos 
habere  arbitrabimur,  si  vos  habebimus.    Praeclare  viceramus,  nisi 
10  spoliatum,   inermem,  fugientem  Lepidus  recepisset  Antonium ; 
itaque  numquam  tanto  odio  civitati  Antonius  fuit,  quanto  est 
Lepidus  :  ille  enim  ex  turbulenta  re  publica,  hie  ex  pace  et  victoria 
bellum  excitavit.    Huic  oppositos  consules  designatos  habemus,  in 
quibus  est  magna  ilia  quidem  spes,  sed  anceps  cura  propter  incertos 
15  exitus  proeliorum.    Persuade  tibi  igitur,  in  te  et  in  Bruto  tuo  esse  4 
omnia,  vos  exspectari,  Brutum  quidem  iam  iamque.    Quod  si,  ut 
spero,  victis  hostibus  nostris  veneritis,  tamen  auctoritate  vestra 
res  publica  exsurget  et  in  aliquo  statu  tolerabili  consistet ;  sunt 
enim  permulta,  quibus  erit  medendum,  etiam  si  res  publica  satis 
20  esse  videbitur  sceleribus  hostium  liberata.    Vale. 


148.    PLANCUS   TO   CICERO  (AD   FAM.  X.  24). 
Camp  at  Cularo  (?),  July  28,  43  b.c.  (711  a.u.c.) 

I.  I  must  express,  however  imperfectly,  my  gratitude  for  all  your  services.  3.  You 
have  tned  to  promote  my  soldiers'  interests,  as  the  public  welfare  demanded,  3.  and 
hitherto  I  have  maintained  my  position.     Caution  is  needful,  for  our  forces,  though 


2.   Ornabo:  cp.  the  requests  of  Cassius. 
Ep.  138.  3  and  4. 

5.  Gesta  res,  *  some  achievement/  'a 
result,'  i.e.  the  overthrow  of  Dolabella. 

6.  Esse  aliquam,  'has  been  effected  to 
some  extent.* 

9.  Vos,  Cassius   and   M.    Brutus.     Cp. 
§  4.. 

Viceramus.  An  elliptical  mode  of  ex- 
pression. 'We  had  gained  a  great  success, 
which  would  have  been  decisive,'  or  perhaps, 
as  Andresen  says,  it  is  rhetorical  exaggera- 
tion describing  what  had  nearly  happened 
as  having  actually  happened.  Cp.  Madv. 
348,  c. 

13.  Consules  designatos.  Plancus  and 
p.  Brutus,  Manutius  thinks  that  Octavian 
is  passed  over  out  of  regard  for  Cassius,  who 


had  been  one  of  the  murderers  of  Julius 
Caesar.  But  may  not  Cicero's  reason  for 
omitting  his  name  have  been  that  he  did 
not  trust  him  ?     Cp.  note  on  1.  19  below. 

14.  Ilia  quidem.  A  pronoun  is  often 
prefixed  rather  pleonastically  to  'quidem.' 
Cp.  Madv.  489,  b. 

16.  Iam  iamque.  Brutus'  province, 
Macedonia,  was  of  course  much  nearer  than 
that  of  Cassius. 

18.  Exsurget  ..  consistet.  Bold  meta- 
phors: *will  arise  from  its  depression  and  be 
settled  in  a  satisfactory  position.'  '  Ex- 
surget *=' erigetur,'  '  recreabitur.'  Forcell. 
Cp.  Ep.  48,  I,  note,  on  exsurgere. 

19.  Permulta,  foil.  Perhaps  these  words 
refer  to  Cicero's  suspicions  of  Octavian. 


I 


EP.  148.]      EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X.  24.     607 

very  numerous,  are  for  the  most  part  inexperienced  :  4.  if  you  can  send  us  the  army 
of  Africa,  or  the  young  Caesar's,  we  may  risk  a  battle  with  confidence.  5.  You  know 
how  friendly  I  have  always  been  to  the  young  Caesar  for  various  reasons,  6.  but 
I  must  say  that  our  present  difficulties  are  entirely  owing  to  his  breach  of  promises  and 
foolish  ambition.  7.  All  who  have  influence  with  him  ought  to  exert  it  in  the  interest 
of  the  state.  8.  Our  position  here  is  difficult,  as  a  battle  would  be  dangerous,  and 
retreat  might  involve  loss  to  the  Commonwealth. 

PLANCUS  IMP.  COS.  DESIG.  S.  D.  CICERONI. 

1  Facere  non  possum,  quin  in  singulas  res  meritaque  tua  tibi 
gratias  agam,  sed  mehercules  facio  cum  pudore  ;  neque  enim  tanta 
necessitudo,  quantam  tu  mihi  tecum  esse  voluisti,  desiderare 
videtur  gratiarum  actionem,  neque  ego  libenter  pro  maximis  tuis 
beneficiis  tam  vili  munere  defungor  orationis,  et  malo  praesens  5 
observantia,  indulgentia,  adsiduitate  memorem  me  tibi  probare. 
Quod  si  mihi  vita  contigerit,  omnes  gratas  amicitias  atque  etiam 
pias  propinquitates  t  in  tua  observantia,  indulgentia,  adsiduitate 
vincam ;  amor  enim  tuus  ac  indicium  de  me  utrum  mihi  plus 
dignitatis  in  perpetuum  an  voluptatis  quotidie  sit  adlaturus,  non  10 

2  facile  dixerim.  De  militum  commodis  fuit  tibi  curae  ;  quos  ego 
non  potentiae  meae  causa — nihil  enim  me  non  salutariter  cogitare 
scio — ornari  volui  a  senatu,  sed  primum,  quod  ita  meritos  iudi- 
cabam,  deinde,  quod  ad  omnes  casus  coniunctiores  rei  publicae 
esse  volebam,  novissime,  ut  ab  omni  omnium  soUicitatione  aversos  15 


This  letter  is  the  last  written  to  Cicero 
which  we  possess;  Ad  Fam.  12.  10  the  last 
written  by  him.  Abeken  suspects  that  many 
were  destroyed  by  Augustus  (cp.  p.  470  of 
his  work). 

I.  In  =  *for,'  'on  account  of.*  Cp.  Ad 
Q.  F.  2.  6,  5  'in  eam  tabulam  magni  risus 
consequebantur.'  In  singulas  res,  'point 
by  point.*   Andr. 

5.  Tam  vili  .  .  orationis,  *  so  worth- 
less a  gift  as  this  of  words,*  gen.  defin.  Cp. 
Ep.  10,  2,  note. 

7.  Amicitias  .  .  propinquitates:  for 
*  amicos '  and  •  propinquos.'  The  words  do 
not  seem  to  be  used  quite  in  this  sense  by 
Cicero,  but  we  find  *  convictiones  '  and  •  ap- 
paritiones*  used  of  persons  (Ad  (^F.  i,  I, 
12).  Cp.  also  Pro  Quinct.  30.  93  'ab 
afflicta  amicitia  transfugere  atque  ad  floren- 
tern  aliam  devolare.' 

8.  In  tua  observantia,  *  in  courting 
you.'  Cp.  Ep.  29,  20  '  sine  ulla  mea  con- 
tumelia.'  Wesenb.  agrees  with  Baiter  in 
regarding  these  words  as  suspicious,  and 
puts  '  in  tua  .  .  adsiduitate '  in  brackets. 


Indulgentia,  'devotion.'   Billerb.,  Wiel. 

9.  Amor  .  .  ac  indicium,  'the  affec- 
tion shewn  in  your  opinion  of  me.* 

10.  Adlaturus,  masc.  as  agreeing  with 
the  more  important  word  '  amor.*  Cp.  Ad 
Fam.  10.  21,  5  '  mihi  .  .  non  modo  honorem 
sed  misericordiam  quoque  defuturum.*  Cp. 
Madv.  214  d,  Obs.  3. 

11.  De  militum  commodis.  Perhaps 
Plancus  refers  especially  to  grants  of  land 
promised  to  those  who  should  be  loyal  to 
the  commonwealth.  Cp.  Ad  Fam.  11.  20, 
3  ;  II.  21,  2  and  5  ;  Phiiipp.  5.  19,  53  ;  14. 
14,  38.  It  is  probable,  though  not  stated, 
that  such  promises  were  made  to  the  soldiers 
of  Plancus. 

13.  Scio.     Wesenb.  has  * scis.' 
Ornari  volui:  cp.  Ep.  132,  7. 

14.  Ad  omnes  casus.  On  the  force  of 
•  ad,'  cp.  p.  426,  note. 

15.  Novissime,  'lastly.'  Not  Cicero- 
nian, apparently,  in  this  sense. 

Omni  omnium  soUicitatione,  'all 
the  seductions  which  anybody,'  especially 
Antony  and  Lepidus,  'can  employ.'    On  the 


6o8 


M,  TULLII  CICERONIS 


[PART  V. 


EP.  148.]     EPISTOLARUM  AD  FAMILIARES  X.  24.     609 


eos  tales  vobis  praestare  possem,  quales  adhuc  fuerunt.  Nos  adhuc  3 
hie  omnia  integra  sustinuimus.     Quod  consilium   nostrum,   etsi 
quanta  sit  aviditas  hominum  non  sine  causa  t  talis  victoriae  scio, 
tamen  vobis   probari   spero.     Non   enim,  si  quid   in  his   exer- 

5  citibus  sit  offensum,  magna  subsidia  res  publica  habet  expedita, 
quibus  subito  impetu  ac  latrocinio  parricidarum  resistat.  Copias 
vero  nostras  notas  tibi  esse  arbitror:  in  castris  meis  legiones 
sunt  veteranae  tres,  tironum  vel  luculentissima  ex  omnibus  una ; 
in  castris  Bruti  una  veterana  legio,  altera  bima,  octo  tironum : 

10  ita  universus  exercitus  numero  amplissimus  est,  firmitate  exiguus ; 
quantum  autem  in  acie  tironi  sit  committendum,  nimium  saepe 
expertum  habemus.     Ad  hoc  robur  nostrorum  exercituum  sive  4 
Africanus  exercitus,  qui  est  veteranus,  sive  Caesaris  accessisset, 
aequo  animo  summam  rem  publicam  in  discrimen  deduceremus. 

15  Aliquanto  autem  propius  esse  quod  Caesarem  videbamus,  nihil 
destiti  eum  litteris  hortari,  neque  ille  intermisit  adfirmare  se 
sine  mora  venire ;  cum  interim  aversum  ilium  ab  hac  cogitatione 
ad  alia  consilia  video  se  contulisse.  Ego  tamen  ad  eum  Furnium 
nostrum  cum  mandatis  litterisque  misi,  si  quid  forte  proficere 

20  posset.     Scis  tu,  mi  Cicero,  quod  ad  Caesaris  amorem  attinet,  5 


attempts  to  tamper   with   Plancus  and  his 
army,  cp.  Epp.  132,  3 ;  146,  2  and  5. 
Aversos  is,  I  think,  a  participle  here. 

2.  Omnia  .  .  sustinuimus,  *  we  have 
kept  everything  as  it  was.'     Frey.     *  Have 
not  involved  the  commonwealth  in  any  risk ' 
=  'proelium  vitavimus.'  Manut.    'Sustinere 
==♦  conservare,'  '  tueri.'     Forcell. 

3.  Talis.  Perhaps  'fatalis/  'decisive,' 
should  be  read  with  H.  A.  Koch.  ap.  Baiter. 
If  the  MS.  reading  be  retained,  quanta  may 
mean  *  how  little  '  (cp.  *  quantum,'  1.  1 1 ; 
Ep.  15,  8,  note  on  p.  96)  :  '  how  little  men 
desire  the  mere  maintenance  of  our  position.' 
Wesenb.  inserts  '  belli.'  •  Talis '  would  then 
=  ♦  civilis.'      Professor   Nettleship   suggests 

•  alterius '  (altis)  for  'talis';  Andr.  suggests 

*  ut  ais '  as  referring  to  a  letter  of  Cicero  to 
Plancus. 

5.  Subsidia  .  .  expedita,  'reserves 
ready  for  action.' 

6.  I  mpetu,  dat, :  q>.  Madv.  46,  Obs.  3  ; 
Nagelsb.  56,  152. 

8.  Luculentissima,  'finest.'     Wiel. 

9.  Bima,  '  which  has  seen  more  than 
one  year's  service.*  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3. 
49)  seems  to  have  considered  this  a  veteran 
legion. 

10.  Firmitate,  'steadiness/ not commoa 


without  a  qualifying  genitive, 

Exiguus,  'slight,'  'weak.* 

II.  Autem.  Andresen  remarks  Aat 
*  enim  *  would  suit  the  context  better. 

Nimium  saepe,  e.g.  at  Pharsalus,  cp. 
Ep.  88,  2;  Intr.  to  Part  III,  §§  10;  II ; 
Thapsus,  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  10  ;  and  Forum 
Gallorum,  Ep.  135,  notes;  Intr.  to  Part  V, 
§  16.  For  an  account  of  the  forces  of 
Plancus  and  D.  Brutus,  cp.  Appendix  11, 
I  and  3. 

13.  Africanus  exercitus:  cp.  Intr.  to 
Part  V,  §§  18  and  19;  Appendix  11,  5. 

Accessisset  .  .  deduceremus,  episto- 
lary tenses  in  place  of  the  fut.  exact,  and 
simple  fut.  indie.     Cp.  Ep.  56,  5,  note. 

14.  Summam  rem  publicam,  'the 
highest  interests,'  *the  existence'  of  the 
commonwealth. 

15.  Propius  esse.sc.  ' quam  Africanum 
cxercitum.' 

Videbamus,  'we'  (D.  Brutus  and  I) 
'see.' 

Nihil  destiti,  *I  have  not  ceased.* 

18.  Ad  alia  consilia,  i.e.  to  his  designs 
upon  the  consulship.     Cp.  §  6. 

Furnium:  cp.  Ep.  130,  i,  note. 

20.  Quod  ad  Caesaris  Octaviani  amo- 
rem. 


^m 


societatem  mihi  esse  tecum ;  vel  quod  in  familiaritate  Caesaris 
vivo  illo  iam  tueri  eum  et  diligere  fuit  mihi  necesse;  vel  quod 
ipse,  quoad  ego  nosse  potui,  moderatissimi  atque  humanissimi 
fuit  sensus ;  vel  quod  ex  tam  insigni  amicitia  mea  atque  Caesaris 
hunc  filii  loco  et  illius  et  vestro  iudicio  substitutum  non  proinde  5 

6  habere  turpe  mihi  videtur.  Sed — quicquid  tibi  scribo,  dolenter 
mehercule  magis  quam  inimice  facio — quod  vivit  Antonius  hodie, 
quod  Lepidus  una  est,  quod  exercitus  habent  non  contemnendos, 
quod  sperant,  quod  audent,  omne  Caesari  acceptum  referre  pos- 
sunt.  Neque  ego  superiora  repetam ;  sed  ex  eo  tempore,  quo  lo 
ipse  mihi  professus  est  se  venire,  si  venire  voluisset,  aut  op- 
pressum  iam  bellum  esset  aut  in  aversissimam  illis  Hispaniam 
cum  detriment©  eorum  maximo  extrusum.  Quae  mens  eum,  aut 
quorum  consilia,  a  tanta  gloria,  sibi  vero  etiam  necessaria  ac 
salutari,  avocarit  et  ad  cogitationem  consulatus  bimestris  summo  15 
cum  terrore  hominum  et  insulsa  cum  efflagitatione  transtulerit, 

7  exputare  non  possum.  Multum  in  hac  re  mihi  videntur  neces- 
sarii  eius  et  rei  publicae  et  ipsius  causa  proficere  posse ;  plu- 
rimum,  ut  puto,  tu  quoque,  cuius  ille  tanta  merita  habet,  quanta 


1,  In  familiaritate  Caesaris,  '  as  an 
intimate  friend  of  Julius  Caesar,' 

2.  Illo..  illius  refer  to  the  elder  Caesar ; 
eum  .  .  ipse  .  .  hunc  to  Octavian. 

5.  Vestro.  Octavian's  adoption  was 
only  sanctioned  in  the  comitia  curiata  after 
his  return  to  Rome  from  North  Italy,  appa- 
rently in  August.  Cp.  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  94 ; 
Dion  Cassius  46.  47,  However,  Cicero  had 
always  called  him  Caesar  in  the  Philippics 
(cp.  3.  6,  15  ;  5.  17,  46),  and  most  of  the 
other  friends  of  Octavian  had  done  so  even 
before  (cp.  Ep.  108,  2).  Plancus  therefore 
perhaps  refers  to  the  informal  recognition. 

Proinde,  *  as  such,'  i.e.  'as  his  son.' 
Wiel. 

7.  Facio.  This  verb  is  used  like  its 
English  equivalent  instead  of  repeating  a 
more  definite  verb.  Cp,  Andresen's  note  on 
this  passage,  and  Ep.  90,  4. 

10.  Superiora,  'his  earlier  shortcom- 
ings,' in  failing  to  press  Antony  hard  after  the 
battle  of  Mutina. 

Ex  eo  tempore  .  .  esset.  With  the 
order  of  the  words,  cp.  Pro  TuU.  4,  9;  and 
see  Madv.  476  c.  But  this  passage  seems 
rather  confused.  The  words  may  mean — 
either  '  The  war  would  have  been  at  an  end 
since  the  time  when  he  promised  to  come — 
if  he  had  been  willing  to  come,'  or  '  If  he 
had  been  willing  to  come  at  the  time  he  pro- 


mised the  war  would  have  been  already  at 
an  end.' 

11.  Oppressum,  'put  an  end  to.' 

12.  Aversissimam.  Wesenb. has  *ad- 
versissimam.' 

Illis,  'to  Antony  and  his  party.'  Spain 
had  been  attached  to  Pompey  and  his  family 
for  many  years.  Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  12; 
Appendix  i,  §  2  ;  7  ;   11,  4. 

14.  Sibi:  'ipsi*  would  be  more  com- 
mon.    Frey. 

Vero,  'moreover.'  ' Servit  transitionibus.' 
Forcell. 

Necessaria.  Because  he  had  much  to 
fear  from  Antony. 

15.  Bimestris.  An  exaggeration.  For 
Octavian  was  elected  at  latest  on  Sept.  22. 
Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  19,  note  6. 

16.  Efflagitatione,  a  rare  Word.  It  oc- 
curs Ad  Fam.  5.  19,  2.  On  the  facts  here 
referred  to,  cp.  Intr.  1.  c. ;  Suet.  Oct.  26 ; 
App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  88  ;  Dion  Cassius  46.  43. 

17-  Exputare,  very  rare  =  'coniectando 
adsequi.'     Forcell. 

Necessarii.  His  mother  Atia,  his  step- 
father L.  Philippus  and  his  brother-in-law 
C.  Marcellus,  the  consul  of  50  B.C.,  may 
be  especially  referred  to.  Cp.  Ep.  108,  2 ; 
Philipp.  3.  6,  17. 

19.  Cuius,  'from  whom,'  gen.  possess. 

Merita  =»'  beneficia,'  '  services,*  referring 


R  r 


6io     M.  TULLII  CICERONIS  EP.  AD  FAM.  X.  24. 

nemo  praeter  me ;  numquam  enim  obliviscar  maxima  ac  pkmma 
mf"  tibi  debere      De  his  rebus  ut  exigeret   cum  eo,  l-urnio 

2  ITU-  reddemus.    Tu,  ut  instituisti,  me  dihgas  rogo  pro- 
ab  nac  parte  ^^^„^Heas     V  Kal.  Sext.  ex  castas. 

10  prieque  tuum  esse  tibi  persuadeas.     v .  i^di.  o 


APPENDIX  XI. 


61T 


to  Cicero's  proposals  in  the  senate  in  honour 
of  Octavian— those  e.g.  recorded  Phihpp.  5. 

'^^m^^iiferet,  «to  treat;.  The  word 
does  not  seem  to  be  Ciceronian  in  his 
sense,  but  Forcell.  quotes  Seneca  and  Fliny 

^%^  Habuero  .  .  iuvero  :  on  the  tenses 
cp  p.  479.  note  on  1. 15.  '  Iuvero :'  the  aid 
o?  Piancm  would  be  valuable  to  Octavian 
because  of  the  hostility  of  Antony  to  the 


latter.     Cp.  Epp.  146.  6  ;  148,  6  notes. 

4.  Duriore  ;  'eo  duriore'  would  be  more 
in  accordance  with  usage. 

5      Expeditissimam    =    '  facilUmam 
Forcell.     The  superlative  is  found  also  Ad 
Fam.  II.  24,  2.  , 

7.  Se  respexerit,  «shall  have  regard 
to  his  true  interest*  =  'ad^consilia  sibi  et  rei 
publicae  salutaria  redierit.'     Forcell.        ^ 

9.  Ab  hac  parte,  'in  this  quarter  of 
the  empire. 


I 


APPENDIX  XL 

State  of  the  Roman  provinces  and  armies  from  the 
DEATH  OF  Caesar  to  that  of  Cicero. 

1.  Cisalpine  Gaul.  D.  Brutus  had  been  appointed^  by  Caesar  to 
govern  this  province,  and  went  there  in  April,  44  b.c.'*  At  the  time 
of  the  siege  of  Mutina  he  seems  to  have  had  two  legions  of  old  soldiers 
and  one  of  recruits  at  his  disposal,  with  a  numerous  body  of  gladiators  *. 
He  took  the  command  of  Pansa's  new  levies  after  the  death  of  their 
general,  and  these  with  recruits  whom  he  raised  himself  brought  his  total 
force  up  to  ten  legions  * — of  which,  however,  Plancus  only  allows  one  to 
have  been  composed  of  veterans.  Four  of  his  legions  subsequently 
joined  Antony,  and  six  Octavian  ^ 

2.  Narbonensian  Gaul  with  Hither  Spain.  M.  Lepidus  held  these 
two  provinces,  but  entrusted  their  government  to  his  legates  for  some 
time^.  He  had  a  legion  close  to  Rome  at  the  time  of  Caesar's 
murder^,  and  four®  in  Gaul  later  in  the  same  year.  Next  year  we 
find  him  near  Forum  lulii  at  the  head  of  seven,  one  being  the 
famous^  tenth. 

3.  Northern  Gaul  (Gallia  Comata).  This  province,  which  had 
been  added  to  the  empire  by  Caesar,  was  divided  in  44  b.c.  between 
A.  Hirtius  and  L.  Munatius  Plancus.  The  former,  however,  left  his 
district  to  his  officers^®,  and  in  44-43  b.c  we  find  the  whole  province 
subject  to  Plancus,  who  commanded  an  army  of  four  or  five  legions 
there  ^\ 

4.  Farther  Spain  (Baetica  and  Lusitania).  After  the  batde  of  Munda 
Sex.  Pompeius  retired  among  the  Lacetani  and  subsequently  raised 
forces  which  he  combined  with  fugitives  from  the  battle.  He  fought 
with  some  success  against  Pollio  ^^,  but  Lepidus  ^^  induced  him  to  lay 


'  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  124. 

*  lb.  3.  76 ;  Ad  Fam.  10.  34,  3. 
Dion  Cassius  43.  51. 

*  lb.  3.  84 ;  Ad  Fam.  10.  II,  2. 
10.  8,  6;  10.  15,  3. 

"  Philipp.  5.  14. 


"  Ad  Att.  14.  13,  2.  '  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  49^ 

5  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  97.  «  lb.  2.  107  ; 

^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  2.  118. 

10  Ad  Att.  14.  9,  3. 


8  lb.  3.  46. 

»1  Ad  Fam. 

"  Dion  Cassius  45.  10.'    Cp.  Intr.  to  Part  IV,  §  1 2. 

R  r  2 


6l2 


APPENDIX  XI. 


APPENDIX  XI, 


613 


down  his  arms,  and  he  retired  to  Massilia^  to  watch  events.  During 
the  campaign  of  Mutina,  C.  Asinius  Pollio  governed  Farther  Spain  with 
three  legions  ^  of  which  the  28th  and  30th  were  two. 

5.  Africa.  There  were  two  Roman  provinces  in  Africa ;  Old  Africa 
and  New  Africa  or  Numidia;  the  first  was  governed  by  Q.  Corni- 
ficius^  the  second  by  T.  Sextius.  We  are  not  told  what  force 
Cornificius  had  at  his  disposal;  but  Sextius  seems  to  have  had  three 
legions,  and  to  have  obeyed  an  order*  of  the  senate  to  send  two 
of  them  to  Rome,  and  place  the  third  under  the  orders  of  Corni- 
ficius.     The   two   which   were   sent  to   Italy  presently  went   over  to 

Octavian  ^ 

6.  Sicily  was  governed  by  A.  Pompeius  Bithynicus  till  he  was 
forced  to  yield  up  his  province  to  Sex.  Pompeius  towards  the  close 

of  43  B.C.^ 

Y.  Macedonia  at  the  time  of  Caesar's  death  was  subject  to  Q.  Hor- 
tensius,  son'^  of  the  great  orator.  In  the  autumn  of  44  B.C.,  M.  Anto- 
nius  got  it  assigned  to  his  brother  ^  Gains,  who  landed  with  one  legion 
near  Dyrrhachium,  but  found  the  province  already  in  possession  of 
M.  Brutus,  who  defeated  and  captured  him  ^  Brutus  had  been  desig- 
nated by  Caesar  to  govern  Macedonia  after  his  praetorship  ^^  and  now 
assembled  a  considerable  force  there,  consisting  (i)  of  old  soldiers  of 
Pompey  recalled  to  arms^\  (2)  of  men  left  behind  by  Dolabella^^^ 
(3)  of  the  troops  of  C.  Antonius  and  P.  Vatinius^^  (4)  of  a  legion 
commanded  by  an  officer^*  of  M.  Antonius,  (5)  of  two  legions  raised  in 
Macedonia  ^^ ;  in  all  eight  legions.  Achaia  seems  to  have  been  annexed 
to  Macedonia. 

8.  Asia.  C.  Trebonius  had  been  appointed  to  govern  Asia  by 
Caesar  ^^,  and  held  it  during  some  months  in  44-43  b.c.  After  his 
murder  "  no  special  governor  seems  to  have  been  appointed  for  Asia. 

9.  Bithynia.  L.  Tillius  Cimber  governed  Bithynia  by  Caesar's  ap- 
pointment" in  44-43  B.C.,  but  marched  with  a  small  force  to  join 
Cassius  in  Syria  ^*. 


^  Ad  Fam.  lo.  32,  4. 
'  lb.  3. 


»  Philipp.  13.  6,  13  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  84. 
»  lb.  12.  21-30.  *  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  85  and  91. 

92.  •  lb.  4.  84;  Ad  Fam.  6.  16;  17  ;  16.  23,  I ;  Livy  Epit.  123. 

'  Philipp.  10.  :;,  II  ;  10.  6,  13.  '  lb.  3.  10,  26.  »  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  3.  79  ;  Dion  Cassius  47.  21.  '*>  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  2.  "  Plut. 

Brut.  25.  "Or  diverted  from  him  ;  Philipp.  10.  6,  13.  ^*  Plut.  Brut. 

a6;    Dion  Cassius  47.  21;    App.  Illyr.  13.     Vatinius  had  three  legions,  but  they  had 
suffered  greatly  in  encounters  with  the  natives.  "  Philipp.  10.  6,  13. 

"  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  79.  **  Ad  Fam.  12.  16 ;  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  3.  2.         ^^  lb.  4.  58;  Ad  Fam.  12.  12,  i ;  Philipp.  II.  I-3  ;  Livy  Epit.  119;  Dion 
Cassius  47.  29.  "  Ad  Fam.  12.  13,  3 ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  2.  "  Dion 

Cassius  47.  31. 


*■      M        * 


m  * 


10.  Syria.  Caesar  had  left  one  legion  there  under  Sex.  lulius  Caesar, 
who  failed,  however,  to  command  the  respect  of  his  men,  and  perished 
in  a  mutiny  which  perhaps  was  caused  by  the  intrigues  of  Q.  Caecilius 
Bassus,  who  then  took  the  command  of  his  forces,  and  probably  in- 
creased them\  Caesar,  however,  sent  against  Bassus  three  legions 
under  the  command  of  L.  Statins  Murcus,  who  was  supported  by  an 
equal  force  under  Q.  Marcus  Crispus,  governor  of  Bithynia.  On  the 
arrival  of  Cassius  in  Syria,  both  the  opposing  armies  placed  themselves 
under  his  orders,  and  A.  Allienus,  who  at  Dolabella's  command  raised 
four  legions  in  Egypt  and  led  them  into  Syria,  was  alarmed  by  the 
superiority  of  Cassius'  forces,  and  submitted  to  him^.  Cassius  subse- 
quently besieged  Dolabella  at  Laodicea^  and  Dolabella  killed  himself 
when  Cassius'  soldiers  entered  the  place. 

11.  M.  Antonius  seems  to  have  had  no  regular  force  at  his  disposal 
till,  after  the  execution  of  Amatius,  the  senate  empowered  him  to  raise 
soldiers  for  his  protection  *.  Afterwards,  early  in  June,  apparendy,  he 
seems  to  have  procured  a  decree  of  the  senate^  assigning  to  himself 
Macedonia,  and  to  Dolabella  Syria,  with  the  command  against  the 
Parthians.  Six  legions  had  been  assembled  by  Caesar  in  Macedonia 
for  the  war,  which  would  naturally  have  been  commanded  by  Dolabella  ; 
but  rumours  of  threatening  movements  among  the  Getae  enabled 
Antony  to  persuade  the  senate  to  detain  them  all  in  Macedonia  except 
one ",  which  probably  followed  Dolabella.  Finally,  in  July,  apparently, 
Antony  obtained  Cisalpine  Gaul  by  a  vote  of  the  centuries  in  exchange 
for  Macedonia,  Octavian  supporting  his  claims  '^.  Subsequently  Antony 
brought  over  four  or  five  legions  ^  from  Macedonia  into  Italy,  but  two 
of  them,  the  Martia  and  fourth,  presently  deserted  to  Octavian  ^  With 
the  others,  supported  by  one  of  veterans  recalled  to  arms,  and  appa- 
rently by  two  of  recruits,  Antony  began  the  siege  of  Mutina  ^^.  After 
his  defeat  before  that  place,  he  was  joined  by  P.  Ventidius  with  three 
legions,  the  7th,  8th,  and  9th  ^S  and  after  he  had  crossed  the  Alps,  first 

1  Ad  Fam.  12.  ii  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  77.  ^  lb.  1.  c.  ;  Philipp.  11.  12,  30 ;  App. 

Bell.  Civ.  3.  77  and  78  ;  Dion  Cassius  47.  28.  ^  i^^x.  to  Part  V,  §  20.  *  App. 

Bell.  Civ.  3.  4  and  5.  '  lb.  3.  7  and  8.  *  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3. 

24  and  25.  '^  lb.  3.  30.  ^  Our  accounts  are  not  consistent. 

There  were  six  legions  at  first  in  Macedonia  (App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  24),  of  which  Dolabella 
kept  one  (lb.  25),  and  another  submitted  to  Brutus  (Philipp.  10.  6,  13).  This  would 
leave  four  for  Antony,  yet  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  43 ;  46)  makes  him  transport  five  to  Italy. 
Of  the  six  with  which  he  began  the  siege  of  Mutina,  two,  the  2nd  and  35th,  (cp.  Ad  Fam. 
10.  30,  i)  had  probably  belonged  to  the  army  of  Macedonia.  Perhaps  the  5th  (Alaudae) 
had  been  previously  in  Italy,  and  Appian  may  have  been  led  into  a  mistake  by  supposing 
that  this  was  one  of  the  legions  of  Macedonia.  Three  of  them  landed  at  first,  and  were 
followed  by  a  fourth.  Cp.  Ad  Att.  16.  8,  2  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  43  and  46 ;  Drumann  i. 
203  and  210.  »  Philipp.  3.  3.  ^^  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  46 ;  Philipp.  8.  8,  25. 

li  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  66  ;  Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4. 


6i4 


APPENDIX  XII. 


APPENDIX  XII. 


615 


Lepidus  with  seven  ^  legions,  then  Pollio  with  three  ^  and  subsequently 
Plancus  with  four  or  five^,  joined  him;  four  also  of  the  legions  of 
D.  Brutus  went  over  to  him  in  Gaul  or  Italy  ^  Antony  and  Lepidus, 
when  they  marched  to  Italy,  left  six  legions  in  Gaul  under  L.  Varius 
Cotyla^;  and  we  are  told^  that  at  the  meeting  of  the  triumvirs  near 
Bononia  at  the  close  of  43  B.C.,  Antony  had  sixteen  legions,  Octavian 
seventeen,  and  Lepidus  ten.  These,  however,  may  have  included  some 
new  Italian  levies. 

12.  Octavian,  towards  the  close  of  44  b.c,  had  at  his  disposal  two 
veteran  legions  of  the  army  of  Macedonia,  the  4th  and  Martia,  two  of 
veterans  recalled  to  arms,  which  were  brought  up  to  their  full  complement 
by  recruits  ^  one  of  recruits  and  a  praetorian  cohort,  composed  probably 
of  veterans.  With  this  force  he  marched  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Mutina, 
and  wintered  there;  Hirtius  joined  him  at  the  beginning  of  the  next 
year",  and  Pansa  brought  up  four  legions  of  recruits  in  ApriP,  while 
he  left  one  ^^  to  guard  Rome.  These  forces  suffered  heavy  losses  in  the 
battles  of  Forum  Gallorum  and  Mutina  ".  When  Octavian  preferred  his 
claim  to  the  consulship,  he  had,  according  to  Appian^^,  eight  legions, 
which  were  joined  by  three  *^  encamped  for  the  protection  of  Rome, 
and  by  six  which  abandoned  D.  Brutus.  Thus  the  seventeen^*  are  ac- 
counted for  which  he  had  when  he  met  Antony  and  Lepidus  as  above 
mentioned. 

APPENDIX   XII. 

On  the  Meaning  of  the  Words  '  Colonia,'  '  Municipium,'  and 

*  Praefectura.' 

(Seepages  161;  222-223;  452-453;  554.) 

In  attempting  to  determine  this  question  it  will  be  convenient  to  dis- 
tinguish the  periods  before  and  after  the  enactment  of  the  *  Lex  lulia  de 
Civitate  Sociorum'  in  90  b.c. 

>  Ad  Fam.  10.  35  ;   App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  84.  2  ^j  y^^    jq  ^2.  4  ;  Veil.  2. 

^3'  3-  ^  Veil.  1.  c. ;  Ad  Fam.  10.  8,  6  ;  10.  15,  3.  *  App.  Bell. 

Civ.  3-  97-  '  Plut.  Ant.  18.  «  App.  Bell.  Civ.  4.  3.     He 

says  that  the  meeting  was  near  Mutina,  but  cp.  Intr.  to  Part  V,  §  22;  Suet.  Oct.  96;  Dion 
Cassius  46.  55.  ^    7  i^   2   ^^  .  £p   ^^^   ^^^^gg^     Q^^  ^f  ^^^  ^^^  mixed  legions  was 

numbered  '  the  seventh/  a  number  which  was  also  borne  by  one  of  those  ofVentidius.  Cp. 
Philipp.  14.  10,  27,  with  Ad  Fam.  10.  33,  4.  This  seems  to  imply  that  there  might  already 
be  more  legions  than  one  bearing  the  same  number,  as  was  certainly  the  case  in  the  reign  o'f 
Augustus.     Cp.  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voc.  'Exercitus,'  p.  492.  «  Dion  Cassius 

46.  36.     But  Appian  (Bell.  Civ.  3.  65)  seems  to  make  them  march  together.  »  Ad 

Fam.  10.  30,  I  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  69.  *    i»  App.  Bell.  Civ.  3.  91.  "  Intr  to 

Part  V,  §§  16  ai.d  17;  Ep.  135,  5,  note.  12  3^1,   ^iv.  3.  88.  "  15.  ^  ^^^ 

■^b.  4*  3* 


»       M     * 


M 


A.  In  the  period  which  elapsed  between  the  complete  conquest  of 
Italy  by  the  Romans  and  the  enactment  of  the  *  Lex  lulia/  Italian  cities 
must,  with  very  few  exceptions,  have  belonged  to  one  of  the  following 
classes : — 

I.  Coloniae  Civium  Romanorum.  The  most  ancient  of  these  con- 
sisted of  a  small  number  of  Roman  citizens  sent  to  act  as  garrisons, 
usually  in  towns  on  the  sea  coast.  The  colonists  retained  their  full 
Roman  citizenship  and  combined  with  it,  probably,  the  right  of  managing 
their  local  business.  Cp.  Madv.  Opusc.  Acad.  i.  243-245 ;  Marquardt, 
Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  i.  36.  The  original  population  probably 
became  'cives  sine  suffragio.'  Praefects  were  sent  from  Rome  to 
administer  justice  in  many  of  such  colonies  (cp.  Fest.  233,  Miiller), 
perhaps  originally  in  all  \  but  whether  to  the  Roman  settlers,  or  to  the 
original  population,  or  to  both,  does  not  appear.  It  is  probable  that  in 
all  cases  the  colonial  and  original  population  had  amalgamated,  and  that 
the  latter  had  received  the  full  franchise,  before  the  enactment  of  the 
*Lex  luha.'     Cp.  Marquardt,  i.  37. 

Colonies  of  Roman  citizens  were  also  established  beyond  the  limits  of 
Italy  proper,  the  earliest  at  Parma  and  Mutina,  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  in  1 83 
B.C.  These  were  established  principally  for  military  reasons,  and  seem 
to  have  undergone  no  change  of  status  before  the  time  of  Cicero.  Cp. 
Livy  39,  55;  Madv.  Opusc.  Acad.  i.  302. 

Others  were  established  or  proposed,  nearly  all  in  Italy,  by  C.  Gracchus 
and  by  M.  Livius  Drusus  the  elder,  as  a  means  of  relieving  the  distress  of 
the  poor  at  Rome.  Cp.  Plut.  C.  Gracch.  8;  9;  Livy  Epit.  60;  App. 
Bell.  Civ.  I.  23;  24;  A.  W.  Zumpt,  C.  E.  i.  230-239;  Madv.  Opusc. 
Acad.  I.  303. 

A.  Gellius  (N.  A.  16.  13)  says  that  the  'coloniae  civium  Romanorum' 
had  less  independence  than  the  municipia. 

>  C.  G.  Zumpt  (cp.  the  list  of  authorities  at  the  end  of  this  appendix)  thinks  that  the 
larger  colonies  of  Roman  citizens  were  never  *  praefecturae,'  but  that  all  other  early  com- 
munities of  Roman  citizens  outside  Rome  were  so.  Cp.  as  to  Mintumae,  Velleius  (2.  19), 
who  speaks  of  'duoviri'  there;  also  Plutarch  (Marius  39).  A  «praefcctus  Mutinensis*  is 
mentioned  in  the  '  Lex  Rubria '  (cp.  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  i.  116  (205)  ),  which  was  enacted  in 
49  B.C. ;  but  '  quattuorviri  iuri  dicundo'  are  also  mentioned  as  existing  there.  These  appear 
to  have  been  locally  elected  magistrates,  and  must  of  course  be  distinguished  from  the  func- 
tionaries of  the  same  name  appointed  at  Rome  to  act  in  Campania,  on  whom  see  below. 
Cp.  Ad  Alt.  5.  2,  3  ;  A.  W.  Zumpt,  Comment.  Epigr.  i.  54.  At  Puteoli,  another  colony 
of  Roman  citizens,  mentioned  by  Festus  among  the  'praefecturae,'  'duoviri'  are  men- 
tioned as  existing  in  105  b.c.  (Corp.  Insc.  Lat.  I.  163  foil.  (577)  );  cp.  Cic.  de  Leg. 
Agrar.  2.  31,  86;  also  at  Cumae  in  49  B.C.,  cp.  Ad  Att.  10.  13,  I.  Now  the  existence  of 
such  functionaries  seems  inconsistent  with  that  of  a  praefect  sent  from  Rome  to  administer 
justice.  Festus  (p.  233)  says  that  the  'praefecturae'  had  no  magistrates.  Mr.  D.  B.  Monro 
agrees  with  the  opinion  expressed  by  Mommsen  in  his  Miinzwesen  (p.  336,  note  130,  Berlin, 
i860),  and  thinks  that  the  colonies  of  Roman  citizens  were  originally  praefecturae,  but 
changed  their  constitution  during  the  second  century  B.C. 


4r     % 


6i6 


APPENDIX  XII. 


APPENDIX  XII. 


617 


II.  Municipia.  The  term  '  municipium '  is  supposed  by  Marquardt 
(i.  28)  to  have  originally  denoted  the  status  of '  cives  sine  suffragio/  and 
to  have  been  transferred  to  the  various  communities  the  members  of 
which  held  that  status.  Such  communities  appear  to  have  been  divided 
into  two  classes ;  one  of  them  retaining  more  of  local  self-government 
than  the  other.  Paulus  Diaconus  (Fest.  127,  Miiller)  gives  Tusculum, 
Lanuvium,  and  Formiae,  as  examples  of  the  first  or  more  favoured  class ; 
Aricia,  Caere,  and  Anagnia,  of  the  other.  Livy,  however,  couples  Aricia 
with  Lanuvium  (8.  14),  and  Cicero's  language  in  one  passage  tends  to 
support  Livy  (Philipp.  3.  6,  15). 

To  some  of  these  municipia  praefects  were  sent  from  Rome  to  ad- 
minister justice.  At  first  such  officers  were  appointed  by  the  praetor 
urbanus,  but,  according  to  Livy  (9.  20),  after  the  year  318  b.c.  four 
('  quattuorviri  iuri  dicundo ')  were  elected  ^  to  act  at  Capua  and  other 
places.  Others  were  still  appointed  by  the  praetor  urbanus.  Thus 
there  were  two  classes  of  *  praefecturae/  or  towns  to  which  such  officers 
were  sent  (cp.  Festus  233,  Miiller),  and  a  considerable  number  of  towns 
might  for  some  time  be  called  with  equal  propriety  *  municipia'  or 
*  praefecturae.'  The  four  praefects  appointed  to  act  in  Campania  were 
reckoned  among  the  viginti  sex  viri — on  whom  cp.  Smith,  Diet,  of 
Antiq.  p.  11 96. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  no  names  of  old  Latin  towns  nor  of  old 
colonies  of  Roman  citizens  occur  in  the  list  of  praefecturae  given  by 
Festus.  Perhaps  the  inhabitants  of  such  places  had  to  bring  their  cases 
before  the  praetor  urbanus  for  trial.  It  is  true  that  a  praefect  is  men- 
tioned in  an  inscription,  of  the  time  of  the  emperor  Claudius  probably, 
as  existing  at  Lavinium  (cp.  A.  W.  Zumpt,  De  Lavinio,  etc.,  pp.  2 ; 
14,  15),  but  perhaps  no  argument  can  be  drawn  from  the  institutions 
of  the  first  century  of  the  empire,  and  Mommsen  thinks  that  he  re- 
presented the  municipal,  not  the  Roman,  praetor.  (Staatsrecht  2.  569- 
570,  note  8.) 

All  these  municipia  and  praefecturae  probably,  with  the  exception  of 
Capua  and  a  few  places  in  its  neighbourhood,  had  received  the  full 
Roman  franchise  before  the  enactment  of  the  '  Lex  lulia,'  and  most  of 
the  praefecturae  may  have  obtained  the  right  of  electing  their  own 
magistrates  on  receiving  such  full  citizenship.  Cp.  Marquardt  i.  34; 
42;  43- 

*  In  the  comitia  tributa.  Cp.  A.  Gell.  13.  15,  4  ;  Lange,  Rom.  Alt.  i.  750;  756. 
But  as  the  names  of  such  '  quattuorviri '  are  omitted  in  the  Hsls  of  magistrates  recited  in  the 
earlier  laws,  Mommsen  thinks  that  Livy  was  mistaken  in  supposing  tliat  they  were  elected 
by  the  Roman  people  before  the  seventh  century  of  the  city.  Cp.  Mommsen,  Hist,  of  Rome, 
I.  435  J  Corp.  Inscr.  Lat.  i.  45-47  (197). 


»  .1    • 


<    I    * 


t 


.•^ 


The  status  of  the  praefecturae  would  thus  be  a  transitional  one :  but 
cp.  pp.  619-620. 

The  position  of  Capua  between  the  first  establishment  of  its  connec- 
tion with  Rome  and  its  revolt  in  the  second  Punic  war  (343-216  b.c) 
presents  some  difficulty.  It  is  said  by  Livy  (8.  14)  to  have  received 
the  'civitas  sine  suffragio'  in  338  b.c,  cp.  Velleius  i.  14;  but  it  is 
still  spoken  of  as  a  'civitas  foederala*  by  Livy  at  later  periods  (9.  6; 
23.  5),  and  it  appears  that  a  magistrate,  the  meddix  tuticus,  was  still 
elected  there  up  to  the  year  211  b.c  Cp.  Livy  23,  35;  Mommsen, 
Oskische  Studien,  112.  Perhaps  the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  old 
municipal  relation  led  to  a  confusion  of  it  with  that  of  the  civitates 
foederatae.     Cp.  Marquardt  i.  31. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  municipal  towns  of  the  older  kind  served  in 
legions  of  their  own,  but  under  tribunes,  thus  holding  an  intermediate 
position  between  that  of  the  full  Roman  citizens  and  that  of  the  allies. 
They  are  sometimes  called  Roman  citizens  (Fest.  142),  sometimes  not 
(Paul.  Diac,  Fest.  127).  In  the  latter  case  the  title  is  probably  denied 
them  as  not  being  enrolled  in  the  tribes.  Cp.  Marquardt  i.  32, 
and  notes. 

III.  Nomen  Latinum.     This  consisted  of — 

1.  Old  Latin  towns,  of  which  Tibur,  Praeneste,  and  perhaps  Lau- 
rentum  \  alone,  so  far  as  we  know,  retained  their  old  privileges  to 
a  considerable  extent  after  the  revolt  and  subjugation  of  Latium 
in  338  B.C.     Cp.  Livy  8.  11 ;  14. 

2.  Coloniae  Latinae.  The  population  of  such  of  these  as  were 
founded  after  the  subjugation  of  Latium  probably  consisted 
partly  of  Latins,  partly  of  indigent  Romans  who  sacrificed  some 
of  their  privileges  as  citizens  to  obtain  a  grant  of  land  in  such 
colonies.  Cp.  Madv.  Opusc.  Acad.  i.  263.  The  composition 
of  the  population  of  the  earlier  Latin  colonies — at  least  of  those 
founded  before  384  b.c — is  more  doubtful. 

All  the  Latin  communities  appear  to  have  enjoyed  the  rights  of  Roman 
citizens  with  regard  to  the  tenure  and  acquisition  of  property  (ius  com- 
mercii).  Cp.  Cic.  Pro  Caec.  35,  102.  Whether  they,  or  any  of  them, 
had  the  right  of  intermarriage  with  Roman  citizens  (ius  connubii) 
is  doubtful.  Cp.  Livy  i.  49 ;  4,  3 ;  Dionys.  Hal.  Rom.  Ant.  6.  i ; 
Mommsen,  Rom.  Hist.  i.  no;  351;  359;  433;  Madv.  Opusc.  Acad. 
I.  274-279. 

*  A.  W.  Zumpt  (De  Lavinio  et  Laurentibus  10;  14)  believes  that  Lavinium  was  the 
political  centre  of  the  people  called  Laurentes.  If  he  is  right,  of  course  the  name  of  Lavi- 
nium must  be  substituted  for  that  of  Laurentum  in  the  text. 


\i 


6i8 


APPENDIX  XIL 


APPENDIX  XII. 


5i9 


Any  citizen  of  such  towns  could  acquire  the  Roman  full  citizenship  in 
two  ways  especially. — 

1.  By  having  held  office  in  his  own  city.     Cp.  supr.  p.  223  and  reff. 

2.  By  leaving  a  son  to  represent  him  there  ^.     Livy  41.  8. 

The  cities  of  the  Latins  held  a  place,  though  the  most  favoured  place, 
among  the  '  civitates  foederatae.'  Cp.  Cic.  Pro  Balb.  24,  54 ;  Philipp. 
3-  6,  15. 

IV.  Other  allied  communities.  The  condition  of  these  was  determined 
by  special  treaties,  and  in  some  cases  it  was  so  favourable  that  they  were 
unwilling  to  change  it  for  that  of  full  Roman  citizens  (Cic.  Pro  Balb.  8. 
21 ;  Livy  23.  20). 

Capua,  Atella,  Calatia  and  Tarentum,  after  their  revolt  and  reduction 
in  the  second  Punic  war,  and  the  Brutii  after  the  close  of  that  war,  seem 
to  have  held  an  exceptionally  bad  position.  Cp.  Livy  26.  16;  App. 
Annib.  61;  A.  Cell.  N.  A.  10.  3;  Strab.  6.  3,  4  or  C  281  ;  Marquardt 
I.  46. 

B.  I.  The  *  Lex  lulia  de  civitate  sociorum,'  enacted  in  90  b.c,  con- 
ferred the  full  Roman  franchise  on  all  the  communities  in  Italy  proper 
which  had  remained  faithful  to  Rome  in  the  Marsic  war  up  to  that  time, 
provided  that  the  several  communities  were  willing  to  accept  it.  Its 
provisions  applied  to  all  the  Latin  colonies  then  existing  in  Italy  and 
in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  subsequent  legislation  extended  the  privileges  of 
Roman  citizenship  still  more  widely.  It  is  probable  that  at  the  time  of 
Cicero's  greatest  activity  as  an  advocate  and  politician  all  communities 
in  Italy  proper  had  received  the  full  Roman  franchise,  and  had,  with  the 
exception  of  recent  colonies  of  Roman  citizens,  become  '  municipia/ 

II.  Thus  a  new  class  of  municipia  was  formed,  the  third  of  those 
mentioned  by  Paulus  Diaconus  (Fest.  127).  It  comprised  the  old  Latin 
and  other  allied  towns,  the  Latin  colonies,  and  probably  a  large  majority 
of  the  old  municipia  and  praefecturae.  The  rights  of  the  new  municipia 
were  settled  by  '  leges  municipales,'  of  which  the  Lex  Rubria,  passed  in 
49  B.C.  (cp.  p.  489),  and  the  Lex  lulia  municipalis,  passed  in  45  b.c. 
(cp.  p.  492),  were  among  the  most  important.  All  the  new  municipia 
had  some  rights  of  local  self-government.  Cp.  Marquardt  i.  62-67; 
475  foil.  The  proper  definition  of  municipes  in  the  later  sense  is 
*  Roman  citizens  not  belonging  by  extraction  to  the  city  of  Rome.' 
lb.  34. 

*  Marquardt  (i.  55)  believes  that  this  privilege,  with  some  others,  was  withdrawn  from 
colonies  founded  in  and  subsequently  to  268  b.c. 


0 


r   ♦ 


III.  A  new  class  of  'coloniae  civium  Romanorum'  was  shortly 
afterwards  formed,  consisting  of  the  settlements  of  veterans  made  in 
different  parts  of  Italy  by  Sulla — an  example  afterwards  imitated  by  the 
dictator  Caesar  and  by  Augustus.  These  did  not,  it  is  true,  form  in  all 
cases  new  political  communities ;  but  Praeneste  is  spoken  of  by  Cicero 
as  a  colony  (In  Cat.  i.  3,  8),  and  so  is  Capua  (Pro  Sest.  4;  Philipp.  2. 
40),  where  a  considerable  number  of  veterans  and  of  indigent  Roman 
citizens  was  settled  under  Caesar's  agrarian  law  of  59  b.c  (cp.  supr. 
pp.  16;  17  ;  73) ;  Casilinum  also  is  called  a  colony  (Philipp.  1.  c.  Cp. 
supr.  p.  554). 

IV.  A  new  class  of  *  Latini '  came  into  existence  in  the  year  89  b.c, 
when  a  law  of  the  consul,  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo,  raised  several  towns  of 
the  Transpadani  to  that  position.  The  same  privilege  was  extended  to 
other  towns  subsequently,  e.g.  to  Novum  Comum,  where  Caesar  estab- 
lished or  augmented  a  colony  not  consisting  of  Latins  by  birth  or 
Romans.  Such  communities  could  of  course  only  be  called  Latin  colonies 
in  a  peculiar  sense.  Cp.  supr.  p.  223  and  reif.  \  Madv.  Opusc.  Acad.  i. 
276;  277;  Suet.  lul.  8;  Ascon.  in  Pisonian.  120;  121. 

V.  Cicero  (Pro  Sest.  14,  32)  speaks  of  *  coloniae,'  *  municipia,*  and 
*  praefecturae '  as  forming  three  classes  of  towns  in  Italy  in  his  time. 
In  speaking  of  ^  coloniae,'  he  must  refer  to  colonies  of  Roman  citizens, 
but  perhaps  also,  less  properly,  to  Latin  colonies  ^  When  it  is  his 
object  to  speak  accurately  he  shews  a  clear  appreciation  of  the  dis- 
tinction between  Latin  colonies  and  municipia — or  rather  of  the  change 
effected  in  the  condition  of  Latin  colonies  by  the  enactment  of  the  *  Lex 
lulia'  (cp.  Philipp.  13.  8,  18). 

VI.  Of  the  towns  which  had  originally  been  *  praefecturae,'  Cicero 
speaks  of  Reate  and  Atina  as  still  bearing  that  name  (In  Cat.  3.  2,  5 ; 
Pro  Plane.  8,  19).  Arpinum,  which  had  been  a  *  praefectura,'  he  calls 
*municipium'  (supr.  pp.  452-453);  Puteoli  and  Cumae  had  undergone 
changes  in  their  constitution,  and  perhaps  were  no  longer  called  *  prae- 
fecturae' (cp.  Cic.  de  Leg.  Agrar.  2.  31,  86;  Ad  Att.  10.  13,  i). 

Caesar  (Bell.  Civ.  i.  15)  speaks  of  being  well  received  by  the  prae- 
fecturae' of  Picenum  in  49  b.c;  which  seems  to  shew  that  such  cities 
held  an  important  place  in  that  region. 

^  I  now  doubt  whether  any  of  the  older  Latin  colonies,  that  is,  of  those  founded  before 
the  enactment  of  the  *  Lex  lulia,'  were  still  called  colonies,  even  in  popular  language,  after 
the  enactment  of  that  law.  The  language  of  Cicero  as  to  Brundisium  is  hardly  decisive  (Ad 
Att.  4.  I,  4).  Asconius,  it  is  true  (In  Pisonian.  3.  120),  wonders  at  Cicero's  calling  Pla- 
ceutia  a  municipium,  which  had  been  a  Latin  colony. 


620 


APPENDIX  XIL 


VII.  To  recapitulate. 

(i)  The  terms  'colonia,*  *  municipium/  '  praefectura '  were  not, 
perhaps,  mutually  exclusive. 

(2)  A  majority — perhaps  all— of  the  'municipia'  and  '  coloniae 
civium  Romanorum'  of  the  earlier  period  (i.e.  of  that  which 
ended  in  the  year  90  b.c.)  were  also  '  praefecturae,'  and 
some  of  them  retained  the  latter  title  in  Cicero's  time. 


(3) 


The  term  *  municipium,*  and  no  other,  applied  in  Cicero's  time 
to  such  old  Latin  and  other  allied  communities  in  Italy  as 
had  received  the  full  Roman  franchise  in  b.c.  90,  or  later ; 
and  perhaps  when  Cicero  speaks  of  '  coloniae,'  '  municipia,' 
and  *  praefecturae,'  he  uses  the  term  '  municipium '  in  this 
narrower  sense. 


(4) 


The  term  '  colonia '  applied  in  Cicero's  time,  when  used  of 
towns  south  of  the  Rubicon  or  of  the  Po, 

(a)  To  the  more  recent  'coloniae  civium  Romanorum;' 
{h)  Perhaps  to  '  coloniae  Latinae,'  less  properly,  in  con- 
sideration of  their  original  constitution. 

See,  in  addition  to  authorities  already  quoted,  Festus  sub  voc.  '  Muni- 
ceps,'  142,  Mliller^;  Paul.  Diac.  (Festus  131,  Miiller) ;  Niebuhr,  Rom. 
Hist.  2.  50  (3rd  edition).  On  the  Rights  of  Isopolity  and  Municipium ; 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiq.  sub  voce.  *  Colonia,'  315-319;  'Latinitas/  669', 
670;  C.  G.  Zumpt,  Ueber  den  Unterschied  der  Benennungen  Municipium, 
Colonia,  Praefectura—  in  the  Treatises  of  the  Berlin  Academy  for  1839 ; 
Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung,  vol.  i  ;  Mr.  Long's  Decline  of 
the  Roman  Republic,  2.  174-178 ;  Cavedoni,  Dichiarazione  degli  antichi 
marmi  Modenesi,  Modena  1828,  pp.  220  foil.;  Mommsen,  Romisches 
Munzwesen  (Berlin,  i860),  p.  336,  note  130.  In  compiling  this  Ap- 
pendix, I  have  derived  great  assistance  from  a  selection  of  passages 
from  ancient  authors  illustrating  Roman  antiquities,  printed  for  private 
circulation  by  Mr.  D.  B.  Monro,  Fellow  of  Oriel  College. 

*  Lipsiae,  1839. 


\» 


ft 


INDEX   I. 


OF   GREEK  WORDS  AND   PHRASES. 


*A^8r}piriK6Pf  279. 

dyoiv,  58. 

a86\e(rxos,  557« 

albeofxai  Tpway,  334. 

atSecrdev  fi€v  dvTjvaaBaij  k.t.\.,  559« 

atViy/xoy  (eV  alviyiMois),  84. 

aKKi^fo-dai,  84. 

aKparos,  384. 

aKporeXevTioVj  248. 

aXt],  364. 

aXiSf  8pv6sj  81  ;  (TTTOvbrj^j  70. 

aXX*  del  Tiva  (paTUj  k.t.X.,  92. 

a.\oyi(TT(OS,  349« 

'A/idX^eia,  63,  cp.  42  ;  * AfxaXdeioVy  63. 

dfierafieXrjTOS,  483. 

dvaOrjfxay  31« 

ai/aXoym,  260. 

dvarcokoyqTOV,  547« 

dv€fi€ar)TOSj  545* 

due^iaj  224. 

avdr)  (metaph.),  556. 

dvoiKdov,  559* 

57ra^  Oavciv,  99* 

diTdvTpmsy  334,  2>37i  559- 

diroBeoacnSj  62. 

aTToXtriKcoraroff,  333« 

aTToXoyKr/Ltoff,  545* 

dTTopla,  555  ;  oTTopo),  305,  35 1. 

diTocTiTacrixdTia,  66. 

dnpaKToraTos.  ^l. 

^Ap€ios  Trayoff,  49. 

dpKTTOKpaTlKaSf  47» 

d(TH€VL(rTOS,  352. 

aoTTTOvbos,  35^* 

da-TparrjyrjTOi'j  308  ;  d(TTpaTTjyiKa)TaTos, 

334-  ,   ^ 

a(r(^aXcta,  84,  555  ;  acrcpaXaSf  92  ;  npos 

TO  d(T(f)aX€Si  308. 

drTiKooTepa,  45. 

avTOvofiia,  26 1. 

dxapia-Tia,  338. 

^€^la)Tal,  423,  531. 

^ios  TTpaKTiKoSj  "/6  ',  BecopTjTiKOSj  76. 


y€VLKa>Sj  48  ;  y€viKa)T€pov,  350. 
yfpomiKoVj  yepovTiKc^TfpoPj  42 1. 

yXvKVTTlKpOV,   248. 

bievKpiveiv,  283. 
AiopixTios  iv  KopiV^o),  341. 
fivcrxpjyoTia,  547. 

etSwff  (Tot  Xcyo),  338. 

flpcoveia,  557  >  elpaveveadaif  435. 

€19  6//0I  ixvpioij  557. 

€K(l)OL>vr)(TiSy  363. 

iXiKTo.  KOI  ovdeVj  90. 

€fl€TlKrjj  484. 

€lxTr€p7r€p€v€a-6aij  49. 

€V  TOIS  €pa>TlK0lSy  347. 

€v86fiv)(ov,  254. 
€P$vfiT)p.aTa,  49. 
eW^oXa^o),  305. 
€^aKavOi^€iVf  273- 

(i^XVj^  194.  ^^ 

fVci  ov)(  ieprfioVf  k.t.X.,  30. 
€7r€)(€iPj  274. 

€7roxr],  274- 
€7nK€<l)dXia,  226. 
eTri/ccoTTOff,  224. 
€7riaT]iiaaiay  6 1. 
eTricTKOTTOSj  306. 
€7r laradfieiay  4^$. 
€pa)TiKdj  ra,  347. 

f(nT€T€  PVP  fJLOly  K.T.X.y   ^6. 

€vy€Priy  325. 
tvrideia,  265. 
€Vi]p.€pT]na,  246. 
eldapaaiof  545* 
evKaipia,  555« 
cvKQipoiS,  175« 

€VfA€P€ia,   557* 

fjpiepoXeyboPf  1 92. 
*Hpa>cXet5€toi/,  557- 
TJpas,  307. 

6i(T€iSy  341. 


f 


622 

^iXtaff,  328. 
ia-TopiKwraroSy  260. 


INDEX  I. 


INDEX  I. 


623 


KadrJKov,  TO,  559  ;  nepl  tov  Kara  rrepi- 

crraaiv  KaOrjKovros,  ib. 
icaXoi/,  TO,  304. 
KapadoKflv,  351. 
Kapnoi,  49. 
KaTiiKXeis,  360. 
KaraXoyos,  tcov  veap,  6,  260. 
KaTacTKfvai,  49. 
Kax^KTTjs,  51. 
««'pay,  251. 
K€(pd\ata,  TO,  558. 

KCDfXlKOS  fXapTVS,  2  $6. 

XaXay^vaa,  360, 

XfTTToV,  /cara,  78, 

y<€(Txrj,  421. 

X^Kv^oy,  48. 

X^poff  TToXi;?,  531. 

X^^ty,  279  ;  VTTO  TTiv  Xrjyjriv,  35 1. 

/zayrts  8'  apia-ToSy  /f.r.X.,  309. 

/ie'AXov,  TO,  351. 

fi€T€a>pos,  224. 

/i^  /xai/  do-TTOvSi  -yf,  ic.t.X.,  36 1. 

/i^  /iot  yopytirjv,  k.tX,  338. 

Vf/fv/a,  351,  359. 

VCOKTlCTTa,  260. 

vofiaphpia  (?),  225, 

o5o0  Trdpepyov,  254. 
0(  TTfpt  avTov,  485. 
oiaiTfp  J]  deaiToiva,  224. 
Ofiovoia,  TTfpt  ofiovoias,  33O. 
Ottovj,  'OTToui^rtot,  260. 
op6av  TOV  vaiiv,  99. 
OP/^^)  306. 
ovT«  TTou  T«y  Trp6a0€Py  K.T.X.,  306. 

TratSff  naibiov,  556. 
TraXtyyej/fcrta,  275. 
7raXti/o)5ia,  179,  278. 
nav-qyvpis,  47. 
TrapaXuo-ft  7r(ipa(€(T$ai,  547. 
nap  pT]  a- la  J  58. 
TTci/reXotTroy,  53 1. 
TTfTrX oypa^ta,  557. 
TTepiodot,  49. 
TTfpiaraais,  559. 
TrXooff  capaloi,  6,  338. 
ttXovSo/iccoz/,  377. 
TToXtreia,  70. 
TToXiTevfjia,  237' 

7ro\lT€VT€OV,  364. 


iroXtn/coff,    283,    350,    360;     tfV    roTc 
TToXtrtKotff,  45 ;    7ro\iTiK<i}T€pos,  66  ; 

TToXirtKcoraToy,  363  ;  TroXirt/icws',  308, 
TTpo^Xrjixa,  423 ;  Trpo^XrjpaTToXiTtKov,  283. 
Trpodea-ni^o),  328. 
7rpoX€y6fx€vaii  427. 
npooiKouopiia-dai,  1 7 5. 
TrpoTTvXo»',  274. 
Trpoff  TO  npoTcpov,  54- 
irpoade  Xfap,  k.t.X.,  y6. 
TTpoanacrxcip  ra  KaXa,  8 1. 
7rpoa-(j)(ovel),  559« 

TTToXlTTOpdlOSf   597. 

irvpovs  fls  drjfxopy  273. 

aefipoTfpos,  65. 

o-^/Lia  5e  Toi  f p/o),  1 94. 

SiTroOff,  2i7rovPTioij  260. 

(TK€ppa,  Tap  TToXtTt/ccoTarwx'  aKepfxaroyPf 

3^3- 

a-Konos,  yS,  328. 

a-o(f)i^€a-6ai,  74. 
(ro<j)ia^T€vai,  341. 
(TTTOvSaroj/,  485. 

a-T€pKT€0V,  351. 

o-i^W^j  377. 
avpiradfia,  1 9 1,  377. 

avfiTraOm,  225.  . 
a-vp-noXiTcveadai,  282. 
(Tvpdirjpepemip,  325. 
a-vPTda-a€a-6ai,  545. 
(rvPTr)^is,  ^yy, 
<rx6Xiop,  545. 
o-d)/xa,  66. 

Ta  TTfpt  ToC  Kad^KOPTOS,  558. 

Taftdp;^7;ff,  558. 

rdff  rwi/  KpaTovPTQDP,  90. 

TeSpiTTira,  250. 

Te/i7r»7,  193- 

Tfpay,  326. 

TfvKpiff,  5 1,  cp.  46. 

Tjiv  ^60)1/  p€yi(TTr]P,  K.T.X.,  ^O^. 

r\  yap  avrm  ptXfi,  423. 

TO     afi€ipop      /cm      t6     X^ipop,     k.tX, 

(Thucyd.)  376. 
TOTTodcaia,  45,  63. 
Tore  /iot  ;(di/oi  evpeta  X^*^»')  344« 
Toi)  KaXoO,  304. 
Tpi(Tap€ioiraylTatj  192, 
Tvc^XcoTTO),  81. 
Twv  /ifi/  7rapdi/T0)i/,  /c.t.X.,  Thucyd.  OIV 

Themist.,  376. 

v7r€p^6XiKa>s,  250,  261. 
VTrepcv,  363. 
VTrd^eo-tff,  49,  179. 


vrroKopi^ea-dai,  349. 

imopvrfpa,  65  ;  VTrop,PT]fiaTia-fi6s,  225. 

im-o(7dXot»ca,  530. 

V(TT€pop  TTpoTepop,  *OfjirfpiKa>s,  52. 

0aXd>fp6)^a,  (?)  517,  518. 
^tXdXoya,  485. 
0tXd7rarpt?,  67,  350. 
(f)iXoa-o(l>r)Teop,  62. 
(l)iXoa-o<f>ovp€pa,  534. 


^Xiovy,  260. 

(^vydboiv  KaOoboi,  305. 

^vo-a  yap  ou  cruiKpoiaip,  k.t.X.,  74. 

;i^oX»7,  aKpaTos,  384. 
XpeStp  dnoKonal,  305. 

XP'70-Mdf,  349- 

A  TTpd^eois  KaXrjs,  K.r.X.,  52 1, 
«vat,  225. 


{«^ 


INDEX  II. 


^25 


INDEX  11. 


A  or  ab  =  *  after,'  229,  577;  *in  re- 
spect of/  27,  cp.  251  ;  *  dating 
from,'  *  derived  from,'  375;  *on 
the  side  of,'  369;  personifying  an 
abstract  noun,  40  ;  *  supplied  by,' 
547 ;  a  me,  ^  from  my  own  funds,' 
252. 

Abbreviations,  list  of,  xiv;  used  at 
the  beginning  of  letters,  32,  121, 
588,  595  ;  or  in  official  documents, 
237-240. 

Abesse,  a  scelere,  104 ;  a  sepulcro, 

547. 
Abire,  consulatu,  56  ;  *  sic,' '  to  pass 

unpunished,'  516. 

Ablative  case — form  in  *i,'  475,  477, 

1.  4  ;  of  neuter  names  of  towns  in 

*  e,'  422  ;  of  the  cost,  199  ;  abso- 
lute, emphatic  for  genitive,  314; 
after  *  alienum,'  without  a  prepo- 
sition, 535  ;  after  ^  confidere,'  312  ; 
after  *  stare,'  314;  with  compara- 
tives, where  *  quam '  would  be  more 
common,  357,  cp.  270;  of  the  date, 
61,  68;  of  direction,  320;  of  the 
quality,  43,  243,  316  ;  of  duration 
of  time,  loi,  261,  422;  with  *facere' 
(quid  puero  fiet),  114;  with  *a' 
after  gerundives,  462  ;  local,  422  ; 
without  a  preposition  after  '  iunc- 
tum,'  349 ;  of  a  man's  tribe,  174, 
237 ;  without  a  preposition,  after 

*  verba  intelligendi,'  407 ;  of  names 
of  countries  and  similar  words 
after  verbs  of  motion,  349,  cp.  388 ; 
and  of  such  words  without  a  pre- 
position denoting  rest,  586  ;  of  the 
place  from  which  a  letter  is  writ- 
ten, in;  of  *  voluntas,'  523  ;  of 
extent,  where  the  genitive  would 
generally  be  used,  477 ;  of  the  in- 
strument, where  we  should  expect 

*  per'  with  the  accusative,  476 ; 
combination  of  ablatives  in  dif- 
ferent senses,  82,  204. 


Ablegare,  79. 

Abrogare,  107,  117,  171. 

Absentia,  used  in  a  peculiar  sense, 

523. 
Abstract  for  concrete,  607. 

Absurde,  97. 

Abunde,  *  decidedly,'  192. 

Abuti,  593. 

Ac,  adversative,  259  ;  how  different 
from  *et,'  43  ;  ac  non,  55  ;  ac  po- 
tius,  105  ;  =  *et  statim,'  484. 

Acceptae  (  =  tractatae)  pessime,  600. 

Accessus  (metaph.),  529. 

Accidere,  of  misfortunes,  377. 

Accommodare,  tempus,  472 ;  accom- 
modatum  ad,  99. 

Accurate,  162,  225  ;  accuratius,  189. 

Accusative  case,  after  proxime '  (?), 
^7;  adverbial,  359,  376;  ^certum' 
for  'pro  certo,'  255;  and  dative, 
after  'credere,'  259;  of  duration 
of  time,  422  ;  in  exclamations,  322, 
360,  483  ;  of  neuter  pronouns  with 
'  adsentiri,'  436  ;  and  *  dubitare,' 
479  ;  *  gaudere,'  233  ;  *  hortari,' 
259,  266  ;  'orare,'  415  ;  fugere  and 
sequi  itinera,  600 ;  of  the  person, 
after  '  quaesumus,'  543  ;  double, 
after  '  iudicare,'  307 ;  after  '  cog- 
noscere,'  456;  after  'facere,'  450; 
after  '  rogare,'  416  ;  with  the  in- 
finitive, see  Infinitive. 

Acerbissima  mors,  476. 

Acerbitas,  of  a  person,  *  bitterness,' 

437. 
Acies  (metaph.),  368. 

Acquiescere,  352,  469. 

Acta,  *  occurrences,'  105;  'gazette,' 

T08,  262. 
Actio,  *  a  pleading,'  235  ;  actiones  in 

other    senses,   74,    199-201,    416; 

actio  rei  publicae,  198. 
Ad,  nearly  = '  against,'  426  (?) ;  = '  in 

answer  to,'  86  ;  ='apud,'  322,  cp. 

378,  381 ;  'in  respect  of,'  308,  438, 


)-« 


li 


^^ 


439;  and  with  gerundive,  577;  in 
a  final  sense,  370,  cp.  319;  in 
dates  = '  upon,'  424  ;  ad  equum, 
486 ;  ad  numerum,  '  enough,'  239 ; 
ad  summam,  '  in  a  word,'  272,  282, 
cp.  516;  in  another  sense,  307; 
*  ad  tempus,'  '  for  the  present,'  529 ; 
'to  suit  circumstances,'  585. 

Adclamatio,  172. 

Adcredens,  260. 

Adesse  =  comparere  in  iudicio,  171. 

Adferre  utilitatem,  115,  529;  mo- 
lestiam,  532. 

Adfligere  se,  82. 

Adgregare  voluntatem,  204. 

Adhibere  dolorem,  470. 

Adhuc,  with  a  verb  in  the  present, 
426. 

Adjectives,  used  as  adverbs,  espe- 
cially in  the  predicate,  32,  168,  cp. 
214,  257,  and  366;  rarely  used 
alone  with  proper  names,  276 ;  in- 
stead of  the  ablative  with  a  pre- 
position, 330 ;  with  a  substantive 
of  another  gender,  456,  535  ;  two 
with  one  substantive  without  a 
copulative  conjunction,  446  ;  one 
with  two  substantives,  agreeing 
in  gender  with  the  nearest,  592  ; 
formation  of,  from  Greek  names  of 
towns,  260. 

Adiunctor,  provinciae,  319. 

Adiungere,  amicitiam,  230,  cp.  479  ; 
viros  ad  necessitudinem,  452 ;  ad- 
iungi  ad  causam,  206,  cp.  204. 

Adligati  (edere  ad  adligatos),  175  ; 
alligata  voluntas,  78. 

Administrare  (neut.),  266. 

Adroganter,  601. 

Adservare,  382. 

Adsessio,  533. 

Adspergere  (metaph.),  371,  cp.  444. 

Adsumere  =  adrogare,  208. 

Adverb,  as  predicate,  34,  310;  sepa- 
rated from  the  verb  it  qualifies, 
276;  with  a  neuter  participle  =  a 
substantive,  340 ;  with  substan- 
tives, 414,  466. 

Adversative  particles  omitted,  42, 
166. 

Adversus  rem  publicam,  61. 

Adulescens,  465. 

Advocatus,  'a  supporter,'  171;  ad- 
vocati,  'partisans,'  55,  82. 

Aedilis,  a' municipal  magistrate,  453. 

Aequabilis,  193. 

Aeque,  469.  .    . 


Aequi  boni  facere,  279. 

Aerarii,  in  two  senses,  54. 

Aerati,  54. 

Aes,  in  two  senses,  72 ;  aera,  *  tab- 
lets,' 541. 

Aestimationes,  427,  cp.  460. 

Aestiva,  249. 

Aetas, '  youth  or  early  manhood,' 438 ; 
aetatem  gerere,  465. 

Agere,  'to  argue,'  39,  cp.  173;  *to 
think  of,'  282  ;  cum  aliquo,  '  to 
go  to  law  with,'  29 ;  'to  negotiate 
with,'  or  entreat,  38  ;  'to  attempt,' 
III;  cum  re  publica,  '  to  take  care 
of  the  state's  interest,'  43 ;  f/xf rtic^i/, 
484  ;  nihil,  537 ;  followed  by  ac- 
cusative and  infinitive,  378 ;  actum 
agere,  360 ;  agi,  '  to  be  intended,' 
Sy  ;  praeclare,  454,  cp.  465  ;  *  to  be 
going  on,'  172;  cp.  'quid  agatur' 
and  '  quid  agatis,'  114;  agitur  satis, 

195. 
Agnoscere,  'to  admit  the  truth  of,' 

542. 

Alaudae,  502,  554,  595. 

Alienum,  '  out  of  place,'  372. 

Aliptae,  207. 

Aliquando  =  tandem,  562. 

Aliquis,  in  negative  sentences,  474  ; 
=  aliquis  aHus,  474,  cp.  519;  ali- 
quis esse,  109,  606. 

Alius  =  ' different,'  306,  450,  451; 
=  alter,  468. 

Alligare,  '  to  hamper,'  333. 

Alter  ego,  106,  188  ;  alterum  se,  163  ; 
altera  vita,  164. 

Altius,  'from  a  more  remote  point,' 
199. 

Amabo  te  =  '  I  beseech  you,'  245. 

Ambitiosus,  93,  444. 

Amplexari  (metaph.),  203. 

Amplissimus,  different  from  *  op- 
timus,'  454. 

An,  in  answers,  359;  in  simple  sup- 
plementary questions,  373  ;  = '  or 
perhaps,'  410-41 1. 

Anacoluthon,  92,  362,  cp.  40. 

Anatocismus  anniversarius,  252. 

Ancora  soluta,  41. 

Animadversio,  '  punishment,'  457. 

Animatus,  445,  538. 

Animula,  336,  467. 

Animus,  opposed  to  *  ingenium,'  567. 

Annates,  an  official  journal,  76. 

Annus  vester,  *  your  year  for  office,' 

549. 
Antecedent,  attracted  to   the   case 


,;» 


ss 


V 


626 


INDEX  IL 


INDEX  IL 


627 


of  the  relative,  85  ;  implied  in  a 
possessive  pronoun,  160;  omitted, 
239,  1.  4  ;  put  after  the  relative, 
85  ;  and  with  the  demonstrative 
omitted,  381  ;  repeated  in  the 
relative  clause,  239. 

Antiquare,  49,  50. 

Antiquissima,  '  most  important,'  374. 

Aperire  ludum,  426. 

Aperte  tecte,  49. 

Aphracta,  223-224. 

Apisci,  469. 

Aposiopesis,  521,  581. 

Apparate,  485. 

Appellare,  'to  address,'  168  ;  sic,  *to 
use  such  a  term,'  435,  437- 

Apprehendere,  *  to  master,'  372. 

Apricatio,  305. 

Apud,  nearly  =  *  against,'  79. 

Aquae  (Arpinatis),  59,  60. 

Aquarii,  244. 

Aquilae,  584. 

Arcula,  64. 

Ardere  (metaph.),  194. 

Arithmetica,  523. 

Arx  (metaph.),  201. 

Aspirare,  70,  87. 

Assequi,  '  to  make  good,'  375. 

Astute,  93,  370,  536. 

Asyndeton,  of  verbs,  162,  335,  482; 
of  substantives,  189,  333;  of  ad- 
verbs, 486. 

At,  *  yes  but,'  348,  426  ;  at  enim,  94 ; 
at  vero,  nearly  =  at  enim,  465-466. 

At  que,  how  different  from  'et,'  312; 
adversative,  564;   =' than,' 213. 

Attendere,  474 ;  transit.,  599. 
Attingere,  of  an  attack  of  sickness, 

"3- 
Attraction,  accusative  substituted  for 

nominative  by,  33,  cp.  464  ;  nomi- 
native for  accusative  of  a  sub- 
stantive attracted  to  a  relative, 
550;  plural  for  singular  of  a  par- 
ticiple, 536 ;  of  a  demonstrative 
pronoun,  in  gender,  to  a  following 
substantive,  438  ;  of  the  relative 
*  quo'  for  *  quod,'  376. 
Auctor,  *  one  to  attest,'  422  ;  *  a 
backer  or  supporter,'  419 ;  *  an 
adviser  or  originator  of  measures,' 

574. 
Auctoritas,  of  official  documents  or 

resolutions,  53,  99,  170,  237;  'as- 
surance,' 310. 
Augere,  as  a  neuter  verb,  528;  augere 
animum,  597;  auctus,  31. 


Augur  publicus,  443. 

Aut,  perhaps  =  *  alioqui,'  560. 

Autem,  continuing  a  narrative,  47; 

expressing  surprise,  258. 
Auxilium  dignitatis,  529. 

Bacillum,  409. 

Barbaria,  306. 

Barbatuli,  49. 

Barones,  224. 

Beatus,  '  wealthy,'  47 ;  cp.  382,  1.  4. 

Bellus,  30. 

Bene  =  '  cheaply,'  46  ;  '  valde,'  381. 

Biduo,  eo,  162. 

Bima,  '  of  two  years'  service,'  608. 

Bona  dea,  13,  43,  206. 

Boni    or    boni   viri,   in    a    political 

sense,  44,  47,  56,  173,  206,  cp.  356 ; 

'bonus    vir,'    distinguished    from 

'  bonus  civis,'  203. 
Bonitas,  479. 

Brachio  moUi  (metaph.),  68. 
Buccam,  venire  in,  304,  421. 

Cadavera,  oppidum,  466. 

Cadere,  used  impersonally,  332, 

Caeciliana  fabula,  63. 

Caeliana,  383. 

Calere  (metaph.),  244. 

Calficere  (metaph.),  244. 

Callere  (metaph.),  464. 

Calumnia,  'a  malicious  plea,'  165; 
timoris,  '  vain  fear,'  450  ;  '  calum- 
niam  ferre,'  233  ;  iurare,  236. 

Campus,  194. 

Cantherium,  428. 

Caput  (civis),  34 ;  =  poena  capitalis, 
362  ;  legis,  107;  =  origin,  605;  used 
in  two  senses  in  one  sentence, 
207  ;  supra  caput,  94. 

Career,  59. 

Carere  urbe,  said  of  exiles,  430. 

Castella,  553. 

Castigare  =  castigando  impellere,6o4. 

Casus,  how  different  from  natura, 
475;  =discrimen,  603. 

Cavere,  with  accusative,  'to  provide 
securities,'  116. 

Causa,  '  a  claim,'  478  ;  '  object,' 
'  watchword,'  319  ;  'a  party,'  569 ; 
'  a  case,'  94,  cp.  30 ;  '  position,' 
359  >  =coniunctio,  478  ;  '  state  of 
the  case,'  306  ;  (.'*)  = '  res,'  202  ; 
how  different  from  '  res,'  566. 

Celare,  '  to  keep  in  the  dark,'  39. 

Celebritas,  '  populousness,'  114. 

Celeripes,  336. 


\- 


«.' 


I- 


Centesimae  usurae,  252,  cp.  194. 

Cernere  hereditatem,  416,  528. 

Certus,  of  men,  '  trustworthy,'  182  ; 
(of  a  resolution)  adequately  ground- 
ed, 321;  sensus,  'decided,'  586; 
certi  =  'quidam,'203,  315 ;  certum, 
as  an  adverb,  387 ;  certum  esse, 
with  the  dative,  86,  284  ;  certum 
habere,  344,  568 ;  certiorem  facere, 

"3.. 
Cervicibus,  conlocare  in,  551. 

Cerulae  miniatae,  556. 

Chirographum,  257,  541. 

Circuli,  78. 

Circumforaneus,  72. 

Circumire,  '  to  canvass,'  530. 

Circumrodere  (metaph.),  179. 

Circumscribere,  a  political  term,  283. 

Circumvectio,  76. 

Circumventus,  34. 

Cistophorus,  Tj. 

Civiliter,  271. 

Civitas,  libera,  114;  form  'civita- 
tium,'  578. 

Clamare  (transit.),  412. 

Claudus  homo,  62. 

Clientela,  521,  cp.  388. 

Clivus  Capitolinus,  69. 

Coartatus,  304. 

Codicilli,  476. 

Cogere  (absol.),  83. 

Cognoscere,  460 ;  cognosce,  '  let  me 
tell  you,'  251,  cp.  29, 1.  9,  211, 

Cohonestare,  453. 

Cohors  praetoria,  582. 

Cohorticulae,  244. 

Collecticius  (exercitus),  430. 

Collegium,  '  colleagueship,'  477;  for 
the  body  of  the  tribunes  or  prae- 
tors, 117,  240;  collegia,  'clubs,' 
19,  105. 

Colligare  se  (metaph.),  434. 

CoUigere,  benevolentiam,  96 ;  cle- 
mentiam,  326 ;  gratiam,  368 ;  se, 
203,  341  ;  'to  count  up,'  373,  375  ; 
ad  colligendum  se,  603. 

Colonia,  civium  Romanorum,  615, 
619-620;  Latina,  617,  619-620. 

Comedere  (metaph.),  428. 

Comissatores  coniurationis,  61. 

Comitiales  dies,  237. 

Commemorare,  without  an  accusa- 
tive, 466. 

Commentari,  472,  549. 

Commentarius,  64 ;  Caesaris,  523, 549. 

Committere  ut,  suggesting  blame, 
308,  322. 

S  s  2 


Commodare,  75,  463. 

Commodum,  an  adverb,  381. 

Commoveri,  '  to  travel,'  279. 

Communia  praecepta,  215. 

Communicare,  neut.,  182 ;  transit., 
'  to  grant  a  share  of,'  549. 

Communiter  scribere,  406. 

Commutare  cum  (construction  of), 
465. 

Comparare  se,  174,  cp,  241. 

Comparatio,  102. 

Comparative,  used  of  one  of  three 
courses,  519;  without  'eo'  where 
we  should  expect  that  word,  610. 

Comperisse  omnia,  50. 

CompitaHcius  dies,  279. 

Complecti,  '  to  treat,'  94  ;  *  to  em- 
brace the  cause  of,' 221. 

Complicare  epistolam,  121,  cp.  421. 

Comprimere,  'to  secrete,'  250. 

Concerpere,  244. 

Concertationes,  526. 

Concldere  =  dicendo  evertere,  177. 

Concldere  (metaph.),  56,  58,  60. 

Concord,  masc.  used  with  reference 
to  two  substantives,  a  masc.  and 
neut.,  607.  See  also  Adjective, 
Attraction,  Gender,  Plural,  Sin- 
gular. 

Concursatio,  'canvassing,'  166,  167. 

Condicere,  212. 

Condicio, '  agreement,'  308  ;  vivendi, 
431,  1.  I  ;  condicione,  'under  an 
agreement,'  473  ;  ea  condicione  si, 
450. 

Conferre,  4o  discuss  together,'  91  ; 
=  adhibere,3i7  ;  in  posterum  diem, 
'  to  put  off,'  600. 

Conficere,  aestiva,  249  ;  *  to  destroy,* 
587  ;  'to  get  through,'  427  ;  ='  fa- 
cere,'  452,  1.  5  ;  cum  aliquo,  '  to 
settle  with'  (neut.),  178,  cp.  216. 

Confidentia,  240. 

Confidere,  with  accus.  of  pronoun 
understood,  481, 1.  7  (?). 

Confieri,  333,  464. 

Confirmare, '  to  encourage,'  174, 416  ; 
'  to  repeat,'  248 ;  confirmare  de, 
441  ;  confirmari, '  to  gain  strength,' 
416 ;  confirmatio,  'encouragement,' 
440. 

Confluens,  of  a  place,  595. 

Congelare  (metaph.),  257, 

Congiarium,  554. 

Conglaciare  (metaph.),  244. 

Coniicere,  'to  utter  a  threat,'  232; 
in  sortem,  240  \  in  turbam,  409. 


628 


INDEX  II. 


INDEX  11. 


629 


Coniunctim,  237. 

Conjunction  omitted,  312,  335  ;  cp. 
Asyndeton. 

Conjunctive  mood,  (i)  of  verbs  of 
affirming  or  denying,  162 ;  (2) 
expressing  disapprobation,  285  ; 
(3)  expressing  past  thoughts  of 
the  writer,  200 ;  or  (4)  the  words 
or  thoughts  of  another,  33,  52, 
169 ;  or  (5)  completing  an  idea 
expressed  by  an  infinitive  clause, 
366  ;  or  (6)  *  as  he  thought,'  '  as 
he  said,'  544  ;  (7)  apparently  un- 
necessary, of  '  dico,'  29  ;  (8)  as 
a  potential,  60,  372,  1.  13  (?)  ;  (9) 
after  relatives  meaning  *  though,' 
44 ;  or  stating  a  reason  or  cause, 
390,  426 ;  (10)  in  indirect  ques- 
tions, 309;  (11)  after  *ubi,'  484; 
(12)  after  *quo'  or  *quod'  of  a 
reason  not  the  real  one,  194  ;  (^3) 
with  'forsitan,'  of  a  fact,  464  ;  (u) 
after  *  si '  =  *  etiamsi,'  38,433;  (^S) 
explaining  what  is  referred  to  by 
a  pronoun,  445  ;  (16)  of '  volo '  and 
its  compounds,  29  ;  (17)  and  after 
such    verbs,    62,    80;    (18)    after 

.     *  nihil,' '  non,' '  quid '  est  quod,  451» 
464,    473;    (19)   with    *ut'    after 

*  accedit,'  525  ;  or  *  adsentior 
tibi,'  340;  or  ^cadere,'  332-333; 
or  *  fieri  potest,'  383;  or  in  final 
propositions  generally,  349,  381  ; 
(20)  or  after  ^opto'  and  spero,' 
332;  (21)  after  *ita— ut'  limiting 
the  verb  in  the  principal  clause, 
26,  78;   (22)  after   *ut'  meaning 

*  supposing  that,'  73;  (23)  after 
*quamquam,'  574. 

Present  tense,  in  future  sense,  42, 
311  ;  in  dependent  clauses  after 
the  future  infinitive,  362  ;  where 
we  should  use  the  imperfect,  36, 
243,  433  ;  2nd  person  singular  of 
a  person  whose  existence  is  only 
assumed,  439;  with  *ne,'  214; 
with  ^  dum,'  388  ;  =  imperat.,  38  ; 
cum  audiam,  *  on  hearing,'  95. 

Imperfect,  almost  =  infin.  with 
'possum,'  185  ;  expressing  what  does 
not  take  place,  312  ;  where  we  use 
the  present  after  verbs  in  the  past, 
92,  220,  386, 410  ;  where  we  should 
use  the  pluperfect,  347  ;  with 
*cum,'  meaning  *  when,'  225;   or 

*  though,' 2 1 1-2 12,  cp.  36;  ='was 
to'  in  indirect  questions,  412, 1.  6  ; 


of  future  time,  in  dependent  rela- 
tive questions,  465. 

Perfect,  in  modest  expressions, 
183 ;  how  different  from  imperfect  in 
final  clauses,  413  ;  where  we  should 
use  the  pluperfect,  75,  334,  53^; 
pass.,  for    a    second   future,  116, 


almost  =  an  imperative,  66  ;  for  the 
fut.  exact,  when  the  principal  verb 
is  in  the  past,  329  ;  used  for  the 
perfect  after  *  esse '  and  a  gerun- 
dive, 446. 

Fut.  exact.  2nd  person  smg.— 
imperat.,  226. 

Coniungere  se  cum  libertate,   574  ; 
coniunctos  cum  causa,  569. 

Conlocare  =  *  ordinare,'  2 57. 

Conquassatus  (metaph.),  467. 

Consaepta,  243. 

Consalutatio,  78. 

Consanescere  (metaph.),  471. 

Conscindere  (metaph.),  82,  334. 

Consequi,  *  to  follow  the  example  of,' 

548-549- 
Consessus  senatorum,  362. 

Consilium,  *  authority,'  305  ;  *  object,' 
185;  *plan,'  106,  1.  5;  'decision,' 
205,  318  ;  meo  consiHo  uti,  'to  act 
on  my  own  responsibiHty,'  415,  1. 
5  ;  'a  body  of  judges,'  47,  55,  56, 
(76  i*) ;  of  counsellors,  76  (?). 

Consistere  (metaph.),  58  ;  'to  be 
settled,'  606  ;  mente,  lingua,  ore, 
172  ;  cum  aliquo,  'to  confer  with,' 
86  ;  in  hoc,  '  to  depend  upon  this,' 
601  ;  'to  take  up  a  position,'  519. 

Conspectus,  303. 

Consputare,  172. 

Constare,  'to  be  fixed,'  327  ;=per- 
manere,  415. 

Constitutum,  neut.  subst.,  420. 

Constrictio,  180. 

Consuetudo,  472. 

Consulere, '  to  consider '  (re  consulta), 
76. 

Contemnere,  '  to  shew  contempt  for,' 
229-230. 

Contendere,  =  curare,  459  ;  =  labo- 
rare,  319;  ab  aliquo,  219,  251  ; 
and  with  accus.,  366. 

Conterere  (metaph.),  211. 

Contexere,  extrema  cum  primis,  596. 

Contio,  '  a  speech,'  47  ;  contionem 


1  « 


{ 


\ 


''1 


dare,   162  ;  habere,  38  ;  in  conti- 
onem producere,  47  ;  *the  rostra,' 

lOI. 

Contionalis,  60. 

Contionari,  555,  563,  572. 

Contionarius,  174. 

Contiuncula,  74. 

Contra  rem  publicam,  173  ;  contra 
venire,  30 ;  contra  used  as  an 
adverb,  356,  372,  482. 

Contrahere  vela  (metaph.),  53  ;  con- 
tractis  male  rebus,  281. 

Contrariae,  '  inconsistent,'  96  ;  con- 
trarium,  'inexpedient,'  572. 

Contubernales,  178. 

Contumacia,  524. 

Convenire,  after  res,  544;  =*  utile 
esse,'  369  ;  personal  construction 
of,  in  the  passive,  326 ;  cum 
aliquo,  '  to  have  an  understanding 
with,'  600. 

Convitium  facere,  50,  554« 

Copiolae,  600. 

Copiose,  485. 

Corrumpere  rem,  '  to  ruin  a  project,' 
169,  170. 

Credere,  in  a  double  sense,  60  ;  with 
dat.  and  accus.,  259  ;  iron.,  465. 

Creditores,  165. 

Cretio  simplex,  417. 

Criminari,  548. 

Cruditas,  428. 

Cubicularius,  261-262. 

Culeum,  insuere  in,  94. 

Cum  =  quod,  175,  cp.  26,  527;  al- 
most =' si,'  332,  cp.  430;  placed 
after  the  beginning  of  a  sentence, 
182,  cp.  262  ;  =ex  quo,  460  ;  cum 
praesertim,  448;  cum  .  .  .  tum 
etiam,  472  ;  or  tum  vero,  72,  183. 

Cumulare,  220, 1.  5  ;  gaudio,  527. 

Cumulatum,  'to  have  reached  its 
height,'  528  ;  cumulatissime,  177. 

Cumulus,  '  something  extra,'  56  ; 
cumulum  deruere  (metaph.),  557. 

Cupiditas, '  ambition,'  169,  218 ;  'pas- 
sion,' 94. 

Curare,  'to  provide,'  178;  *to  care 

for,'  with  a  personal  object,  424. 
Currentem  incitare,  419. 
Cursus,  '  a  career,'  30 ;  vitae,  208, 
1.  12  ;  bonorum  consiliorum,  593. 
Custodia  publica,  100. 

Damnum  fieri,  59,  568. 
Dare  litteras,  construction  of,  414 ; 
diem,  'to  assign  for  a  visit,' 421; 


dare  se  (ut  se  initia  dederint), 
119. 
Dative  case,  in  -u  of  the  fourth  de- 
clension, 608  ;  ethical,  50  ;  '  for 
the  benefit  of,'  245,  447,  1-  7,  note  ; 
in  '  honour  of,'  538 ;  of  the  person, 
after  '  cupio '  and  such  verbs,  98, 
167 ;  after  '  iratus,'  165  ;  after 
*  dicto  audientes  esse,'  232  ;  with 
gerundive,  after  '  auctor  esse,'  318  ; 
after  '  intervenire,'  92  ;  after  \  in- 
vadere'  (rare),  313 ;  after  '  in  odium 
venire,'  375  ;  after  passives,  espe- 
cially gerundives,  278,  318,1.  2,419, 
578  ;  double,  after  '  tribuere,'  369  ; 
and  ablative,  after  '  facere,'  450. 

De,  with  the  ablat.  preceding  an 
accus.  and  infin.,  45. 

Debere,  absoL,  'to  be  indebted  to,' 
167. 

Decedere,  '  to  leave  a  province,*  92, 
217  ;  de  suo  iure  decedere,  542. 

Decernere,  'to  vote  for'  (of  an  indi- 
vidual), 162  ;  'to  decide,'  580. 

Declarare,  '  to  shew,'  470. 

Declinare,  81  ;  declinatio,  84. 

Decuriati,  175. 

Deducere  rem  eo,  or  in  eum  locum, 
78,  86  ;  summam  rem  publicam  in 
discrimen,  608,  1.  14. 

Deesse,  'to  disappoint,'  177. 

Defendere,  *  to  maintain,'  535. 

Deficere,  a  se  ipso,  368. 

Deformitas, '  unseemliness,'  347;  dis- 
credit, 575. 

Degustare,  58. 

Deiicere,  'to  defeat,'  231. 

Delatio,  243. 

Delectare  (absol.),  '  to  give  pleasure,' 
439  ;  pass.,  with  the  ablat.,  549. 

Delegare,  189. 

Deliberatio,  472;    deliberatius,    39, 

1.8. 

Deliciae,  233  ;  «'luxury,'  422-423. 

Deminuere,  '  to  aUenate,'  98. 

Deminutio  deimperio  populi  Romani, 
467, 1.  4- 

Demisse,  79. 

Demitigari,  44. 

Demittere  se  aliquo,  367. 

Demortui,  560. 

Denique  =  'omnino,'  374;  ^^only' 
or  'even  only,'  454,  580, 1.  6. 

Denuntiare,  481  ;  denuntiatio,  578. 

Depecisci,  337. 

Dependere  and  spondere  in  a  meta- 
phorical sense,  202, 


630 


INDEX  II. 


INDEX   II. 


631 


Deponere  provinciam,  66. 
Deprecator,  418,  1.  10. 
Derivata  (metaph.),  t^. 
Derogare,  117. 

Descendere,  *  to  come  to  the  place 
of  election,'   229  ;    metaph.,   240, 
284. 
Describere,  *to    describe'   without 

naming,  173. 
Desiderare,  257  ;   se  ipsum,  104,  11. 

12,  13. 
Desiderium,  said  of  a  person,  no. 
Desperationes,  371. 
Despondere  (metaph.),  410  ;   cp.  de- 

sponsam,  58. 
Detestari,  350. 
Detrahere  de,  93,  1.  6. 
Devenire,  in  earn  fortunam,  468. 
Deversoria,  406,  cp.  133. 
Devertere  ad,  383,  5 1 5. 
Devexa  ad  otium,  349. 
Devincire  familiaritate,  93. 
Devorare  (metaph.),  60,  179. 
Dexterius,  583. 
Dialectica,  523. 

Dialogus  (Aristotelis),  214-215. 
Dibaphum,  371. 
Dicacitas,  43. 
Dicrota,  224. 
Dicta,  68. 

Dicto  audientes  esse,  232. 
Diecula,  254. 
Dies,  of  a  period,  104  ;  of  the  events 

of  a  day,  370, 1.  15  ;  Sullanus,  376; 

diemdicere,  102;  consumere,  169; 

prodicere,  171  ;  diem  suum  obire, 

467;    post  diem  tertium  eius  diei, 

475;  legis, 'a  time  fixed  bylaw,' 

280. 
Digamma,  345. 

Digiti,  254  ;  digito  caelum  attingere, 
69. 

Dignitas,  214,  304,  311,  343,  453, 
542  ;  dignitatem  habere,  93  ;  dig- 
nitatis insignia,  574. 

Diiudicare,  272  (.?),  526. 

Dilaudare,  264. 

Dilectus,  314. 

Diligentia,  115. 

Diligere,  how  different  from  *  amare  ' 

528. 
Dilucide,  559. 

Dimittere,  '  to  release,'  ^fi^. 
Dioecesis,  250. 
Direptum  iri  (metaph.),  92. 
Dirumpi,  with  ablat.,  549. 
Discedere,  *to  come  off,'  102,   cp. 


171  ;  sc.  de  sententia,  'to  change 
one's  mind,'  76  ;  discedere  ab,  'to 
make  an  exception  of,'  210. 

Disceptare,  *  to  be  at   stake,'  579  ; 
disceptatio,  39. 

Discessio,  71  ;  discessionem  facere, 
169. 

Discipuli  (metaph.),  425. 

Discrepare,  of  persons,  257. 

Discribere,  67,  540. 

Discutere,  'to  dispel  fears  of,  89. 

Displiceo  mihi,  79. 

Disputare,  211. 

Dissimulare  and  simulare,  578. 

Dissolutio,  39. 

Distinere,    118;    distineri,    'to    be 
busy,'  47. 

Distractos  (metaph.),  331. 

Distributive  numerals,  with  substan- 
tives only  used  in  the  plural,  389. 

Dividere,   'to  submit   a  motion   in 
parts,'  168. 

Divinatio,  a  legal  term,  236. 

Divinitus,  58. 

Divinum,  '  providential,  189,  190. 

Divisores,  61. 

Docte,  482. 

Dodrans,  51. 

Dolus  malus,  29. 

Domesticus  dolor,  35. 

Dominus,  82. 

Dormire  (metaph.),  423. 

Dubitare  an,  373  ;    dubitare  or  du- 
bium  esse  quin,  479  ;  cp.  374, 1.  12. 

Ducere,  '  to  attract,'  '>>Z2>  \  '  to  delay,' 
194,  429. 

Dumtaxat,  78,  cp.  540. 

Duumviri,  530,  615. 

E  vestigio,  476. 

Ea  re  =  'eo,'  543. 

Edicta,  84  ;  cp.  542. 

Effectus,  '  execution,'  578. 

Efflagitatio,  609. 

Effundere  (metaph.),  368. 

Ego  vero,  104  ;   at  the  beginning  of 

a  letter,  411,  469. 
Eiectio,  78. 

Eiicere=  'explodere,'  86  ;    =  *evo- 

mere,'  384. 
Eius  modi  = '  tale,'  t^. 
Elaborare,  99. 
Elapsum  de  manibus,  57. 
Elatum,  of  style,  449. 
Eleganter,  485. 
Elegantia,  of  conduct,  263  ;  of  style, 

435. 


Elimare,  545. 

Ellipse,   of  'causa'  with  'est   cur,' 
or  'est  quod,' 431»  549;   «^  *via,' 
180,   425;    of   *cogita,'   375;    of 
tenses   of  '  dicere,'   231,  335;    of 
'hoc  dico,'  44  ;    of  '  esse'  with  an 
adverb  in  the  predicate,  408,  and 
with  the  perfect  infin.  pass.,  106  ; 
of  other  tenses  of  '  esse,'  38,  86  ; 
of '  facio,'  327  ;   of  ' fieri'  after  '  ut 
potest,'  170;   of 'fore,'  334;   and 
with  an  accus.  after  'videre,'  349  ; 
of  a  gerundive  in  the  plural  to  be 
supplied  from  a  gerund,  359  ;   of 
*ire,'   251,   335  ;    of  a  participle, 
547,  1.  9 ;  of  a  particle  correspond- 
ing to  '  tam,'  601  ;  of  substantives 
to  be  repeated  from  another  clause, 
354,  1.   14;    of  a  verb,  after   '  ut 
nihil  magis,'  212,  cp.  113  ;   or  'ut 
aliud  nihil,'  30?  ;  to  be  supplied 
in  one  tense  from  another,  248  ; 
or  to  be  easily  supplied  from   a 
substantive,  3Ij  7o,  97,  172  ;   or  in 
the  infin.  after  'possum'  and  other 
verbs,  57,  IJ  ;  or  in  a  finite  mood 
from   the   infinitive,  354;    in   the 
active  voice  from  one  in  the  pas- 
sive, 587;    of  *ut  scirem'  before 
'  si  quid,'  412  ;   of  words  meaning 
'  I  remark  that,'  266  ;  or  answer- 
ing to   '  ne  quaeras,'  78  ;   or  ex- 
plaining 'gratum,'  191  ;  of  the  sub- 
ject of '  inquit,'  284, 3^4 ;  m  familiar 
discourse,  274, 11. 18, 19 ;  m  phrases 
with  'quid,'  240,  cp.  46,  1-  i,  84, 
1.  9,  179,  248,  359  ;  ii^  the  phrase 
*  tu  qui,'  263  ;   of  a  clause  after  a 
pluperfect  indicative,  606. 

Emerere,  262  ;  emerita,  239. 

Emergere  (metaph.),  261, 1.  10. 

Emissarius,  236. 

Emittere  (metaph.),  (i(i. 

Emonere,  186. 

Enim,  ironical,  458  ;  referring  to  a 
reason  not  expressed,  85,  cp.  380, 
1.  7;  =' why,' 280. 

Eo— quo  or  quod,  'for  the  reason 

that,'  105,  344, 1.  4.    ,  ^      ^ 

Eodem   loci  =  '  ibidem,'  45  ;    eodem 

adme'(ellipt.),  485. 
Epigrammata,  62. 
Epistolary  tenses,  26. 
Epulae  (metaph.),  567. 
Equitatus,  of  the  equestrian  order, 

69. 
Ergastula,  586. 


Ergo,  expressing  indignation,  385  ; 

or  irony,  546. 
Erogare,  100,  250. 
Erumpere,  '  to  aim  at,'  481 ;  and  with 


se,'  271. 


Eruptio,  88. 

Esse  =  'commorari,'  311,  544;  *  to 
be  in  circulation,'  65  ;  'to  involve,' 
253  ;  'to  be  written,'  'to  stand  in 
a  letter,'  257,  324  ;  in  ea  opinione 
=  (res),  87;  in  optatis,  'to  be  an 
object  of  desire,'  256;  ='vivere,* 
390  ;  repetition  of  a  tense  of,  575  ; 
*est  cur'  or  'est  quod,'  431,  549; 
ut  nunc  est,  573  ;  fuit  = '  which  is 
over,'  556  ;  esse  omitted  with  ac- 
cus. after  '  volo,'  etc.,  537. 

Et,  adversative,  227, cp. 259 ;  express- 
ing wonder,  264 ;  et  litteras  =  cum 
litteris,  323  ;  et  quidem,  *  and  that 
too,'  422  ;  et  tamen,  '  moreover,' 

375. 
Etiam,  'still,' 77;  *  yes,' 45,  cp.  437  ; 

etiam  atque  etiam,  416. 
Etiamsi,  with  indicat.,  93. 
Etsi,  '  and  yet,'  347,  544 ;  '  however,' 

248,  377;  'etiamsi,'  379  ;  with  the 

perfect  conjunct,  in  a  hypothetical 

sentence,  222-223. 
Evadere,  '  to  turn  out,'  360  ;  '  to  get 

out  of  a  difficulty,'  450. 
Evigilata,  355. 
Evocare,  a  legal  term,  249  ;  o-u/xTra- 

e^em»/ (metaph.),  377;  evocati,  582. 
Evolare  (metaph.),  186. 
Evolvere,  351. 
Ex  cruce  detrahere,  95  ;  ex  eo  esse, 

97,  I-  2. 
Exacuere,  604. 
Exagitare,  res,  167. 
Exanimare  (metaph.),  409. 
Exarare,  420. 

Exarescere  (metaph.),  427. 
Exceptiones,  411. 
Excipere,  how  different  from  '  acci- 

pere,'  48;  'to  intercept,'  604.      . 
Excitata  fortuna,  368  ;  cp.  'excitare/ 

206. 
Excubare  (metaph.),  578. 
Excutere  (metaph.),  572. 
Exemplo,  uno,  435  ;  ad  exemplum, 

529. 
Exercitatio,  216,  427. 
Exercitus  (metaph.),  83,  1.  14. 
Exhaurire  sermonem,  92. 
Exhibere  =  facessere,  65. 
Exigere,     160,    cp.    251-252  ; 


lUS 


632 


INDEX  II. 


kgitimum,    242  ;    *  to   negotiate,' 

610. 
Exire,  *  to  go  on  foreign  service,'  189 ; 

'to    leave   the  neighbourhood   of 

Rome,'  303  ;  *  to  be  pubHshed,'  448. 
Exitus,  *  success,'  306 ;  exitu  rebus- 

que,  591- 
Expedire,  *  to  settle,'  108  ;  expedita, 

'clear,'  355  ;    expeditius  iter,  577; 

expeditissimus,  610. 
Expensam  ferre,  231. 
Explicatius,  337. 
Exploratum,  *  certain,'  184,  cp.  109, 

281,  446  ;  explorate,  *  confidently,' 

578. 
Expressiora,  187. 

Exprimere,  *  to  describe,'  327,  444. 
Exputare,  609. 
Exsecratio,  78. 
Exsequi,  '  to  fulfil,'  105. 
Exsilio  privare,  59. 
Exstare  =  apparere,  374. 
Exsurgere  (metaph.),  308,  606. 
Extenuatissimae,  600. 
Extraordinarius  reus,  233. 
Extremus,  *  worst,'  T]  ;  in  extremis, 

571. 
Extrudere  bellum,  609. 

Exulceratae,  res  (metaph.),  167. 

Faba  mimus,  62. 

Fabula  Caeciliana,  d},. 

Facere,  *to  elect,'  231  ;  'to  comply,' 
62  ;  *  to  sacrifice,'  43 ;  se,  *  to  call 
one's  self,'  84;  convitium,  50,  554  ; 
invidiam,  520  ;  medicinam,  384  ; 
*^hoc  ita  facere,'  *to  manage  the 
affair  thus,'  245  ;  *  contra  .  .  . 
facere,'  *  to  oppose,'  366 ;  used  in- 
stead of  another  verb  repeated, 
438,  449  ;  or  instead  of  a  verb  to 
be  supplied  from  a  participle,  215; 
facere  ut,  pleonastic,  103,  104, 
249 ;  fac  existimes,  437,  cp.  103  ; 
factus,  *  schooled,'  87 ;  facteon,  62. 

Facetiae,  95. 

Facile  =  libenter,  386. 

Faeneratores,  386. 

Faenus,  194,  252-254;  perpetuum, 
254,  cp.  263. 

Faex  Romuli,  70,  cp.  60. 

Fallit,  impers.,  376. 

Fama  multare,  448. 

Fames,  *  want,'  57. 

Familia,  *a  household  of  slaves,'  113; 
urbana,  385  ;  'a  school,'  76;  fam- 
iliam  ducere,  190. 


Familiaris,  as  a  substantive,  425,  550, 

560,  605, 1.  4. 
Familiaritas,   93  ;   familiariter,   482, 

544.  .    ^ 

Fanum,  deponere  m  fano,  254. 

Fasciculus,  225,  412. 

Fastidiose,  65. 

Fatalis,  550. 

Fateri  = '  testari,'  603. 

Fatum,  112. 

Febricula,  421. 

Feriae,   Latinae,   244  ;    Lepidianae, 

560. 
Ferre,  *  to  withstand,'  374  ;  *  to  re- 
quire,' 324  ;    =  *  ostendere,'  338  ; 

graviter,  98. 
Fervens  =  *  furiosus,'  603. 
Fideliter,  603. 
Fides,  '  honour,'  389  ;  fides  publica, 

86,  cp.  604  ;    fidem  facere,   555  ; 

*praestare,'  'to  fulfil  a  promise,' 

252. 
Fieri  longius,  431. 
Figere  (metaph.),  220. 
Finire,  *  to  propose  as  a  limit,'  319. 
Firmitas  (exercitus),  608. 
Fistula  (metaph.),  61. 
Florens,  256  ;  florentiora,  556. 
Fluctus  (metaph.),  305-306. 
Fluere  (metaph.),  349. 
Foede,  *  miserably,'  426. 
Forsitan,  464. 

Fortasse,  274;  fortassis,  543. 
Forum,  *  a  session,'  227,  261  ;  forum 

agere,  ib.;  forum  tenere,  'to  occupy 

the  attention  of  the  courts,'  234. 
Frangere  (metaph.),  58,  67 ;  me,  471 ; 

meum  consilium,  438. 
Frater,  perhaps  '  cousin,'  456,   1.  3, 

cp. 437. 
Fraus,  '^  penalty,'   117  ;   in  fraudem 

coniici,  108. 
Fremere,  163. 

Frenum  mordere  (metaph.),  597. 
Frequenter,  600. 
Frigere,  '  to  be  ill  received,'  47. 
Fronte    an    mente,'    194 ;    frontem 

ferire,  26. 
Frumentariae  provinciae,  342. 
Fucus,  25-26. 
Fumo  comburere,  95. 
Furia,  of  Clodius,  206. 
Fustem  impingere,  240, 1.  18. 

Gender,  of  an  adject.,  pronoun,  or 
participle  with  two  substantives, 
58,  201,  cp.  540,  607  ;  determined 


INDEX   II 


^33 


by  sense  rather  than  grammar, 
206,  230  ;  neut.,  of  an  adjective 
referring  to  masc.  or  fem.  substan- 
tives, 456  ;  of  a  pronoun,  referring 
to  a  sentence,  44. 

Generatim,  408. 

Genitive  case,  of  nouns  in  -ius  or 
-ium,  482 ;  double,  in  different 
senses,  160;  or  where  one  governs 
the  other,  201-202  ;  'generis,'  182, 
356,  384,  455,  484  ;  of  the  quality, 
1 01,  255  ;  of  the  place  where  a 
letter  is  written,  453  ;  objective, 
105,  308,  1.  II  ;  cp.  271,  where  it 
=  ablative  with  '  de ' ;  with  '  exist- 
imare,'  464  ;  partitive,  57  ;  pos- 
sessive, 35,  cp.  57  (doloris)  ;  280 
(legis)  ;  of  the  price,  279  ;  after 
*indigere,'  377;  with  active  par- 
ticiples, 99  ;  with  a  passive  parti- 
ciple and  adverb,  576  ;  after  '  in 
mentem  venire,'  428  ;  with  '  esse  ' 
of  that  to  which  a  thing  belongs 
as  suitable,  213,  389  ;  cp.  consilii 
res  est,  304;  after  '  dignus,'  331  ; 
of  'animus,'  414  ;  of  the  name  of 
a  husband,  459  ;  unusual  forms  of, 

40. 
Genus=res,  93,  220,  261,   369;  'a 

mode  of  appointment,'  53  ;  genera, 

with    '  ordines,'    280  ;    perhaps  = 

'parties'  (or  'professions'?),  81  ; 

genus  Sullani  regni,  328. 
Germanus,  180. 

Gerund,  used  as  an  ablat.  caus.,  589. 
Gerundive,  ablat.  of,  without  'in,'  162; 

with  force  of  pres.  part,  pass.,  ib. 
Gladiator,  'a  bravo,'  563;  gladiator- 

ibus,  68,  cp.  61. 
Gloriola,  190. 
Gloriosus,    in  a  good  sense,   195  ; 

gloriosius,  69. 
Graecus  =  ' eastern,'  245. 
Gratiae,  in  a  peculiar  sense,  30. 
Gratiosi  in  suffragiis,  220. 
Gratuita,  comitia,  195. 
Gratus,    how    different    from    *iu- 

cundus,'    470;    gratum,   elliptical 

phrase  with,  191. 
Gravedo,  383,  558. 
Gubernare  patrimonium,  375. 
Gustare  (metaph.),  552. 
Gymnasium,  31,  477. 

Habere  =  adferre,  184  ;  with  adjec- 
tives or  past  participles  passive, 
254,  368,  384,  473  ;  '  to  have  as  a 


reading,'  260,  1.  12  ;  habere  belle, 
316,  387;  recte,  236;  summam 
orationis,  381;  habeo  necesse  scri- 
bere,  364  ;  nihil  habeo  '  quid'  and 
'quod,'  357,  cp.  109;  se  res  sic 
habet,  102;  habes  = '  audis,'  *  intel- 
legis,'  57 ;  epistolam,  432 ;  habebis, 
in  a  gladiatorial  sense,  421  ;  sic 
habeto,  90,  183  ;  habes  res  Ro- 
manas,  51,  cp.  550. 

Hactenus,  391. 

Haerere  (metaph.),  347,  349. 

Hariolans,  328. 

Haud  scio  an,  515. 

Hem,  indignantis,  466. 

Hermathena,  30. 

Hie,  pron.  referring  to  what  follows, 
537,  cp.  445  ;  referring  to  the  pre- 
sent, 'ille  '  to  the  future,  377  ;  haec 
gratia  =  huius  rei  gratia,  358  ;  haec, 
on  the  following  subject,  318  ; 
=  'the  present  state  of  things,' 
454  ;   hoc  ='  this  only,'  451. 

Hie,  adv.  =  '  in  hac  re,'  106. 

Hiems,  hieme  tanta,  316 ;  maxima, 

320. 
Hilarula,  561. 
Hirudo  (metaph.),  60. 
Homo,   in  a  good   sense,    191-192, 

485  ;  in  a  bad  sense,  412,  cp.  418  ; 

of  a  woman,  467  ;  in  apposition  to 

another  substantive,  563  ;  instead 

of  a  pronoun,  51-52,  437. 
Homunculus,  466. 
Honestas,  '  reputation,'  464. 
Honestus  = '  honoratus,'  543. 
Honos,  '  public  office,'  or  election  to 

it,  32  ;  honores,  '  days  of  honour,' 

478. 
Hora,  484  ;  noctis,  475. 
Hortari  (hortare  te),  352. 
Hospes,   of  people  lodged    at    the 

public  expense,  250. 
Hue,  for  this  object,  187. 
Hui,  222. 
Huius  modi, '  of  the  kind  described,* 

176. 
Humaniter,  32. 
Humeris  suis,  261. 
Hypodidascalus,  428. 
Hypothetical  clause  supplied  from 

context,  408. 

lacere  (metaph.),  'to  be  prostrate,' 
33  ;  or  '  listless,'  244  ;  or  '  out  of 
spirits,'  413. 

lactare,  legem,  245. 


^34 


INDEX  11. 


lacturam  facere  (metaph.),  70  ;  cp. 

467,  1.  6. 
lam,  transitional,  37,  cp.261  ;  *well,' 

426  ;  iam  turn,  473. 
Iambus,  of  an  iambic  poem,  557. 
Id,  aetatis,  546  ;  causae  =  ea  causa, 
182  ;  id  genus,  230  ;  id  ipsum,  in- 
troducing an  addition,  169. 
Idem,  *also,'  'on  the  other  hand,' 
58,  1.  2,  160  ;  '  and  yet,'  118  ;  ple- 
onastic (?)  with  'hie,'  213,  1.  22  ; 
position   of,  with   'qui,'  214;  'in 
the   same  position,'   60  ;   '  of  one 
mind,'  '  similar,'  or  perhaps,  '  con- 
sistent,' 375. 
leiunius,  458. 
Igitur,  214,  462,  518. 
Igniculus,  421. 
Ignorare,  59. 

I  lie,  referring  to  something  following, 
37,  240  ;  or  before  mentioned,  85  ; 
or  exceptional,  268  ;  or  future,  377  ; 
or  remote,  343  ;  or  well  known, 
464  ;  pointing  to  '  quod '  with  the 
indie,  545  ;  ille  .  .  qui  =  talis  .  . 
qualis,  284,  1.  11  ;  pleonastic  with 
'inquit'  after  a  long  parenthesis, 
361. 
Illustre,45  ;  illustrior,  'more  evident,* 

198. 
Immissus  (metaph.),  59. 
Immo  si,  'much  more  if,'  235. 
Immolare,  448. 
Immunitates,  540. 
Impeditum,  449. 
Impelli,  'to  be  driven  by  passion. or 

by  threats,'  543. 
Impensae,  plur.,  577. 
Imperative,  form  of  in  -to,  414. 
Imperator,  imperium,  122. 
Impetus,  animi,  405  ;  belli,  320. 
Imponere,  in  causam,  385  ;   volnus 

(metaph.),  57. 
Impressio,  39. 
Improbare,  379. 
Impunitas,  116;  impunite,  537. 
In,  with  accus.j  'against,'  69,  cp.  75 ; 
in  buccam  venire,  304,  cp.  421  ; 
in  iudicium  venire,   70 ;   in   eam 
partem,  236,  cp.   460  ;    in  locum 
mortui,  84,  1.  2  ;  in  oculos  incur- 
rere,  460  ;  in  provinciam  esse,  239 ; 
in  tempus,  'to  suit  the  time,'  81, 
1.  13  ;    'for,'  'on  account  of,'  607; 
withablat.=-'2L.s\.o;   174,254,  cp. 
26,  86;  with   'persona'  nearly  = 
*  against,'  445  ;  in  bona  spe  esse, 


270;  in  caelo  esse  (metaph.),  81  ; 
in  eo  esse,  'to  depend  on  that,'  53  ; 
in  hoc  esse  = '  hoc  agere,'  68  ;  in 
manibus  esse,  599  ;  in— habere  = 
fovere,  203 ;   in  eo,   '  on  that  ac- 
count,' 67  ;  'thereby,'  352  ;  in  eo 
est  si,  454  ;  in  eo,  *  in  this  matter,' 
108  ;    cp.   'in  quo,'   115  ;   in   ea, 
'  towards  her,'  414  ;  in  meis,  how 
different  from  cum  meis,  430  ;  in 
ocuHs  esse,  261  ;   in  officio  esse, 
114  ;    in   potestate  alicuius  esse, 
332  ;  positum  esse  in,  '  to  depend 
upon,'   72  ;   in   primis,  453  ;   i^c- 
turam  facere  in,  467, 1. 6 ;  in  damno, 
*  at  the  cost  of,'  579. 
Inambulare,  262. 
Inanis,  '  thinly  peopled,'  320. 
Incidere,  how  different  from  '  venire, 
465  ;   in   hominem,  330  ;    in  opi- 
nionem,  387;  in  tarditatem,  375. 
Incitatum,  449  ;  incitatius,  85. 
Inclinata  fortuna,  368  ;  res,  166,  I. 

10 ;  victoria,  387. 
Incolumis,  in  a  political  sense,  104  ; 

incolumitas,  104,  441» 
Inculcatum,  116. 

Incumbere,    ad    laudem,    580  ;    in 

causam,  105  ;  in  eam  rem,  1 19 ; 

incumbentibus,  absol.,  208,  cp.  223. 

Incurrere  in,  368,  cp.  460. 

Index,  '  an  informer,'  85, 1. 6,  cp.  174, 

1.  13;  indices,  'titles,'  195. 
Indicative  mood,  after  '  cum '  as  a 
general  remark,   281  ;    or  giving 
a  real  reason,  =  'inasmuch  as,'  527  ; 
or  '  at  the  time   when,'  449  ;   ^^ 
'  since,'  of  time,  354  ;  after  '  nisi,' 
466  ;  after  '  quasi,'  in  a  quotation, 
81  ;  after  'quia,'  431 ;  after  'quod,' 
giving  a  real  reason,   65  ;    after 
'  quoniam,'  of  an  actual  fact,  335  ; 
hypothetical,  without   'si,'  285,  1. 
6  (?)  ;  in  antecedent  with  a  ques- 
tion in  the  consequent,  372  ;  with 
'  quae   quidem,'   382  ;   with   inde- 
finite   relative   pronouns    or    ad- 
verbs,   430  ;    with    adjective    or 
neuter   gerundive,  of  what  ought 
or  ought  not  to  have  been  done, 
69,  107,  259,  426,  449  ;  or  of  past 
tenses  of  '  possum,'  '  debeo,'  etc., 
34,  69,  107,  349  ;  with  '  qui,'  as  a 
simple  explanation,  33,  313  ;  with 
*  quo  quo  modo '  of  an  actual  fact, 
321 ;  in  relative  clauses  after  '  eius 
modi,'  454,  cp.  456-457. 


INDEX   II. 


^Z5 


Present  tense,  with  future  signi- 
fication, 264, 375,  55 5i  1-  7;  historic, 
355  ;  with  'dum,'  366,  383  ;  in  an- 
tecedent of  hypothetical  sentences 
with  the  future  in  the  consequent, 
in;  and  with  the  conjunctive  in 
the  consequent,  372  ;  and  in  the 
consequent  with  the  conjunctive 
in  the  antecedent,  434,  cp.  273. 

Imperfect,  epistolary,  26  ;  of  in- 
tentions or  possibilities,  117,  cp. 
263,275,484.— Perfect,  used  for  plu- 
perfect, 54,  384, 1. 4 ;  used  hypothe- 
tically  of  a  certain  result,  314,  cp. 
107. — Pluperfect,  for  conjunctive, 
83,  cp.  273  ;  with  '  postquam,' 
giving  a  date,  420  ;  after  'quod,* 
giving  a  real  reason,  65. — Future, 
second  person  sing.  =  imperative, 
80,  265. — Second  Future,  double, 
import  of,  479. 

Indicium,  88. 

Indignitas,  368 ;  =indignatio  (?),  373, 

386. 
Inductus,  108,  cp.  179,  1.  6,  and  'in- 

duxit,'  418,  1.  12. 

Infector  (metaph.),  371. 

Inferi,  '  the  departed,'  468. 

Inferum  mare,  320. 

Infinite  mood,  after  verbs  expressing 
emotion,  48  ;  or  meaning  '  to  in- 
form,' 382  ;  as  a  substantive,  284, 
305 ;  after  passive  verbs  and  '  de- 
beo' used  personally,  170,  1.  5»  i83> 
320,  387,  1.  3  ;   with   accus.,  as  a 
subject,  322  ;  or  after  verbs  of  ad- 
vising, 350;  after  'habeo  necesse,' 
364 ;  after  '  necesse  est,'  473 ;  after 
subire  periculum,  318  ;  afterwords 
expressing    a    duty    or    purpose, 
'  tempus  esse,'  372,  cp.  377  ;  '  iudi- 
care,'  380  ;  historic,  347,  412  ;  in 
'oratio  obHqua,'  413;   expressing 
surprise  or   indignation,  81,  no; 
with    accus.    after   'nolo,'   'volo,' 
'cupio,'  etc.,  98,   113;  stating  an 
actual    fact,     562 ;    without    pro- 
nominal subject,  referring  to  the 
principal  verb,  333  ;  or  even  when 
the  subject  of  that  verb  is  different, 
542, 1.  I  ;  when  the  genitive  of  the 
gerund  would  be  more  usual,  366. 
Present  tense  of,  after  'memini,' 
441 ;  cp.  330, 1. 4 ;  =  imperfect,  after 
a  historic  present,  358, 1.  1 1  ;  after 
*  spero,'  26,  332  ;   of  '  proficiscor ' 
almost  =  future,  26  ;  cp.  108  (expe- 


diri) ;  187  (adsequi) ;  332  (posse); 
246  (hiemare).  Perfect  tense  of, 
where  the  main  sentence  refers  to 
future  time,  238  ;  perfect  participle 
with  '  fore '  =  tut.  exact.,  565. 

Infirmitas,  '  want  of  talent,'  449. 

Infitiari,  98. 

Inflectere,  magnitudinem  animi,  186. 

Infracta,  res,  351. 
Ingenia,  444. 
Ingerere  praeterita,  409. 
Ingravesceie,  in  a  good  sense,  438. 
Iniqui,  as  a  substantive,  534. 
Iniungere  =  imponere,  601. 
Iniuriis  suis,  a  legal  term,  234. 
Inquirere  in,  275. 
Inscriptio,  '  a  title,'  559. 
Insectatio,  519. 
Insignia  dignitatis,  574. 
Insinuare,  insinuari  in,  85. 
Instituta,  'rules,' 256  ;  cp.  251, 1.  18. 
Instituta  res,  68. 

Insulsus,  347,  566  ;  insulsitas,  222. 
Integrum  esse,  38  ;   sibi  reservare, 
202,  245  ;  omnia  Integra  sustinere, 

608. 
Intendere,  '  to  maintain,'  169  ;      to 

threaten,'  80  ;  se,  230. 
Intercalare,  244. 
Intercedere  =  accidere,  213,  cp.  170; 

' to  give  security,'  56  ;   'to  veto,' 

74  ;   = '  intervenire '  (?),  47^,  1.  4- 
Interior,  '  up  the  country,'  '  eastern,' 

96. 
Intermortuus,  49. 
Interpellare,  '  to  interfere  with,'  526, 

538,  586. 

Interponere,  'to  introduce  in  a  dis- 
cussion,' 234,  cp.  323  ;  se,  '  to  in- 
trude,' 575. 

Interpres,  560. 

Interrogatio,  201. 

Interrogative  clause  with  affirmative 
sense,  362, 11.  3-5. 

Intervenire  =  interesse,  92. 

Intestinus  dolor,  464. 

Intime,  '  cordially,'  93. 

Intra  modum,  438. 

Invitamentum,  580. 

Invitatus,  a  subst,  190. 

Invocare  (corrupt),  66 ;  invocatus  = 
non  vocatus,  234. 

Involatus,  443. 

Inurere  (metaph.),  57. 

Ipse,  'without  aid  or  instructions,' 
97,  389;  *  precisely,' 223. 

Iracundiae  (pi.),  604. 


62,6 


INDEX  II. 


Ire,  in  alia  omnia,  i68  ;  in  senten- 

tiam,  169,  11.  6,  7. 
Is  ...  qui  =  talis  . .  .  qualis,  199  ;    cp. 
*  ille  qui,'  284  ;  is  where  we  might 
expect  '  qui,'  382  ;  or  hie,  542. 

Iste,  *  that  mentioned  in  your  letter,' 
84,  278  ;  of  things  interesting  the 
person  addressed,  48,  52,  84  ;  form 
in  *  -ic,'  426. 

Ita,  *so  very  much,'  105  ;  with  *si,' 
limiting  a  remark,  280;  with  ^ut' 
and  the  conjunct,  in  the  same 
sense,  26,  68-69,  78,  102,  104, 310  ; 
ita  vivam,  257  ;  pleonastic,  with 
*videri,'432,  1.  7;  with  'id,'  408; 
with  the  indicative,  answering  to 
a  clause  to  be  supplied  from  the 
context,  335,  1.  10;  itaque,  'and 
so,'  175  ;  ita  est,  556. 

Item,  '  in  like  manner,'  82,  cp.  87. 

Iter,  how  different  from  'via,'  226; 
with  'fugere'  and  'sequi,'  600. 

lucundus,  how  different  from  'gra- 
tus,'  470 ;  '  iucunditates,'  377. 

ludicare,  not  the  praetor's  business, 
98  ;  =  decernere,  followed  by  a 
simple  infinitive,  380, 1.  9  ;  qui  res 
iudicant,  271. 

ludices  CCC,  237,  cp.  334. 

ludicium  esse  (in)  =  decemi,  373. 

lurare  morbum,  27. 

lure  meo,  524. 

lus,  in  two  senses,  427, 

luvenis,  363. 

Inventus,  465. 

Labores,  *  sufferings,'  478, 1.  3. 

Languere  (metaph.),  375  ;  langui- 
diores  litterae,  412. 

Lanista,  54. 

Largitio,  agraria,  73  ;  opposed  to  li- 
beralitas,  273. 

Latiar,  178. 

Latinitas,  521,  cp.  223,  617-620. 

Lavatio,  425. 

Laudare,  'to  bear  witness  to  cha- 
racter,' 199,  201. 

Laus,  in  laude  vivere,  267;  laudes, 
*  exploits,'  463,  1.  2. 

Laute,  79 ;  lautiores,  485. 

Lecticarii,  476. 

Lectulus  (mori  in  lectulo),  376,  cp. 
426. 

Legare, '  to  procure  a  post  as  legate' 
(for  another),  195. 

Legationes,  audiences  to  foreign  en- 
voys, 51, 171 ;  legatio  libera,  28,  79. 


Legatus,  *a  military  officer,'  28,  79, 
1.  8  ;  *  a  commissioner,'  166  :  in  an 
informal   sense,  418;   'a  deputy,' 
161  ;  decem  legati,  of  assessors  or 
commissioners,  193. 
Legio,    decima,   591  ;    Martia,   502, 
508,   582-584;    quarta,   502,   583- 
584  ;  quinta  (Alaudae),  502,  584  ; 
quinta   et   tricensima,   582.      See 
also  pp.  611-614. 
Levare,   'to  mitigate,'   or   'relieve,' 
390  ;  pass.,  '  to  recover  from,'  473. 
Levatio,  471. 

Levis,  levitas,  53,  69,  94,  cp.  185, 
356. 

Lex  Aurelia,  4;  Campana  (lulia), 
78;  Leges  Clodiae,  19, 105,  107, 1 16, 
117;  Lex  Cornelia,  2 17;  Gabinia,5; 
eiusdem  de  pecuniis  mutuis,  253  ; 
lulia  de  civitate  sociorum,  618  ; 
Leges  luliae,  17,  78,  227,489-492, 
534 ;  Lex  Manilia,  6 ;  Leges  Pom- 
peiae,  4,  142,  143,  I47,  148  ;  Lex 
Porcia,  131;  Roscia,  66,  83 ;  Scan- 
tinia,  272  ;  Sempronia,  187,  289  ; 
Trebonia,  142  ;  Vatinia,  17;  agra- 
ria (RuUi),  8,  66,  244-245  ;  ali- 
mentaria,  245  ;  curiata,  217  ;  fru- 
mentaria,  83  ;  viaria,  244. 

Liberalitas,  used  euphemistically  of 
extravagance,  370. 

Liberare  periculo,  479. 

Liberi,  perhaps  of  one  child,  465. 

Liberum,  '  unencumbered,'  587. 

Librarius,  275. 

Licet,  used  personally,  426  ;  licitum 
est,  465. 

Lictores  laureati,  303. 

Lippitudo,  330. 

Liquido,  268. 

Litterae, '  rescripts,'  96  ;  in  the  plural 
sense,  406,  cp.  389,  1.  6  ;  (?)  of 
literary  works,  48  ;  litterulae,  317, 
420. 

Lituus  (metaph.),  415. 

Livor,  586. 

Locus,  'an  opportunity,'  206,  cp. 
93  ;  '  a  position,'  552  ;  'a  passage,' 
201 ; '  a  topic,'  58  ;  consularis  locus, 
68  ;  locum  dare  fortunae,  519. 

Lomentum,  272. 

Loqui,  followed  by  accus.,  94,  1.  6  ; 
by  accus.  and  infin.,  568,  1.  14 ; 
loqui  est  coeptum,  235. 

Lucere  (metaph.),  'to  be  remarkable,' 
105. 

Lucrativus  sol,  305. 


INDEX  II, 


^37 


Luculente,  530 ;  luculentior,  458  ; 
luculentissima,  of  a  legion,  608. 

Lucus  Pisonis,  176. 

Ludus, '  a  school,' 426  ;  gladiatorius, 
56  ;  talarius,  54. 

Lux,  '  distinction,'  65  ;  a  term  of  en- 
dearment, no,  276. 

Lycurgei,  44. 

Maculosi  (metaph.),  54. 

Magister  (auctionis),  29. 

Magistratus  (apud),  61. 

Magnus,  '  important,'  270. 

Maiorem  in  modum,  251,  463  ;  ma- 
iora,  'too  tragic,'  99-100. 

Male  consularis,  68  ;  malum  !  an 
exclamation,  360. 

Malitia,  117. 

Malle,  '  to  prefer  the  side  of,'  229. 

Manare  (metaph.),  540. 

Mancipia  (metaph.),  329. 

Manens,  as  an  adjective,  445. 

Manipularis,  347. 

Manubiae,  207. 

Manus,  adferre  (metaph.),  104  ;  tol- 
lere,  in  wonder,  189  ;  de  manu  in 
manum,  190 ;  in  manibus  esse, 
599  ;  in  manibus  habere,  203  ;  sub 
manu,  602  ;  'a  body  of  supporters,' 
28,  102. 

Materiam  dare,  93. 

Maturum, '  suitable,'  576  ;  maturius, 
'  previously,'  377  ;  maturitas  (me- 
taph.), 438,  439. 

Medicina,  69 ;  medicinam  facere, '  to 
administer  a  remedy,'  384. 

Medius,  '  neutral,'  374. 

Medius  fidius,  98-99. 

Megara,  declension  of,  466. 

Mel  (metaph.),  233. 

Melior  fio  = '  convalesco,'  427;  me- 
Hus,  as  a  subst.,  440. 

Memoriola,  421. 

Mensa  secunda,  531. 

Mercatores,  provinciarum  (metaph.), 
205. 

Metellina  oratio,  45. 

Metiri,  '  to  distribute,'  245. 

Metus,  'intimidation,'  537. 

Miles,  opposed  to  '  eques,'  595,  603. 

MiHtia  (metaph.),  262. 

Minuere,  '  to  soften  down,'  '  lower 
the  tone  of,'  449. 

Minus,  'seldom,'  550. 

Misellus,  119. 

Misere,  '  foolishly,'  589 ;  miserum 
misere  perdere,  119. 


Mittere=nuntiare,  90;  'to  say  no- 
thing of,'  81,  cp.  374  ;  'in  consi- 
hum,'  235. 

Modo,  'just  lately,'  467. 

Molestus,  opposed  to  odiosus,  486  ; 
moleste,  71. 

Moliri,  used  absolutely,  588. 

MoUi  brachio  (metaph.),  68. 

Monstra,  '  outrageous  acts,'  227. 

Monumentum,  200  ;   '  a  record,'  99, 

cp.  441. 
Moods,  curious  change  of,  166. 
Moratus,  90. 
Morderi  (metaph.),  263. 
Morem  gerere,  482  ;  more  Romano, 

'honestly,'   190;    cp.   'more   ma- 

iorum,'  25-26. 
Morosus,  177. 
Movere,  '  to  ransack  '  (?),  328  ;  mo- 

veri  =  moleste  ferre,  48. 
Muliercula,  467. 
Mulli  barbati,  69. 
Multa,  how  different  from  'poena,' 

117. 
Multitudo  comparata,  11 8-1 19. 
Mundi  habitatores,  176. 
Municipes,  townsmen,  452, 1.  4. 
Municipium,  614-620  ;    constituere, 

452, 1.  19  ;  municipales,  331. 
Munire    (metaph.),   426 ;    munitior, 

Munus,  '  a  public  duty,'  390  ;   mu- 

nera,  '  shows,'  220. 
Munusculum  (ironical),  233. 
Musae  mansuetiores,  214. 
non  Mutare,  484. 
Mutue,  33. 
Myrothecium,  64. 
Mysteria,  of  the  festival  of  the  Bona 

Dea,  255. 

Nam,  anticipating  and  answering  an 
objection  or  suggestion,  70,  182, 
274  ;  introducing  an  illustration, 
270 ;  in  an  elliptical  passage,  58, 327. 

Nancisci,  '  to  overtake,'  330. 

Nanneiani,  56. 

Narratio,  '  a  dialogue,'  259. 

Natura,  475. 

Naufragia  (metaph.),  108-109. 

Navi,  475. 

Navigatio,  339. 

Ne,  for  'ut  non,'  321-322  ;  neve  .  . 
neve,  for  '  ne  . .  neque,'  210  ;  ne  . . 
quidem,  in  a  subordinate  propo- 
sition, 474,  1.  9 ;  separated  by 
other  words,  ibid,  and  424, 


638 


INDEX  7/. 


Necesse,  as  an  adjective,  439. 
Nedum  =  non  modo,  383. 
Negative,  position  of,  39 ;  followed  by 
an  affirmative,  45,  264 ;  double,  not 
always  =  an  affirmative,  58,  cp.  227. 

Negotiari,  251, 1.  17  ;  negotiatores,  77. 

Negotiolum,  560. 

Negotium,  *a  commission  or  office,' 
436,1.1;  =inimicitia,  240 ;  dare 
magistratibus,  56  ;  gerere,  391  \ 
nullo  negotio,  382. 

Neque— et,45;  ne-que— que,464;  = 
*and  yet  not,'  66  ;  neque  etiam, 
after  two  negatives,  388  ;  neque 
non  tamen  -  et  tamen,  365. 

Nervose,  604. 

Nescio  an  nulli,  388. 

Neuter,  of  a  substantive  referring 
to  a  person,  46  ;  see  also  under 
*  gender.' 

Nihil  =  non,  67;  nihil  agere,  537; 
nihil  est,  in  elliptic  sentences,  360  ; 
nihil  est  quod,  451,  542  ;'  nihil 
habeo  quod,  and  quid,  357  ;  nihil- 
dum  =  nondum  quidquam,  564; 
nihil  sibi  longius  fuisse,  532. 

Nisi  forte,  in  arguments,  375,  cp. 
426,  1.  6  ;  nisi  si,  109. 

Nitrum,  272,  1.  5. 

Nobilitas,  461. 

Noctuabundus,  421. 

Nodus  (metaph.),  247,  1. 

Nolle  alicui,   167  ;    noH 
quid  quaeris,  437. 

Nomen,  'a  debt,'  254;  *  a  ground,' 
259  ;  'a  shadow,'  318  ;  pleonastic, 
with  a  genitive,  190. 

Nomenclator,  97. 

Nominare  (technical),  87. 

Nominatim,  'individually,'  107,347, 
408. 

Non  =  nonne,  319,  1.  13,  321,  4^4, 
432  ;  for  'ne'  with  '  utinam,'  414; 
position  of,  with  *ut,'  69,  1.  i  ; 
curious  position  of,  364,  1.  8  ;  non 
dico  =  non  modo,  350  ;  non  habeo 
quid  or  quod,  109  ;  non  ita,  with 
an  adjective  and  with  no  corre- 
sponding particle,  199  ;  non  mini- 
mum, 389 ;  non  modo,  '  I  do  not 
say,'  106,  1.  4  ;  with  sed  ne,  75, 
1.  9 ;  non  mutare,  484  ;  non  reh- 
gam,  a  legal  phrase,  235. 

Noscere,  'to  admit,'  435. 

Nostra  (provincia)  = '  Romana,'  247. 

Nostrum,    nostri,    as    genitives    of 
*nos,'4i7. 


II. 

quaerere  = 


Notare,  *  to  censure,'  283. 

Novissime,  '  lastly,'  607. 

Nudus  (metaph.),  54,  591. 

Nugae,  '  worthless  men,'  94. 

Nullus  =  non,  93,  1.  4  ;  cp.  430. 

Number,  of  an  adjective  or  participle 
with  two  substantives,  540. 

Numerals,  distributive,  with  sub- 
stantives only  used  in  the  plural, 
389 ;  ordinal,  quintam  tricensi- 
mam  for  quintam  et  trie,  582. 

Numerus,  'an  amount  of  coin,'  250  ; 
ad  numerum,  239 ;  quo  numero 
esset,  231. 

Nummarii,  58. 

Nummus,  ad  nummum,  253. 

Nunc  =  '  under  existing  circum- 
stances,' 30 ;  ipsum,  324. 

Nundinae,  47. 

Nuntium  remittere,  44. 

Nutu  (metaph.),  211. 

O  Tite,  558. 

Obducere,  27. 

Obdurescere  (metaph.),  367,  482. 

Obiicere,  with '  de '  and  the  ablat.,  542. 

Obire  diem  suum,  467,  476. 

Obrogare,  117. 

Obscure,  '  under  a  disguise,'  84. 

Obsequi  fortunae,  380. 

Obsequia,  pi.,  592. 

Observare,     29,    42  ;     observantia, 

'  courting,'  607. 
Obstringere  se  acre  alieno,  587. 
Obstructa  (metaph.),  108. 
Obtinere,  '  to  maintain,' '  defend,'  75. 
Obviam  ire,  in  a  double  sense,  68. 
Occallere  (metaph.),  80. 
Occupatior,  230. 
Occurrere,  '  to  anticipate,'  468  ;   '  to 

provide  for,'  248 ;  '  to  present  one's 

self,'  234. 
Odiosus,    378  ;    odiosa   iiriaTaOfifia, 

485. 
Odium,  242. 
Offendere,  '  to  meet  with,'  208,  429  ; 

animum,  '  to  give  offence  to,'  33, 

cp.    192,    1.    16,    218  ;     offensus, 

'odious,'  81. 
Offensio,    'a    mishap,'   184;    offen- 

siones  quaerere  (unpopularity),  32  5. 
OUa  denariorum,  427. 
Olympia,  '  the  Olympic  games,'  546. 
Omnino,    '  certainly,'  284 ;    omnino 

non  =  ne  vix  quidem,  116, 1.  9. 
Opera,  dedita  opera,  379 ;   operae, 

*  hired  partisans,'  41,  50,  172* 


INDEX  II. 


^39 


11 


i) 


Operto,  in,  59. 

Opinio,  '  hope  of  success,'  230  ;   opi- 

nione  tua,  '  than  you  think,'  572. 
Opinor,  ut  opinor,  267,  cp.  41. 
Opipare,  485. 
Opitulari,  with  dat.,  580, 1.  13 ;  absol., 

577. 
Oppidum,  as  a  gen.  pi.,  466. 

Opportunitas,  189,  311  ;  maritima, 
320. 

Opprimere  bellum,  609. 

Optimates,  120  ;  in  the  sing.,  366. 

Opus  esse,  with  nom.  or  accus.  case, 
221,  cp.  77,  1.  3  ;  with  the  plural, 
577  ;  with  the  accus.  and  infin. 
pass.,  88,  217  ;  with  the  ablat.  of 
participles,  238 ;  how  different  from 
'necesse  esse,'  217,  cp.  77. 

Oratio,  directa  and  obliqua,  com- 
bined in  one  sentence,  $15;  cp. 
p.  555  for  a  harsh  transition  from 
one  to  the  other. 

Oratiunculae,  65. 

Orator, '  a  negotiator,'  363 ;  Cicero's 
treatise  so  called,  450. 

Ordinatim,  465,  600. 

Ordo,  '  rank  as  a  senator,'  116  ;  or- 
dines,  among  judges,  235. 

Ornamenta,  470. 

Ornare  praetores,  171;  ornari,  'to 
receive  attentions  from,'  161,  cp. 
167,  189,  1.  15,  218  ;  ornatiores, 
569. 

Oscen,  443. 

Osculari  (metaph.),  203. 

Ostendere,  se  optime  ostendunt,  102, 

Ostenta  facere,  272. 

Ostentare,  '  to  boast  of,'  388  j  '  to 
threaten,'  454. 

Pactio  (at  the  consular  election  in 
54  B.C.),  194. 

Paenitere,  construction  of,  459. 

Pammenia,  265. 

Pantherae,  232. 

Par  (?),  with  the  ablat.,  536  ;  'a  pair,' 
236. 

Parare,  216  ;  se  contra  aliquem,  241. 

Parasitus,  210. 

Parricidae,  604. 

Pars,  '  a  side  of  a  question,'  318, 322, 
cp.  271  ;  in  omnes  partes,  'in 
every  way,'  408  ;  pro  civili  parte, 
537  ;  quam  in  partem,  574. 

Participle,  present^  as  an  adjective, 
306  ;  with  nearly  a  future  sense, 
420,   1.   2  ;    past  passive  in   the 


accus.  after  *velle,'  320  ;  with 
'  fore,'  565  ;  fut.  act.,  instead  of 
'ut,'  with  the  conjunct.,  after 
*  quam,'  369  ;  with  past  tense  of 
the  indicative,  or  with  perf.  conj., 
instead  of  the  pluperfect  conjunc- 
tive, 92,  432  ;  neut.  pass,  with 
adverb,  followed  by  genitive,  576. 

Partim,  454. 

Passim,  '  in  disorder,'  600. 

Pastoricia  fistula  (metaph.),  6r. 

Patere  (metaph.),  386. 

Pati  facile,  33,  213. 

Patientia,  '  inactivity,'  602. 

Patria,  '  one's  own  city,'  48,  305. 

Patrimonium,  413. 

Paucitas,  '  a  small  number,'  593. 

Paupertas  orationis,  435. 

Peccare  in  aliquem,  105,  1.  11. 

Pedetemptim,  529. 

Pedisequi,  74. 

Pellectio,  41. 

Pensio,  391. 

Per  se,  '  independently,'  465. 

Peraeque,  81. 

Peragere,   *  to   accuse   unsparingly,' 
234  ;  '  to  complete,'  332. 

Perbene,  461. 

Perblandus,  96. 

Percrebrescere,  413,  cp.  26,  1.  4. 

Percupidus,  182. 

Perditum    perdere,    114;    perditius, 

329,  515.. 
Peregrinatio,  349. 

Perfector,  328. 

Perferre,  'to  bring  news,'  112. 

Perfidelis,  84. 

Perfringere  (metaph.),  119. 

Perfungi,  '  to  enjoy,'  467. 

Perhibere,  30. 

Periniquus,  481. 

Perire  (metaph.),  76. 

Permanere,  '  to  persevere,'  224  ;  per- 

mansio,  213. 
Pernecessarius,  246. 
Perpetua    oratio,    58,    68  ;    and,  in 

another  sense,    172  ;     perpetuum 

faenus,  see  Faenus. 
Perplacet,  118. 
Perquam,  230. 

Perscribere,  115,  170  ;  usuras,  356. 
Perscriptio,  37. 
Persequi  =  perficere,  558. 
Persona,  353,  445,  467- 
Perspicere,  '  to  look  through,'  97. 
Perstringere,  48-49. 
Persuasus  est,  448. 


640 


INDEX  II. 


Pertexere,  of  a  speaker,  48. 

Pertinere,  '  to  have  for  an  object, 
313,  324,1.  5;  'to  affect,'  or 'in- 
terest,' 71,  232  ;  ad  curam,  452  ;  ad 
spem,  115. 

Pervelim,  29.  ,    r  •     j  t,-    j 

Petere,  *  to  seek  a  man's  fnendship, 

112. 
Petitio,*a  canvass,' 25. 

Petiturire,  52. 

Phaselus,  41. 

Philorhetor,  45. 

Pietas,  113;    a  stronger  word  than 

*officium,'  164. 
Pigmenta  (metaph.),  64. 
Pigrari  (pigrere)  used  personally,  510. 
Pingere  (metaph.),  48,  cp.  180. 
Piscinae,  69,  1.  I4- 
Pistrinum,  100. 
Plaga  (metaph.),  71. 
Plagiarius,  95. 
Plane,  *  expressly,'  408. 
Plebs  and  populus,  238,  386;  plebi, 

from  form  '  plebes,'  478  ;    plebe- 

cula,  60,  555. 

Plena  manu  (metaph.),  90. 

Pleonasm,  'fore  ut'  with  conjunct., 
instead  of  a  future,  338  ;  '  inquit 
ille,'  after  a  long  parenthesis,  361  ; 
of  '  ita,'  432  ;  of  a  substantive  with 
a  relative,  239,  240;  of  a  verb 
with  *ut'  or  'ne'  after  *  facere,' 
104,  cp.  181,  1.  5,  ^oll-j  249;  or 
after  Moqui,'  47-48;  of  a  verb 
after  a  long  dependent  clause,  239, 
1.  16  ;  of  words  meaning  'to  think,' 

87,417.    ^  ^. 

Plumbeus  gladius,  54. 

Plural,  after  nouns  of  multitude,  239 ; 
of  a  predicate,  after  subjects  con- 
nected by 'cum,' 385;  after  various 
disconnected  subjects,  365  ;  of  pro- 
nouns, in  addressing  one  person, 
277;  of '  sum'  agreeing  with  a  pre- 
dicate in  the  plural,  304;  change 
from  to  the  singular,  1 10. 

Poena  doloris,  57,  521. 

PoUiceri,    absol.   and    transit.,   loi, 

102.  ^       ,  , 

Ponere, ' to  inscribe,'  62  ;  'to  quote, 
.     or  '  mention,'  556  ;  *  to  state,'  213  ; 

in  gratia,  245 ;  in  reditu,  262,  cp. 

42  ;  positum  esse  in,  '  to  depend 

upon,'  72,  cp.  418,  581- 
Pontes,  for  voting,  50. 
Populares,  81.  ,    ,  .     , 

Populus,  distinguished  from    plebs, 


238,  cp.  386 ;  'a  city  community,' 

250. 
Portorium,  74,  76- 
Postquam,  in  dates,  420. 
Postulare,  'to  accuse,'  loi,  cp.  174» 

235, 1.  I»  236.  . 

Postulatio,   242-243;    postulationes, 

in  another  sense,  55. 
Potestas  est,  with  genit.,  182,  214; 

potestatem  sui  facere,  loi,  1.  n; 

jn  potestate  [aUcuius]  esse,  332. 
Praecidere,  381. 
Praecipitare,  neut.,  108;  praecipitata 

aetas,  538. 
Praecipue,  455. 
Praedicator,  200-201. 
Praediola,  369. 
Praefectura,  190 ;  in  another  sense, 

how  related  to  '  municipium,'  616- 

620. 

Praefectus,  224,  264. 

Praeferre  =  prae  se  ferre,  578. 

PraeHari  (metaph.),  52. 

Praerogativa  (metaph.),  266. 

Praesens,  'evident,'  198.  ^ 

Praestare,  '  to  guarantee,'  1 10  ;  *  se, 
'to  engage  to  do  what  one  can,' 
259;  'to  furnish,'  as  advice,  417. 

Praesto  esse,  108. 

Praeter,  'contrary  to,'  115,  cp.  52, 
1.  4  ;  as  an  adverb,  261 ;  '  more 
than,'  565  ;  praeterquam  quod,  538. 

Praetermissus,  160. 

Praetor,  for  propraetor  or  proconsul, 
98,  252. 

Praevaricatio,  235. 

Prensare,  *  to  canvass,'  how  different 
from  '  profiteri,'  25,  26. 

Preposition,  put  after  its  case,  377 ; 
repeated,  433  ;  with  an  ablative, 
instead  of  a  local  adjective,  251; 
with  its  case,  depending  upon  a 
substantive,  236,  438-439  J  used 
adverbially,  356,  372. 
Primum,   without    a    corresponding 

word,  564. 
Princeps,  the  first,  44,  69,  163. 
Privatus  dictator,  loi. 
Privilegium,  106-107. 
Pro  civili  parte,  537;  pro  eo  ac,  464; 
pro  iure  nostrae  amicitiae,  380,  cp. 
377,  452,  1.  11;  pro  necessitudine, 
38  ;  pro  omnibus  esse,  413. 
Probare,  '  to  test,  or  revise,'  65  ;  'to 
shew  value   for,'  248  ;    '  to  make 
good '  ('  ahquid  alicui  '),30,  cp.  251, 
1.  18,  263. 


INDEX   II 


641 


Probe,  104,  105. 

Procedere,  517. 

Proclinata  re,  380. 

Proconsul,  title  of,  34. 

Procurare,  232  ;  procuratio,  471 ;  pro- 

curatores,  97. 
Producere  in  contionem,  47;  in  ro- 
stra, 87. 
Proferre  ita, '  to  use  such  an  expres- 
sion,' 92. 
Proficere,  nihil,  543  ;  quiddam,  26  ; 
absol.  '  to  succeed,'  593  ;  ad  pro- 
ficiendum,  577. 
Profiteri,  absol,  loi. 
Prognostica,  72. 
Progredi    (metaph.),    380;    longius, 

434,460.        ^ 
Proiici,  'to  be  impelled,'  235, 
Proinde,  '  as  such,'  609 ;  ac,  536,  591. 
Prolixa,  28  ;  prolixe,  189. 
Promising,   verbs    of,   used    intran- 
sitively, 189,  cp.  loi. 
Promulgatio,  1 1 5, 1.  9. 
Pronouns,    demonstrative,    agreeing 
with  substantives,  instead  of  geni- 
tive,   230,    239 ;    genitive    of,   for 
« suus,'  448,  note,  449,  1-   16 ;   in- 
serted to    avoid   ambiguity,  467; 
omitted,    239,    1.    4;    pleonastic, 
referring  to    what    follows,    174 ; 
or    with   'quidem,'  606;    curious 
pleonastic   use   of  '  id,'    585  ;    re- 
sumptive after  a  parenthesis,  239, 
574  ;  in  the  second  of  two  relative 
clauses,  instead  of  a  relative,  382 ; 
=  the  Greek  article,  468  ;  ea  con- 
dicione, '  only  on  condition  of,'  450 ; 
personal,   inserted    for   emphasis, 
36  ;   omitted  where  we  might  ex- 
pect it,  450;  possessive,  agreeing 
with  subst.  instead  of  a  genitive 
or  ablative  with  a  preposition,  36, 
241,  cp.  285,   379^  388,  474  ;  7  a 
personal    pronoun    in     objective 
sense,  211;  suus,  'one's  own,' op- 
posed to  'alienus,'  45°;  position 
of,   185  ;  relative,  prefixed   to  an 
antecedent,  274,  362,  cp.  368,  quod 
. .  id  ;  referring  to  the  contents  of 
a  sentence,  35,  166  ;  in  two  clauses, 
one  causal,  prefixed  to  the  main 
proposition,   362,   1.   3;    =a   con- 
junction with  a  demonstrative,  35, 
182,    205,    460 ;     relative    propo- 
sitions  describing  character,  389. 
See  also  Hie,  lUe,  Ipse,  Iste,  Qui, 
Quid,  Quod. 


Pronuntiare,  *  to  promise,'  62  ;  *  to 
read  out,'  168. 

Propagator  (provinciae),  319. 

Proper  name  used  to  express  cha- 
racter, 268,  468,  cp.  loi,  1.  9 ;  (?) 

542, 1-  4. 

Propinqurtas, '  intimacy,'  477- 

Propius  nihil  est  factum,  loi. 

Proponere,  'to  threaten,'  81;  in  pub- 
lico, 324.  , 

Propositum,  '  a  question,  or  subject, 

270,335.. 
Proscripturire,  350. 

Providere,  transit.,  442. 

Provincia,  120;  provinciae  quaesto- 
rum,  171  ;  provinciam  deponere  or 
praetermittere,  36,  37,  66;  nuni- 
ber  of  the  Roman  provinces  in 
Cicero's  time,  124-128,  239,  43^, 
611-614. 

Provinciales  aditus,  261  ;  provm- 
ciaHa  negotia,  72. 

Provocatus,  'invited,'  182. 

Proximum,  'next  best,'  477;  proxi- 
mum  habere,  30;  proxime,  of  time, 
37,  cp.  428, 1.  8. 

Prudenter,  457. 

Pseudocato,  51. 

PubHcus,  augur,  443;  in  pubhco  pro- 
ponere, 324;  in  pubhcum,  330; 
publice,  'sent  to  public  bodies, 
32,  560. 

Pudor,  34,  79. ,         ^^  ,  ,   ,., 

Puer,  of  Octavian,  568  ;  puen,  chil- 
dren,'of  either  sex,  561;  'pupils,' 
41 ;  *  slaves,'  248,  cp.  26,  1.  6. 

Pugnare  (metaph.),  224. 

Pulchellus,  59. 

Pulchre,  543  ;  pulcherrime,  4o9-       . 

Pullus  miluinus,  95  ;  pulh  columbini, 
427, 1.  6. 

Pungere  (metaph.),  73,  257-  , 

Purgare,  '  to  acquit,'  104  ;     to  silt, 

97- 
Pusilla,  a  term  of  endearment,  192 ; 

pusillum,  a  term  of  reproach,  193. 
Putare,  constructed  personally  in  the 

passive,  195  ;  ironical,  326 ;  putes 

. .  dicere,  60. 
Putidum,  46  ;  putidiusculi,  190, 1.  10. 

Qua  . .  qua,  'both  . .  and,'  81. 

Qua  re,   in   final  propositions,  347» 

'^1.8. 

Quaerere,  '  to  care  for,'  433. 
Quamquam,  *  and  yet,'  64,  185. 
Quantum, '  how  little,'  96. 

Tt 


640 


INDEX  IL 


Pertexere,  of  a  speaker,  48. 

Pertinere,  *  to  have  for  an  object, 
313,  324,1.  5;  *  to  affect,'  or  'in- 
terest,' 71,  232  ;  ad  curam,  452  ;  ad 
spem,  115- 

Pervelim,  29.  ,    r  •     j  t,-    j 

Petere,  *to  seek  a  man's  friendship, 

112. 
Petitio,  'a  canvass,' 25. 

Petiturire,  52. 

Phaselus,  41. 

Philorhetor,  45. 

Pietas,  113;   a  stronger  word  than 

*  officium,'  164. 
Pigmenta  (metaph.),  64. 
Pigrari  (pigrere)used  personally,  516. 
Pingere  (metaph.),  48,  cp.  180. 
Piscinae,  69,  1.  14. 
Pistrinum,  100. 
Plaga  (metaph.),  71. 
Plagiarius,  95. 
Plane,  'expressly,'  408. 
Plebs  and  populus,  238,  386;  plebi, 

from  form  '  plebes,'  478  ;    plebe- 

cula,  60,  555-        ,  . 

Plena  manu  (metaph.),  90. 

Pleonasm,  'fore  ut'  with  conjunct., 
instead  of  a  future,  338  ;  '  inquit 
ille,'  after  a  long  parenthesis,  361  ; 
of  '  ita,'  432  ;  of  a  substantive  with 
a  relative,  239,  240;  of  a  verb 
with  'ut'  or  'ne'  after  'facere,' 
104,  cp.  181,  1.  5,  foll-j  249;  or 
after  '  loqui,'  47  -  48 ;  of  a  verb 
after  a  long  dependent  clause,  239, 
1.  16  ;  of  words  meaning  'to  think/ 

87,  417. 

Plumbeus  gladius,  54.        . 

Plural,  after  nouns  of  multitude,  239 ; 
of  a  predicate,  after  subjects  con- 
nected by '  cum,'  385 ;  after  various 
disconnected  subjects,  365  ;  of  pro- 
nouns, in  addressing  one  person, 
277;  of '  sum'  agreeing  with  a  pre- 
dicate in  the  plural,  304;  change 
from  to  the  singular,  1 10. 

Poena  doloris,  57,  521. 

Polliceri,    absol.   and    transit.,    loi, 

102.  ,  , 

Ponere, '  to  inscribe,'  62  ;  'to  quote, 
.     or  '  mention,'  556  ;  'to  state,'  213  ; 

in  gratia,  245 ;  in  reditu,  262,  cp. 

42  ;  positum  esse  in,  '  to  depend 

upon,' 72,  cp.  418,  581. 
Pontes,  for  voting,  50. 
Populares,  81.  ,    ,  ,     , 

Populus,  distinguished  from    plebs, 


238,  cp.  386 ;  'a  city  community,' 

250. 
Portorium,  74,  7^. 
Postquam,  in  dates,  420. 
Postulare,  'to  accuse,'  loi,  cp.  174, 

235, 1-  ij  236.  . 

Postulatio,   242-243;    postulationes, 

in  another  sense,  55. 
Potestas  est,  with  genit.,  182,  214; 

potestatem  sui  facere,  loi,  1.  u; 

in  potestate  [alicuius]  esse,  332. 
Praecidere,  381. 
Praecipitare,  neut.,  108;  praecipitata 

aetas,  538. 

Praecipue,  455. 

Praedicator,  200-201. 

Praediola,  369. 

Praefectura,  190;  in  another  sense, 
how  related  to  '  municipium,'  616- 
620. 

Praefectus,  224,  264. 

Praeferre  =  prae  se  ferre,  578. 

Praeliari  (metaph.),  52. 

Praerogativa  (metaph.),  266. 

Praesens,  'evident,'  198. 

Praestare,  'to  guarantee,'  no;  *se,' 
'to  engage  to  do  what  one  can,' 
259;  'to  furnish,'  as  advice,  417. 

Praesto  esse,  108. 

Praeter,  'contrary  to,'  115,  cp.  52, 
1.  4  ;  as  an  adverb,  261 ;  '  more 
than,'  565  ;  praeterquam  quod,  538. 

Praetermissus,  160. 

Praetor,  for  propraetor  or  proconsul, 
98,  252. 

Praevaricatio,  235. 

Prensare,  *  to  canvass,'  how  different 
from  '  profiteri,'  25,  26. 

Preposition,  put  after  its  case,  377 ; 
repeated,  433  ;  with  an  ablative, 
instead  of  a  local  adjective,  251; 
with  its  case,  depending  upon  a 
substantive,  236,  438-439  5  ^sed 
adverbially,  356,  372. 

Primum,   without    a    corresponding 

word,  564. 
Princeps,  the  first,  44,  69,  163. 
Privatus  dictator,  loi. 
Privilegium,  106-107. 
Pro  civiH  parte,  537;  pro  eo  ac,  464; 
pro  iure  nostrae  amicitiae,  380,  cp. 
377,  452,  1.  11;  pro  necessitudine, 
38  ;  pro  omnibus  esse,  413. 
Probare,  '  to  test,  or  revise,'  65  ;  'to 
shew  value   for,'  248  ;    '  to  make 
good '  ('  ahquid  alicui  '),30,  cp.  251, 
1.  18,  263. 


INDEX   IL 


641 


Probe,  104,  10$. 

Procedere,  517. 

Proclinata  re,  380. 

Proconsul,  title  of,  34. 

Procurare,  232  ;  procuratio,  471 ;  pro- 

curatores,  97. 
Producere  in  contionem,  47;  in  ro- 
stra, 87. 
Proferre  ita, '  to  use  such  an  expres- 
sion,' 92. 
Proficere,  nihil,  543  ;  quiddam,  26  ; 
absol.  '  to  succeed,'  593  ;  ad  pro- 
ficiendum,  577. 
Profiteri,  absol.,  loi. 
Prognostica,  72. 
Progredi    (metaph.),    380;    longius, 

434,460.        ^ 
Proiici,  'to  be  impelled,'  235, 
Proinde, '  as  such,'  609 ;  ac,  536,  591. 
Prolixa,  28  ;  prolixe,  189. 
Promising,   verbs    of,   used    intran- 
sitively, 189,  cp.  lOI. 
Promulgatio,  1 1 5, 1.  9- 
Pronouns,    demonstrative,    agreeing 
with  substantives,  instead  of  geni- 
tive,   230,    239;    genitive    of,  for 
*  suus,'  448,  note,  449,  1-   ^^ ;   in- 
serted to   avoid   ambiguity,  467; 
omitted,    239,    1.    4;     pleonastic, 
referring  to    what    follows,    174  ; 
or    with   'quidem,'  606;    curious 
pleonastic   use   of  '  id,'    585  ;    re- 
sumptive after  a  parenthesis,  239, 
574 ;  in  the  second  of  two  relative 
clauses,  instead  of  a  relative,  382 ; 
=  the  Greek  article,  468  ;  ea  con- 
dicione, '  only  on  condition  of,'  450 ; 
personal,   inserted    for   emphasis, 
36  ;   omitted  where  we  might  ex- 
pect it,  450;  possessive,  agreeing 
with  subst.  instead  of  a  genitive 
or  ablative  with  a  preposition,  36, 
241,  cp.  285,   379'  388,  474;  7  a 
personal    pronoun    in     objective 
sense,  211;  suus,  'one's  own,' op- 
posed to  'ahenus,'  45°;  position 
of,   185  ;   relative,  prefixed  to  an 
antecedent,  274,  362,  cp.  368,  quod 
. .  id  ;  referring  to  the  contents  of 
a  sentence,  35,  166  ;  in  two  clauses, 
one  causal,  prefixed  to  the  main 
proposition,   362,   1.   3;    =a   con- 
junction with  a  demonstrative,  35, 
182,    205,    460;     relative    propo- 
sitions  describing  character,  389. 
See  also  Hie,  Ille,  Ipse,  Iste,  Qui, 
Quid,  Quod. 


Pronuntiare,  *  to  promise,'  62  ;  to 
read  out,'  168. 

Propagator  (provinciae),  319. 

Proper  name  used  to  express  cha- 
racter, 268,  468,  cp.  loi,  1.  9 ;  (?) 
542, 1.  4. 

Propinqurtas, '  intimacy,'  477- 

Propius  nihil  est  factum,  loi. 

Proponere,  '  to  threaten,'  81 ;  in  pub- 
lico, 324.  , 

Propositum,  'a  question,  or  subject, 

270,  335- 
Proscripturire,  350. 

Providere,  transit.,  442. 

Provincia,  120;  provinciae  quaesto- 
rum,  171;  provinciam  deponere  or 
praetermittere,  36,  37,  66;  nuni- 
ber  of  the  Roman  provinces  in 
Cicero's  time,  124-128,  239,  43^, 
611-614. 

Provinciales  aditus,  261  ;  provin- 
ciaUa  negotia,  72. 

Provocatus,  'invited,'  182. 

Proximum,  'next  best,'  477;  pro^i- 
mum  habere,  30 ;  proxime,  of  time, 
37,  cp.  428, 1.  8. 

Prudenter,  457. 

Pseudocato,  51. 

Publicus,  augur,  443 ;  in  publico  pro- 
ponere, 324;  in  publicum,  330; 
publice,  'sent  to  public  bodies,' 
32,  560. 

Pudor,  34,  79. ..         ,^  ,   t   ,M 

Puer,  of  Octavian,  568  ;  puen,  chil- 
dren,' of  either  sex,  561 ;  'pupils,' 
41;  'slaves,'  248,  cp.  26, 1.  6. 

Pugnare  (metaph.),  224. 

Pulchellus,  59. 

Pulchre,  543  ;  pulcherrime,  4o9-       . 

Pullus  miluinus,  95  ;  pulli  columbini, 
427,  1.  6. 

Pungere  (metaph.),  73,  257-  ^         ..  , 

Purgare,  '  to  acquit,'  104  ;     to  sitt, 

97. 
Pusilla,  a  term  of  endearment,  192 ; 

pusillum,  a  term  of  reproach,  193. 
Putare,  constructed  personally  in  the 

passive,  195  ;  ironical,  326 ;  putes 

. .  dicere,  60. 
Putidum,  46  ;  putidiusculi,  190, 1.  16. 

Qua  .  .  qua,  'both  . .  and,'  81. 

Qua  re,  in  final  propositions,  347» 

1.8. 
Quaerere,  '  to  care  for,'  433. 
Quamquam,  '  and  yet,'  64,  185. 
Quantum, '  how  little,'  96. 

Tt 


t 


642 


INDEX  IL 


INDEX  IL 


^43 


Quartana,  383.  ^ 

Quatemae  (sc.  centesimae  usurae), 

2C2. 

Que,  adversative,  415  ;  ='  o^,'  584. 

Queri,  with  accus.,  546. 

Qui,  connecting  two  sentences,  334 ; 
qui  sim  =  *how  weak  I  am,  455*» 
almost  =  *qualis,'  306,  1.  .16  ;  after 
*si'  for  *quis,'  433;  q^^  '^^"^?  ^^, 
te  amor  fuit,  468 ;  =*  though  they, 

QuidVanythingmore/45;qp;dcenses, 
522  ;  quid  dicam,  581 ;  quid  ergo  est, 
quid  aliud,  in  abrupt  sentences,  84 ; 
quid  mihi  cum,  460  ;  quid  quaeris, 

-  'enough,'  51,  55,  73  ;  quid  quod, 
^co;  quid  si,  *  what  if,'  98,  4 50, 
1.  2 ;  see  also  Ellipse ;  est  quiddam, 
*  is  of  some  good,'  42 1 . 

Quidem,  with  pronouns,  74,  180, 
259,  452 ;  meaning '  however,  21b ; 
its    position,   88 ;    quidem    certe, 

455. 
Quiescere,  472.  ,  ,  ,  • 

Quin,  with  conjunct,  after  dubium 
est,'  374;  =ut  non,  542  ;  non  qum 
-=non  quo  non,  462;  qum  ctiam, 

323. 
Quindecimvir,  229. 

Quippe  cui,  390. 

QuirinaHa,  I73- 

Quisque,  with  superlatives,  340. 

Quisquiliae,  57. 

Quo  =  quia,  90;  =ut  eo,  384  ;    quo 
ea    pecunia    pervenisset,   a   legal 

phrase,  234. 
Quo  minus,  after  '  recusare,'  78 ;  after 

'factum  esse,' 415- 
Quo  modo,  expressing  surprise,  334, 
1.  4;  quo  modo  in  eius  modi  re, 
332  ;  quo  quo  modo  se  res  habet, 

424. 
Quod,  as   a  relative  with  an  ante- 
cedent  of  a  different  gender,  386  ; 
=  *  and,'  385  ;  '  as  to  the  fact  that, 
'  whereas,' 62,  182,  237,  244;  'as  to 
which,'  100,  271;  pointing  to   an 
infinitive  following,  I77,   CP-  4o2, 
481 ;  or  to  a  conjunctive,  538  ;  per- 
haps =*ut,'  547;  with  the  indica- 
tive, how  different   from   the  ac- 
cusative and  infinitive,  96  ;  quod 
iussus  sum,  571;  pointed  to  by  a 
demonstrative,    165,    1.    14;    q^od 
fiat,  277,  cp.  25  ;   quod   superest, 
224 ;    =  a  demonstrative   with    a 
conjunction,  551. 


Radices  (metaph.),  275. 
Ratio 


itio,  'interest,'  26;  in  plur.,  36-37; 
'policy,'  69,  170;  *  position,  25, 
199;  'reflection,' 367;  'system   or 

'theory,' 215,  cp.  44i;  'task,  353; 
rationes,  '  plans,'  256-257  ;.  ac- 
counts,'  253;  'in  ratione,  in  the 
matter  of,'  32  ;  rationem  adferre, 
'  to  give  an  account  of,  4^4 ;  "U- 
cere,  429  ;  habere,  212  ;  as  a  po- 
litical term,  241  ;  *  to  count,  329« 

Recedit,  in  a  corrupt  passage,  459- 

Recens,  '  freshly  come,'  544- 

Recessus  (metaph.),  529. 

Recidere,  '  to  have  a  relapse,  401  ; 
'  in,'  '  to  be  left  over  for,'  28. 

Reciperare  =  recuperare,  208. 

Recipere,  '  to  receive  a  charge  (of 
a  magistrate),  234,  h  10 1  ^^ 
promise,'  316;   in  fidem  recipere, 

473- 
Reclamare,  86. 

Reconciliare  gratiam,  34,  i-  2. 

Recrudescere,47i-        .,  ,  , 

Recte, '  truly,'  278  ; '  with  prudence, 
160,  222,  cp.  182,  1.  4;  distin- 
guished    from    '  iure,'    348;       at 

once,'  423. 
Rectus,  used  of  persons,  570  ;  recta, 

ellipt.,  180. 
Recuperare  se  ipsum,  113,  *•  ^'• 
Reddere,  'to   give,'  of   a   book   or 

letter,  447- 
Redemptor,  178. 
Redigere,    'non    redigam,'    a  legal 

phrase,  235.  ,  r     , 

Redimere, '  to  make  atonement  for, 

576  ;  rem  manifestam,  60  ;  double 

construction  of,  370. 

Referre,  with  '  quo,'   '  to  make  the 

standard  of,'  327,  5^4  ;  ad  popu- 

lum,  238;    ad  senatum,   107,   cp. 

238, 1.  20  ;  ad  aliquem,  306,  note  ; 

gratiam,  'to  requite ; '  how  different 

from  'agere,'  59°;  ironical,  172  ; 

ad    aerarium,   54°  ;    m    tabulas, 

'to  record,'  236;  illuc  refero,  521. 

Reflatus,  422. 

Refractoriolus,  65. 

Refrigescere  (metaph.),  28,  06. 

Refugere,  se,  448,1-  15. 

Refutare,  218. 

Regere  nosmet  ipsos, '  to  school  our- 
selves,' 454. 

Regio,  '  situation,'  185.  .    ,.  .  .     ^^ 

Regnum  forense,  426  ;  ludiciale,  27. 

Reiecto  (iudicum),  54. 


"ill 

r 


Reiicere  =  diflferre,  171;  se  hue,  332; 

scuto  reiecto,  583. 
Relevare  (metaph.),  41. 
ReHgio,  '  sacrilege,'  47  ;   religionem 

tollere,  in  another  sense,  163,  cp. 

166. 
ReHqua,    'arrears,'    2:7;    'sequel,' 

386,  cp.  355,  568. 

Reliquiae  (metaph.),  565,  567. 

Remissio  animi,  39. 

Remittere,  'to  grow  less  earnest,' 
76  ;  'to  make  a  concession,'  98, 
cp.  272. 

Removere,  44. 

Renuntiare,  463  ;  in  another  sense, 
70. 

Repetundae,  235. 

Reponere  =  ponere,  379  ;  =  par  pari 
referre,  210. 

Repudiare, '  to  shrink  from,'  84  ; '  to 
be  dissatisfied  with,'  363. 

Repungere,  211. 

Requirere,  'to  miss,'  96,  cp.  440; 
=  sciscitari,  457. 

Res,  how  different  from  'causa,' 
185;  'circumstances,'  480,  1.  i  ; 
opposed  to  '  spes,'  465  ;  rei  ser- 
vire,  '  to  take  account  of  a  thing,' 
468,1.  13  ;  =respubHca,  479  ;  quae 
res,  periphrastic  for  '  quod,'  166. 

Res  pubhca,  '  constitution,'  loi,  1.  7, 
388  ;  'political  Hfe,'  92,  1.  11,  340, 
444,  cp.  519,  1.  5  ;  'seat  of  govern- 
ment,'  388  ;   'some    public  busi- 
ness,' or    '  object,'   249,    453,  .cp. 
539 ;     a     condensed     expression, 
601  ;  '  state  of  public  affairs,'  269, 
1.  6  ;   '  constitutional  government,' 
336,  345,  370, 434, 1. 1  ;  res  publica 
summa,  608 ;   rem  pubhcarn   ca- 
pessere,  547  ;  totam  complecti,  567. 
Rescindere  (metaph.),  104. 
Residere  (plus  officii),  33. 
Respicere  se,  610. 

Respondere,  'to  make  a  defence,' 
56 ;  '  to  correspond,'  523  ;  '  to  make 
a  return,'  33,  37,   59° ;  par  pari, 

547- 
Restitui,  '  to  regain  a  position,'  108. 

Retexere  se  ipsum  (metaph.),  538. 

Retinere,  'to  keep,'  as  a  friend,  183. 

Retractando  (metaph.),  326. 

Retundere,  sermones,  242. 

Reversio,    different   from   *  reditus,' 

546. 

Reviviscere  (metaph.),  227,  261. 

Revocare,  *  to  win  back,'  266,  1.  6  ; 


'to  recall  for  re-examination,' 
88  ;  or  for  trial,  195  ;  se  ipsum, 
448. 

Rex,  used  of  Caesar  and  other 
Romans,  102,  535,  1.  3. 

Rhetorum  pueri,  41. 

Rigescere  (metaph.),  244. 

Robur  (metaph.),  275. 

Rogare,  'to  ask  opinions  in  the 
senate,'  169  ;  populum,  'to  suppli- 
cate the  people,'  107. 

Ruere,  'to  rush  into  danger,'  281. 

Rusticani,  331. 

Rusticari,  420. 

Saepire  (metaph.),  1 16. 

Sal,  different  from  '  facetiae,'  95. 

Salus  =  *  restoration  from  exile,'  202, 

436. 
Salutariter,  602. 

Sampsiceramus,  75.  ^ 

Sancire, '  to  provide  by  enactment, 

116. 
Sane  quam,  229. 
Sane  strenue,  276. 
Sanguinem  mittere  (metaph.),  60. 
Sanitas  (metaph.),  605. 
Sanus,  *  of  sound  mind,'  424. 
Sapere,  '  to  notice  anything,'  112. 
Sarcire, '  to  make  good,'  200. 
Sarta  tecta,  452. 

Satis  facere,  'to  give  his  due  to, 
384,  cp.  388,  463. 

Saturnalia  secunda,  483. 

Saucius  (metaph.),  236, 1.  6. 

Scaturire,  229. 

Scihcet, '  I  mean,' limiting  a  previous 
statement,  262  ;  'of  course,'  83, 
98,  118,387,418. 

Scio  (ironical),  264. 

Scribendo  adesse,  237. 

Scripto,  sententiam  dicere  de,  596. 

Scriptura, '  composition,'  448. 

Scuto  reiecto,  583. 

Secta,  479. 

Sed,  resumptive,  94,  102,  172  ;  sed 
etiam,  perhaps  =  quin  etiam,  107. 

Sedere  =  otiosum  esse,  374. 

Seducere, '  to  lead  aside,'  211. 

Senate,  order  of  proceedings  in,  39, 

40,  42,  43-  ^. 

Sensus  certus  et  verus,  56O. 

Sententia, '  opinion,'  209,  548  ;  *  prin- 
ciple,' 186  ;  *vote,'  56,  cp.  39,  209, 

373. 
Septemtrio,  342. 

Sequi,  causam,  338,  380 ;  diem,  424  ; 


Tt  2 


644 


INDEX  II, 


fidem  vestram,  579  ;  mare,  260 ; 
spem,  424. 

Servare  de  caelo,  75. 

Servire,  officiis,  94  ;  temporibus,  ib. 
and  434  ;  voluntati,  438. 

Sescenta,  80. 

Severitas  otiosorum,  424. 

Sex  septem  (proverb.),  375. 

Si,  put  later  in  the  sentence  than 
seems  natural,  609,  In;  position 
of,  with  *  quidem,'  424  ;  =  etiamsi, 
38,  433,  434  ;  =postquam,  469  ; 
=  si  quidem,  180,  561  ;  =sm,  184  ; 
si  dii  adiuvabunt,  277  ;  si  forte, 
466  ;  si  quid  (ellipt.),  4^2  ;  si  vero, 

113- 
Sic,  =  tale,  54 ;  with  a  verb  limited  by 

'  ut'  with  the  conjunctive,  184. 

Significare,  'to  declare,'  88,  1.   11  ; 

'  to  hint  at '  or  '  indicate,'  1 1 5, 1.  6, 

350- 
Significatio,  *  expression  of  opinion,' 

33  ;  'hint,'  115,  211,243,1.7. 

Signa,  militaria,  584 ;  sub  signis,  554. 

Signifer  (metaph.),  69. 

Silentio,  'without  interruption,'  172, 

1.5. 

Simpliciter,  '  frankly,'  242. 

Simul  cum,  in  a  corrupt  passage,  62  ; 
simul  et,  560. 

Simultatem  revereri,  in  a  quotation 
from  Terence,  81. 

Singular,  of  a  verb  or  participle 
following  two  substantives,  61, 
238  ;  even  if  one  be  in  the  plural, 
271  ;  of  'sum'  if  the  subject  be 
plural  and  the  predicate  singular, 

44. 
Singulares,  280. 

Sittybi,  180. 

Sodalitates,  175. 

SoHstimum  tripudium,  443. 

Solum   (subst.),    quantum    in    solo, 

345. 
Solum  =  sola,  219. 

Solutissima,  213. 

Solutus,  '  exempt  from  the  operation 
of  a  law,'  118;'  free  from  restraint,' 
of  writing,  449  ;  generally,  '  inde- 
pendent.' 42. 

Sonivius,  443. 

Sordes,  '  covetousness,'  249  ;  *  con- 
temptible position,'  54. 

Sors,  sine  sorte,  275. 

Spe  devorare,  60  ;  in  spe  esse,  46, 
cp.  270 ;  in  optima  spe  repositus, 
523-524  ;  in  spem  venire,  601. 


Spectare  ad  anna,  276 ;  ad  castra, 

530- 

Specula,  370. 

Sperare  ex  aliquo,  461  ;  spero,  with 
infin.  pres.,  26,  72  ;  or  perfect, 
176,  1.  3,  428. 

Sponsaha,  273. 

Squalor,  34,  35. 

Statim  quod,  '  as  soon  as,'  99. 

Status  civitatis,  455. 

Stillare  (metaph.),  336. 

Stilus  (metaph.),  448,  1.  3. 

Stipulationes,  560. 

Stomachari,  with  accus.,  531. 

Stomachum  facere,  203,  1.  1 5,  223  ; 
perdere,  203,  1.  16. 

Strictim,  'hastily,'  65. 

Struere  sollicitudinem,  248- 

Studiosus,  apparently  used  as  a  sub- 
stantive, 43,  58. 

Studium,  438  ;  of  literary  pursuits, 
463  ;  contentionis,  58  ;  scribendi, 

449, 1-13.  ^      ,  . 

Suadere,  with  accus.  of  a  thmg,  429  ; 

after  a  verb  used  personally,  with 

the  same  subject,  387. 
Suavium,  561. 
Sub,  'just  after,'  231  ;  sub  manu,  'at 

hand,'  602. 
Subaccusare,  544. 
Subdubitare,  256. 
Subducere,   'to   add  up,'   252-254; 

(metaph.),  203. 
Subesse,  nihil  subest,  421. 
Subirasci,  339,  567. 
Subire,  'to  subject  one's  self  to,'  109, 

cp.  276,  1.  14. 
Sublevare,  34. 
Submoleste,  246. 
Subornare,  604. 
Subringi,  179. 
Subscribere,  87-88. 
Subscriptor,  233. 
SubseUia  alicuius,  177,  234. 
Subsequi,  310. 
Subsistere,    transit.,    *to    support,' 

5B7. 
Subtilis,  '  precise,'  45  ;  '  refined,'  268. 

Subtilitas,  435. 

Subturpicula,  179. 

Succlamatum  est,  600. 

Suffocare,  338. 

Suffragatio,  220. 

Suffusus  (metaph.),  214. 

Sullaturire,  350. 

Summam  facere,  with  genit,  203. 

Summatim,  568. 


INDEX  II. 


645 


"Summo  discessu,  56. 

Superficies,  163. 

Superior  pars  provinciae,  94  ;  supe- 

riora,  '  earlier,'  609. 
Superlative  in  relative  clauses,  562. 
Superseded,  241. 
Superum  mare,  333,  554-   . 
Supine,  in  -um,  383,  1.  7  ;  in  -u,  429, 

1.5.    . 

Suppeditat,  339. 

Supra  caput,  94. 

Sus  Minervam,  427.  ,  ^ 

Suscipere  (liberos),  414;  'to  mcur, 
546. 

Suspensa  (metaph.),  564. 

Suspitionem  toUere,  383. 

Sustinere  =  cohibere,  449;  'to  con- 
tribute to  the  support  of,'  in  ;  'to 
bear  the  weight  of,'  ib.,  220  ;  = '  ge- 
rere,'  209  ;  '  to  maintain,'  608  ; 
'  to  resist,'  248,  444,  601, 1.  7  ;  absol. 
'  to  hold  out,' 280,  581. 

Syngrapha,  232,  251,  252. 

Tabella,  50,  209. 

Tabellarii,  n4,  121,  226. 

Tabernarii,  244. 

Tabulae,    'accounts,'    55;    *  maps, 

259  ;   '  records,'  236,   540  ;  novae, 

254,    373,    531;    tabula    Valeria, 

no. 
Talaria  (metaph.),  531.    .  . 

Tam,  with  no  corresponding  particle, 

601 ;  tam  esse,  'to  be  so  numerous,' 

97. 
Tam  diu,  '  on^  so  long,'  382. 
Tamen,  apparently  pleonastic,  415, 
1.  10  ;  resumptive,  102  ;  without  a 
corresponding  particle,  54,  cp.  213, 
352,  389  ;  tamen  etsi,  421. 
Tantum  modo  =  dum  modo,  349. 
Tantus,  with  the  indicative,  the  cor- 
responding word  being  suppressed, 
358;   'only  so   much,'   183,  268; 
tanta  hieme,  316. 
Tectus  (metaph.),  530. 
Temere,  'to  anybody,'  182. 
Tempus,    'circumstances,'   324,   cp. 
94,  1.  4  ;  'a  time  of  need,'  182,  cp. 
30,  1.  9,  215  ;  'a  misfortune,'  201, 
cp.  441  ;  'the  events  of  a  time,' 
472  ;    cp.    '  tempus    Caninianum, 
183  ;  reliquum  tempus,  325  ;  tem- 
pore, as  an  adverb,  520 ;  ex  tem- 
pore, 362  ;  temporis  causa,  586. 
Tenebrae  (metaph.),  304. 
Tenera, '  effeminate,'  263. 


Tenere,  '  to  be  master,'  78  ;  *  to  cling 
to,'  79  ;  'to  obtain,'  165, 1.  18  ;  'to 
possess,'  463,  1.  10  ;  cp.  468,  1.  3  j 
'  to  remember,'  90,  327  *,  followed 
by  accus.  of  adjective,  362  ;  nemi- 
nem  voluntate,  82  ;  teneri,  '  to  be 
held  in  check,'  71  \  'to  be  liable 

to,'  175- 

Terrae  fiHus.  45. 

Testatum,  53,  cp.  212,  521,  534- 

Themistocleum  consilium,  373- 

Timere  ut,  ni. 

Tinnire,  531. 

Tiro,  as  an  adjective,  43^- 

Titubatum  (metaph.),  605.  ' 

Tmesis,  361. 

TocuUiones,  72. 

Togatus,  264. 

Tollere,  '  to  dismiss  from  considera- 
tion,' 285  ;  'to  suspend,'  283. 

Totum,  used  as  a  subst.,  381  ;  as  an 
adverb,  315,  366.  . 

Tradere  exercitum,  271  ;   se  alicui, 

174.  T 

Traducere  tempus,  472. 

Traiicere,  with    double    accusative, 

585,  601, 1.  9. 

Tralaticius,  n6,  252. 

Tramittere,  used  absolutely,  544- 

Tranquilla  esse  (metaph.),  279. 

Transigere,  cum  aliquo,  236  ;  rem, 
'  to  decide  a  struggle,'  423. 

Transire,  '  to  desert,'  322  ;  'to  trans- 
gress,' 249. 

Transvolare,  572. 

Tres  viri, 'illis  III  viris,'  556. 

Tribum  ferre,  70 ;  tribus  habere,  a 
legal  term,  195. 

Tribunes,  initiative  powers  of  m  the 
senate,  166,  495  ;  their  year  of 
office,  how  dated,  8. 

Tributa  exigere,  95- 

Tricae,  377. 

Triclinium,  483. 

Triduo  cum,  'in  three  days  from, 

603. 
Trinum  nundinum,  314. 
Tripudium  (solistimum),  443- 
Triumphare  (metaph.),  55,  cp.  357- 
Trudere, '  to  push  forward,'  61. 
Tueri  negotia,  3n. 
Tum  vero,  183. 
Tumuitus  (Gallicus),  515- 
Tunc  =  ita,  372. 

Turbare,  '  to  be  extravagant,  234. 
Turbulenter,  371. 
Tyrannoctonus,  531,  cp.  563. 


646 


INDEX  II. 


Umquam  =  ulluni,  169. 

Una  cum  . . .  esse,  *to  be  contempo- 
rary with/  467. 

Unus,  perhaps  =  *  especially,'  25-26  ; 
almost  =  an  indefinite  article,  347; 
de  tuis,  462  ;  omnium,  strength- 
ening a  superlative,  119;  una= 
*  only,'  563  ;  uno  loco  esse,  *  to 
meet,'  602,  1.  9;  plural  of,  with 
substantives  only  used  in  the 
plural,  282,  cp.  389. 

Urbanus,  28. 

Urbs,  ad  urbem,  313. 

Usque  eo,  of  time,  230. 

Usurae,  356,  cp.  252. 

Ut  =  *  granting  that,'  307;  with  ablat. 
abs.,  79  ;  in  indirect  questions,  55, 
118,  240;  position  of,  102,  172,  268, 
1.  12,  452,  482  ;  perhaps  =  utinam, 
314,  1.  17  ;  ut  ne,  pleonastic,  51, 
cp.  170,  1.  6  ;  ut  non,  how  different 
from  '  ne,'  104, 1.  i,  445 ;  "t  opinor, 
41  ;  ut  scribis,  ib.  ;  ut,  repeated 
instead  of '  et,'  390. 

Uti  rogas,  a  political  phrase,  50. 

Utilitatem  adferre,  1 1 5,  cp.  529. 

Utinam  non,  instead  of '  utinam  ne,' 
414. 

Vacillare    (memoriola),   421  ;  vacil- 

lantes  litterulae,  317. 
Vacuitas,  586. 
Vagari,  of  a  speech,  *to  be  published,' 

556. 
Vagus  esse,  306. 

Valde,  *  stoutly,'  386  ;  valde  mag- 
num facere  (ironical),  96  ;    valde 

quam,  600. 
Valere,  '  to  prevail,'  '  last,'  473- 
Valetudo,  a  neutral  word,  112,  315  ; 

valetudinem  impedire,  315  ;  amit- 

tere,  427. 
Vallum  Lucilianum,  556. 
Vaticinari,  371. 
Vectigal  constituere,  75. 
Vectigal  praetorium,  252,  1.  13. 
Vegetus,  383. 

Vel,  *  even,'  255  ;  =  Wei  potius,'  413. 
Velle,  with  accus.  and  infin.,  431  ; 

alicuius  causa,  165  ;  with  the  force 

of    a    substantive,    305  ;     visne, 

466. 
Venas  et  viscera  aperire  (metaph.), 

272. 
Venatio  (in  Circo),  194. 
Venditare,  5 1 ;  in  another  sense,  63. 
Venire,  in  iudicium,   70;  in  spem. 


601  ;  venire  =  ire,  407 ;  ventum  est 
ad  me,  382. 

Ventosus  (metaph.),  585. 

Ventus,  *  a  rumour,'  235  ;  venti  (me- 
taph.), 221  ;  cp.  venti  secundi,  69. 

Venuste,  *  neatly,'  230. 

Verb,   understood,    104 ;    repeated, 

164, 11.  7-8,  575- 
Verba  facere,   237  ;    meis  verbis  = 

meo  nomine,  561 ;  =^*in  such  words 

as  I  use,'  225. 
Verbals  in  -bundus,  421. 
Verbosior,  322  ;  verbosius,  431. 
Vere,  *  really,'  *  rightly,'  417. 
Verecundiores,  424. 
Vereri,  with  a  personal  object,  215, 

424. 
Veritas,  *  justice,'  242. 
Vero,    adversative    (me   vero   nihil 

delectat),  341 ;  at  the  beginning  of 

a  letter,  469  ;  emphatic,  356  ;  in 

transitions,    609 ;    with    personal 

pronouns,  267,  341. 
Versari  in  causa,  391. 
Versuram  facere,  253. 
Versus,  as   a  preposition,   466,   cp. 

475- 
Verus,  *  fair,'  70  ;  '  honest,'  586. 

e  Vestigio,  476. 

Vestitum  mutare,  107,  cp.  171-172. 

Vetemus  (metaph.),  244. 

Veto  of  the  tribunes,  illegal  in  de- 
bates on  the  consular  provinces, 
238,  248  ;  means  of  evading  it  in 
other  cases,  238,  1.  18,  note. 

Vetus    est,   *it    is  an    old    saying, 

431. 
Vetustas,  532. 

Via,  utor  via,  82  ;  de  via,  180,  423. 

Viaria  lex,  244. 

Viaticum,  180. 

Vicem,  nostram,  '  instead  of  us,'  199, 
cp.  552  ;  with  the  genitive,  =  ' like,' 
375-376;  ?' fate,' 464. 

Vicensima,  a  tax,  74. 

Victoria  sua,  448. 

Vicus,  114. 

Videre,  *to  foresee,'  274,  cp.  270,  1. 
12  ;  'to  have  an  interview  with,' 
413  ;  =  intellegere,  426  ;  *to  pro- 
vide,' 371,  531  ;  'to  shew  penetra- 
tion or  foresight,'  55,  229;  *  to 
take  care,'  389,  cp.  352,  371  ;  vi- 
derit,  457. 

Villulae,  331. 

Vincere,  *  to  have  an  advantage 
over,'  436  ;  *  to  prove,'  536. 


INDEX.    II. 


647 


Vindex,  72. 

Vir,  '  a  man  of  spirit,'  427« 

Vis,    'nature,'  'character,'  327;  e.g. 

verborum,  474,  1-  4  ;  the  name  of 

a  crime,  88. 
Vivere  de  lucro,  433. 
Vocabula  honorum,  574. 
Voculae,  368. 
Voltu  et  oculis,  525. 


Volumen,  349 ;  cp.  volumina,  97, 1. 3. 
Voluntas,  '  good  will,'  31,  266. 
Voluptaria,  423. 
Vomere  (metaph.),  549. 

Zelotypia,  379-    ,       ^       . 
Zeugma,  184,  1.  6,  576;  of  negative 

and    affirmative    ideas,    266;    of 

verbs,  423. 


•f 


INDEX   III, 


649 


INDEX    III. 


OF   PROPER   NAMES. 


Academia,  274,  477. 
Acastus,  slave  of  Cicero,  276. 
Achaia,  a  Roman  province,  125,  239, 

4x8,  436  ;  Achaici,  42. 
Achilles,  in  Homer's  poems,  597. 
Acilius,  M'.  Glabrio,  6,  458. 
Aedui,  16,  149. 
Aegina,  466. 
Aegypta,  a  freedman  of  Cicero,  316, 

317- 

Aegyptus,  184,  300,  394,  569,  588. 

Aelii  Lamiae,  176  ;  L.  Aelius  Lamia, 
19  ;  Lamiani  horti,  459. 

Aelius,  P.  or  Sex..  Ligus,  21. 

Aelius,  Q.  Tubero,  291. 

Aemilia  via,  583. 

Aemilius,  M.  Lepidus,  praetor  49 
B.C.,  afterwards  consul  and  tri- 
umvir, 298,  301,  343,  493,  497,  509- 
512,  516,  549-560,  572-576,  585, 
586,  591-596,  597,  598,  600-606, 
6  lie. 

Aemilius,  M'.  Lepidus  Livianus,  con- 
sul 66  B.C.,  325,  351,  458. 

Aemilius,  L.  Paulus,  the  conqueror 
of  Perseus,  470. 

Aemilius,  L.  Paulus,  consul  50  B.C., 
86,  154,  157,232,  243. 

Aemilius,  M.  Scaurus,  consul  115 
B.C.,  207. 

Aemilius,  M.  Scaurus,  son  of  the 
above,  curule  aedile  in  58  B.C.,  21, 

194,  195. 
Aesopus,  a  tragic  actor,  100,  lor. 
Afranius,  L.,   consul   60    B.C.   (Auli 

fiJius),  14,  27  (?),  61,  162,  166,  298, 

315,322,  400,426. 
Africa,  province  of,  125  ;  hostilities 

there,   299,    395,    399,   416,  418; 

Africanus    exercitus  (in  43   B.C.), 

608-610,  cp.  612. 
Agamemnon,  in  the  Iliad,  527. 
Agesilaus,  in  Xenophon's  work,  96. 
Aiax,  in  Homer's  poems,  597. 
Alaudae,  502,  554,  613. 
Albanum,  of  Pompey,  279. 


Alexandria,  342,  393-395,  4io,  418, 
462 ;  see  also  Aegyptus,  Ptolemaeus. 

Alexis,  282. 

Aliphera,  260. 

AUienus,  A.,  588,  613.  • 

Allobroges,  11,  15,  42,  90,  590,  591, 
601,  605. 

Alpes,  572,  585,  586,  600. 

Amalthea,  42,  71;  Amaltheum,  62; 
see  also  the  Index  of  Greek  Words. 

Amanus  (Mons),  152,  244. 

Amatius,  C,  or  Herophilus,  498. 

Ambiorix,  146. 

Amphiaraus  (in  fabulis),  443. 

Ampius,  T.  Balbus,  311,  415,  note. 

Anagnia,  553. 

Anagnini,  558 ;  Anagninum,  133, 
420. 

Ancharius,  Q,  Priscus,  142. 

Ancon(a),  304,  314. 

Andromache,  193. 

Anneius,  M.,  151. 

Annius,  T.  Milo,  as  tribune  in  57 
B.C.  promotes  Cicero's  restoration 
from  exile,  23  ;  quarrels  with  Clo- 
dius  in  57-56  B.C.,  135-137,  171- 
172  ;  stands  for  the  consulship  in 
53  B.C.,  146-147,  219-222;  orders 
the  murder  of  Clodius,  is  convicted, 
and  goes  into  exile  52  B.C.,  147- 
148  ;  tries  to  raise  an  insurrection 
against  Caesar,  but  is  killed  in  48 
B.C.,  300. 

Antandros,  93. 

Antiochia,  in  Syria,  246. 

Antiochus,  a  philosopher,  2. 

Antiphon,  193. 

Antium,  and  estate  of  Cicero  there, 

64,  133,  345- 
Antonii,  230. 

Antonius,  C,  consul  in  63  B.C.,  7-9, 

12,  18,  26. 

Antonius,  C,  brother  of  the  triumvir, 

299,  503,  505»  5". 
Antonius,  L.,  brother  of  the  triumvir, 

499,  503,  507,  594,  595- 


f. 


Antonius,  M.,  the  famous  orator,  i, 

473. 

Antonius,  M.,  the  triumvir,  accuses 
Milo,  148  ;  elected  augur,  158,269, 
270 ;  as  tribune  49  B.C.  vetoes  a  de- 
cree of  the  senate  against  Caesar, 
290;  represents   Caesar  in   Italy, 

.  378,  cp.  344 ;  his  debauchery,  383  ; 
protects  Cicero  after  his  return  to 
Italy  in  47  B.C.,  396;  behaviour 
of,  after  Caesar's  death,  497-502  ; 
besieges  D.  Brutus  in  Mutina,  503- 
509  ;  is  defeated  and  crosses  the 
Alps,  509  ;  reconciled  to  Lepidus, 
509  ;  and  to  Octavian,  512  ;  orders 
the  death  of  Cicero,  513.  See  also 
the  letters  of  Part  V,  passim. 
Apamea,  in  Phrygia,  226  ;  in  Syria, 

589. 
Apelles,  207. 

Apollinis  aedes,  173,  231,  237. 
ApoUonis  or  ApoUonidae,  m  Mysia, 

98. 
Apollonius,  a  freedman  of  P.  Crassus, 

461. 
Appenninus  (Mons),  586,  600. 

Appia  via,  335. 
Appuleius,  224. 

Appuleius,  Cn.  Saturninus,  270. 
Appuleius,  L.,  propraetor  of  Mace- 
donia, 20. 
Apulia,  320. 

Aquilius,  C.  Callus,  26-27. 
Aradus,  342. 
Arbuscula,  193. 
Archias,  A.  Licinius,  12,  63. 
Archilochus,  557. 
Archimedes,  2, 
Argenteus,  a  river,  595  ;   pons,  A., 

598. 
Ariminum,  231,  314,  385- 
Ariobarzanes,  1 52,  266. 
Ariopagus,  225. 
Ariovistus,  20. 
Aristarchus,  48. 

Aristophanes  (a  grammarian),  557. 
Aristoteles,  Aristotelio  more,  214. 
Armenii,  348. 
Arpinum,  and  the  estate  of  Cicero 

there,  63,  jy,  133,  325,  335,  343, 

360,  385,  555  ;  Arpinates,  452. 
Arretium,   314,    503;    Arretina  mu- 

lier,  2. 
Arsaces,  269. 
Artavasdes,  247. 
Artaxerxes,  contemporary  with  The- 

mistocles,  376. 


Asia,  a  Roman  province,  yj^  124, 250, 

418,  589. 
Asinius,  C.  Polho,  401,  422,  507,  510, 

511,  570-573,  585- 
Astura,  villa  of  Cicero  near,  133,  513, 

518. 
Astyanax,  193. 
Ateius,  C,  373. 
Ateius,  L.  Capito,  237. 
Athenae,   2,  65,   223,   388,  475-477. 

See    also  under   Pomponius    and 

TuUius. 
Athenodorus,  Calvus,  a  philosopher, 

558. 
Atilius,  S.  (?)  Serranus,  21,  22. 
Atius,  T.  Labienus,  9,  1 53-^54,  158, 

281,  294,  296,  304,  307,  315,  395i 

399,  400. 

Atius,  P.  Varus,  291. 

Attalus,  of  Hypaepi,  100. 

Attica,  Caecilia,  daughter  of  T.  Pom- 
ponius Atticus,  131,  265,  420,  421, 
518,  548,  561. 

Aufidius,  M.  Lurco,  61. 

Auli  filius,  27,  61. 

Aurelius,  C.  Cotta,  2. 

Aurelius,  L.  Cotta,  4,  7,  22,  458,  550- 

Aurelius,  M.  Cotta,  382. 

Autronius,  P.  Paetus,  7,  45- 

Axius,  Q.,  105,  193,421. 

Baiae,  59,  410. 

Baliares  insulae,  395,  cp.  422. 

Basili  bustum,  283. 

Belgae,  146. 

Bibracte,  21. 

Bithynia,  124,  127. 

Blaudus,  93-94. 

Boeotia,  475. 

Bononia,  512,  569,  600. 

Britannia,  143,  145-146,  196. 

Brundisium,  23,  161,  322,  330,  393, 

394,  408,  533,  551. 
Buthrotum,  248,  521. 
Byzantium,  342. 

Caecilia,  see  Attica. 

CaeciHus,  L.,  94. 

Caecilius,  Q.,  uncle  of  Atticus,  29. 

Caecilius,  Q.  Bassus,  403,  481,  5^9» 

589,  613. 
Caecilius,  L.  Metellus,  tribune  in  49 

B.C.,  298, 375-      „       ^ 
Caecilius,  M.  Metellus,  64. 
Caecilius,  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  10,  13, 

14-16,  34-40,  67.  ^ 

Caecilius,  Q.  Metellus  Creticus,6, 126. 


650 


INDEX   III. 


Caecilius,  Q.  Metellus  Nepos,  11-13, 

21,  23,  34-40. 
Caecilius,   Q.   Metellus    Numidicus, 

references  to,  55,  207. 
Caecina,  554. 
Caecina,  A.,  5. 
Caecina,  A.,  (?)  son   of  the   above, 

440-451. 
Caeliana,  383. 

Caelius,  C,  tribune  in  51  B.C.,  239. 
Caelius,    C.     Caldus,     quaestor    of 

Cicero,  265,  274. 
Caelius,    M.    Rufus,    140,    228-245, 

255-257,  269-273,  364-371,  383  (?), 

385. 
Caelius,  M.  Vinicianus,  230. 

Caesius,  L.,  93. 

Caesius,  M.,  aedile  at  Arpinum,  453. 

Caesonius,  M.,  26. 

Caieta,  322,  384,  513. 

Calatia,  554. 

Cales,  559 ;  estate  of  Cicero  at,  133, 

322. 

Calidius,  M.,  228. 

Calpurnia,  wife  of  Caesar,  17,  497- 

Calpurnius,  379. 

Calpurnius,  M.  Bibulus,   16,   17,  75, 

81,  84,  155,227,244,247,343- 

Calpurnius,  C.  Piso,  consul  in  67  B.C., 
28,  458. 

Calpurnius,  Cn.  Piso,  7. 

Calpurnius,  L.  Piso  Bestia,  175. 

Calpurnius,  L.  Piso  Caesoninus,  con-, 
sul  in  58  B.C.,  17-19,  24,  141,  142, 
307,437,498,  501,  504,  546-548,  565- 

Calpurnius,  C.  Piso  Frugi,  son-in- 
law  of  Cicero,  7,  22,  88. 

Calvena,  see  Matius. 

Calvus,  nickname  for  M.  Crassus,  56. 

Campania,  16,  17,  72,,  138,  139,  201, 
202.     See  also  Capua. 

Caninius,  L.  Gallus,  168,  170,  183. 

Caninius,  A.  Satyrus,  29. 

Cannutius,  Ti.,  552. 

Canuleius,  a  centurion,  248. 

Capena  porta,  161. 

Capenas  ager,  433. 

Capua,  83,  295,  310,   311,  316,  320, 

554,559.  ^^  ^. 

Carinae,  house  of  Q.  Cicero  in,  170. 

Cascellius,  M.,  94. 

Casilinum,  554. 

Cassiani  horti,  459. 

Cassivellaunus,  146. 

Cassius  Barba,  484. 

Cassius,   C.   Longinus,  defeats    the 

Parthians    in    51    B.C.,   152,   246; 


dissuades  Cicero  from  joining 
Pompey  in  49  B.c,  419 ;  submits 
to  Caesar  in  48  B.C.,  394 ;  legate 
of  Caesar,  396,  445  ;  conspires 
against  him,  401-403 ;  secures 
Syria  for  the  Senate  in  43  B.c,  503, 
504-505,  510,  569,  589;  besieges 
Dolabella,  512;  letters  of  Cicero 
to  him,  417,  539,  548,  565,  568, 
581,  605  ;  of  Cassius  to  Cicero, 
588  ;  of  D.  Brutus  to  M.  Brutus 
and  Cassius,  518;  of  M.  Brutus 
and  Cassius  to  Antony,  541. 

Cassius,  L.,  his  brother,  517. 

Cassius,  Q.,  brother  of  the  two  pre- 
ceding, 246,  275,  300,  301,  344. 

Castulonensis  saltus,  570. 

Catienus,  T.,  95. 

Catina,  560. 

Catius,  C.  Vestinus,  604. 

Cato  maior,  a  work  of  Cicero,  531, 
cp.  558. 

Celer,  a  freedman   of  Atticus,  363, 

390. 
Cephalio,  a  slave  of  Atticus,   362, 

414. 
Chaerippus,  564. 
Chaeron,  259-260. 
Chios,  342. 
Cibyra,    Cibyratae,    232  ;    cp.   248, 

250. 
Cilicia,  a  Roman  province,  124,  127, 

151-155,    184,   246-255,    258-266, 

462,  590. 
Cincius,  L.,  26,  258. 
Cingulum,  304. 
Claterna,  569. 
Claudia,  wife  of  Q.  Metellus  Celer, 

38,  68. 
Claudius,   Ap.    Pulcher,    consul    54 

B.C.,  144,  150,  153,  195,  199,  216, 

227,  242,  256,  264,  385. 
Claudius,  Ap.  Pulcher,  minor,  235. 
Claudius,  Ti.  Nero,  156,  273. 
Claudius,   C.   Marcellus,   consul    50 

B.C.,  153,  154,  157,228,  243,  1.  15, 

437  (?). 
Claudius,    C.   Marcellus,  consul   49 

B.C.,  158,  290,  311, 428, 1. 9,  437  (?)• 
Claudius,    M.   Marcellus,  consul  51 

B.C.,  148,  222,  237,  319,  397,  436- 

438,  445,  456,  475-477- 
Cleopatra,  394,  395- 
Clodia,  mother-in-law  of  L.  Metellus, 

341. 
Clodius,  P.  Pulcher,  an  intruder  in 

the  house  of  Caesar,   13,  43-44  ; 


INDEX  III. 


651 


trial  of,  14,  47,  50,  52-57  ;  quaestor 
in  Sicily,  67  ;  quarrels  with  Cicero, 
ib. ;  procures  Cicero's  exile,  19, 
20;  quarrels  with  Milo,  23,  135- 
137,  171-174;  intrigues  with  the 
optimates  in  56  B.C.,  206,  211  ; 
murdered,  147. 
Clodius,   P.,  son  of  the  preceding, 

523,  525. 
Clodius,  Sex.,  373  (?),  523-S26. 
Clodius,  Sex.,  a  rhetorician,  191. 
Cluentius,  A.  Avitus,  or  Habitus,  6. 
Cluvius,  M.,  of  Puteoli,  260. 
Colchi,  342,  348. 
Considius,  Q.  Gallus,  88-89. 
Considius,  M.  Nonianus,  311,  314. 
Corcyra,  64,  155,  299,  407,  453. 
Corduba,  570,  572,  573. 
Corfinium,  294,  309,  312,  322. 
Corinthus,  341,  426,  466. 
Corneha,  wife  of  Pompey,  147. 
Cornelius,  C,  tribune  in  67  B.C.,  5, 

7,  175. 
Cornelius,  M.,  41. 

Cornelius,    P.,   tribune    in    51    B.C., 

239- 
Cornelius,  L.  Balbus,  maior,  16,  141, 

189,  281,  326,  331,  412,  423,  432, 

484,  530,  560. 
Cornelius,    L.   Balbus,   minor,    326, 

333,  415. 

Cornelius,  C.  Cethegus,  ii. 

Cornelius,   L.   Cinna,  consul   87-84 
B.C.,  348. 

Cornehus,  P.  Dolabella,  accuses  Ap. 
Claudius,  242  ;  marries  Tullia, 
156,  243,  273  ;  elected  quindecim- 
vir,  229 ;  fights  for  Caesar  in  the 
civil  war,  308,  315,  358,  370,  379, 
557  ;  urges  Cicero  to  leave  Pom- 
pey's  camp,  388;  causes  troubles 
in  Italy  in  47  B.C.,  396,  416  ;  di- 
vorces Tullia,  398,  463  ;  proceed- 
ings at  his  election  in  44  B.C.,  402 ; 
his  vigour  in  the  cause  of  order 
after  Caesar's  death,  499,  527- 
529,  539  ;  his  debt  to  Cicero,  501, 
531  ;  his  reconciliation  with  An- 
tony, 499 ;  notices  of,  in  the  second 
PhiHppic,  557  ;  orders  the  murder 
of  Trebonius  in  Asia,  505,  589  ; 
attempts  to  occupy  Syria  and  Ci- 
licia, 505,  566,  590  ;  his  death,  512, 
605,  613. 

Cornelius,  L.  Lentulus  Cms,  consul 
49  B.C.,  102, 156,  158,  290,  326,  329, 
332,  410,  426  (.?),  428,  1.  9. 


Cornelius,  Cn.  Lentulus  Marcellinus, 
consul  56  B.C.,  165,  168,  201,  345. 

Cornelius,  L.  Lentulus  Niger,  flamen, 
86,  141. 

Cornelius,  L.  Lentulus  Niger,  son  of 
the  preceding,  86. 

Cornelius,  P.  Lentulus  Spinther,  con- 
sul 57  B.C.,  21,  22,  136,  141,  153» 
164-170,  181-188,  196-218,  248, 
339  (?),  354,  426  (?).        . 

Cornelius,  P.  Lentulus  Spinther,  son 
of  the  preceding,  171,  188,  216. 

Cornelius,  P.  Lentulus  Sura,  praetor 

63  B.C.,  II,  59,  131-132. 

Cornelius,  Cn.  Lentulus  Vatia,  175. 

Cornelius,  P.  Scipio,  afterwards  Q. 
Metellus  Scipio  by  adoption,  con- 
sul 52  B.C.,  29,  147,  237,  300,  322, 

395,  399,  400,  426,  557. 
Cornelius,  P.  Scipio  Africanus  minor, 

33,  324  (?),  327, 1.  10,  376. 
Cornelius,  L.  Sulla  Felix,  2,  3,  347» 

348  ;    Sullanus   dies,  376  ;   SuUa- 

num  regnum,  328,  338  ;   Sullanum 

tempus,  478. 
Cornelius,  L.  Sulla  Faustus,  son  of 

the  preceding,  322,  395,  400. 
Cornelius,  P.  Sulla,  7,  12. 
Cornificius,  Q.,  26,  44. 
Cornificius,  (J.,  son  of  the  preceding, 

395,  480,  506,  550,  562-564,  612. 
Cornutus,  C,  tribune  in  61  B.C.,  51. 
Cornutus,  M.,  praetor  in  43  B.C.,  509, 

511. 
Cos,  342. 

Cosa  (Cosanum),  343. 
Cosconius,  C,  84. 
Cossinius,  L.,  65. 

Creta,  6,  126;  made  a  province,  127. 
Cularo,  593,  602,  605,  606. 
Cumae   (Cumanum  Ciceronis),   133, 

369,  383,  425- 
Curius,  M'.,  193. 
Curius,  Q.,  10,  12  (?),  27. 
Curtius,  Nicias,  486. 
Curtius,  M.  Postumus,  371. 
Cyprus,  20,  150,  184,  249-254,  262- 

264,  342. 
Cyrene,  a  Roman  province,  125,  239. 
Cyrrhestica,  247. 
Cyrus,   in  Xenophon's  Cyropaedia, 

96. 
Cytheris,  383. 

Dalmatia,  124,  395. 

Deiotarus,  kin-?  of  Galatia,  1 52,  247, 

255,  397,  516,  521. 


6^2 


INDEX  III. 


INDEX  III. 


653 


I 


Delos,  345. 

Demetrius,  of  Magnesia,  330,  342. 

Demosthenes,  65. 

Dertona,  585,  587. 

Dicaearchus,  76,  259,  260. 

Diochares,  410. 

Diodotus,   a  freedman  of  Lucullus, 

99. 
Diodotus,   a   Stoic    philosopher,    i, 

134,  462. 
Diogenes,   a  friend   of  M.   Caelius 

Rufus,  241. 
Dionysius  II,  of  Syracuse,  341,  425- 

426. 
Dionysius,  freedman  of  Atticus,  191. 
Dionysius,  slave  (?)  of  Cicero,  196, 

260,  278,  356,  381. 
Dionysopolitae,  93. 
Diphilus,  a  tragic  actor,  82. 
Domitius,  L.  Ahenobarbus,  consul  in 

54  B.C.,  29,  61,  144,  194,  270,  294, 

296,  298,  300,  312,  314,  322,  343. 
Domitius,  Cn.  Ahenobarbus,  270. 
Domitius,  Cn.  Calvinus,   consul  53 

B.C.,  146,  175,  194,  395. 
Doterio  (?),  61. 
Drusus,  see  Livius. 
Dyrrhachium,  21,  23,  114,  299,300, 

389»  390- 

Eburones,  146. 
Eleusis,  274. 

Ennius,  Q.,  quoted,  263,  558. 
Ephesus,  100,  151. 
Epidaurus,  475. 
Epirotici,  42. 

Epirus,  41,  42,    128-130,  339,   342. 
See  also  Buthrotum,  Dyrrhachium. 
Eporedia,  597. 
Eppius,  M.,  237,  310. 
Eros,  459,  530,  560. 
Etruria,  444,  587. 
Euphrates,  247. 
Eutychides,  freedman  of  Atticus,  191. 

Faberius,  459. 

Faberius,  498. 

Fabius,  68. 

Fabius,  C,  a  legate  of  Caesar,  322. 

Fabius,  C,  95. 

Fabius,  Q.  Maximus,  a  legate  of 
Caesar,  401. 

Fabius,  Q.  Maximus  Cunctator,  men- 
tioned, 470. 

Fabius,  Q.  Maximus,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, 470. 

Fabius,  Q.  Vergilianus,  309. 


Fadius,  M.  Gallus,  322,  note  on  1. 16. 

Fadius,  C.  or  Q.  Gallus  (.?),  a  freed- 
man, father-in-law  of  Antony,  556. 

Fadius,  T.  Gallus,  tribune  in  57  B.C., 
21,  118. 

Fannius,  C,  87,  410. 

Faucius,  M.,  452. 

Favonius,  M.,  50,  70,  173. 

Flavins,  L.,  tribune  in  60  B.C.,  1 5,  (?) 

97-99,  (?)  362. 
Fonteius,  M.,  5,  193. 
Formiae,   295,   315,  385  ;   estate  of 

Cicero  there,    133,  316,  337,  340, 

513,  533- 
Forum,  Cornelium,  569  ;    Gallorum, 

582  ;  luHi,  594  ;  Voconii,  595. 
Frusino,  estate  of  Cicero  at,  390. 
Fufidius,  Q.,  452. 
Fufius,  Q.  Calenus,  tribune  in  61  B.C., 

consul  47  B.C.,  47,  53,  54,  78,  396, 

505,  506,  557. 
Fulvia,  521,  526. 
Fundanius,  C.,  98. 
Furius,  C.  Camillus,  277. 
Furius,  Crassipes,  141,  178,  180. 
Furius  (.?),  L.  Philus,  a  name  given 

by  Cicero  to  Atticus,  84. 
Furnius,  C,  335,  353,  573,  578,  579, 

592, 608. 

Gabinius,  A.,  consul  58  B.C.,  5,  18- 

20,  24,  143-145,  211,  253,  373,  395- 
Galeo,  134,  416. 
Gallia,  Cisalpina,  9,  10,  28,  34,  124, 

452,   499,    503-509,  569,   585-587, 

597,  600. 
Gallia,  Transalpina,   15-16,  20,   24, 

72,    141,   143,    146,   149,  153,  158, 

263,   509-511,    576-579,    590-596, 

598-605,  607.     See  also  lulius. 
GalHi  duo  (M.  and  Q.),  229. 
Gellius,  L.,  consul  72  B.C.,  458. 
Getae,  348. 
Graecia,  383  ;  as  a  Roman  province, 

125,  436,  445.     See  also  Achaia, 

Athenae,  Corinthus. 

Hales,  a  river,  546. 

Haterianum  ius,  427. 

Hector  (in  Naevius'  poem),  267. 

Helvetii,  16,  cp.  20. 

Helvia,  mother  of  Cicero,  i. 

Hephaestus,  of  Apamea,  93. 

Heraclides,   of  Pontus,   allusion  to, 

557. 
Herennius,  murderer  of  Cicero,  513. 

Hermia,  99. 


1 


I 
^1 


Hermippus,  93. 

Hermon,  248. 

Hippias,  son  of  Pisistratus,  men- 
tioned, 348. 

Hirtius,  A.,  consul  43  B.C.,  396,  422, 
425,  504,  509,  518,  520,  522,  531, 
563,  565,  568,  569,  582-584,  586, 
599  ;  Hirtianum  ius,  427. 

Hispania,  3-4,  125,  142,  148,  205, 
223,  285,  291,  315,  322,  366,  370, 
372-373,  385,  388,  400,  416,  462, 
510,  609.  See  also  iEmihus,  M. 
Lepidus,  Asinius,  Pompeius. 

Hispo,  113. 

Homerus,  597. 

Hortensius,  Q.  Hortalus,  consul  69 

B.C.,  4,  14,  43,  53-55,  90,  104,  155, 
165,  274,  369- 
Hortensius,  Q.,  son  of  the  precedmg, 

383,  410,  505. 
Hypaepi,  100. 
Hyrcanus,  24. 

Iconium,  248. 
Inalpini,  553- 
Interamna,  on  the  Liris,  (?)  67;  In- 

teramnates,  on  the  Nar,  193. 
Isara,  a  river,  593. 
Isauricum  forum,  251. 
Isidorus,   a    slave   or  freedman    of 

Atticus,  389,  390. 
Isocrates,  64. 
Italia,  extent  of,  601. 
luba,  king  of  Numidia,  299,  300,  399, 

400,  430. 
ludaea,  24,  127,  141,  150. 
luHa,  daughter  of  Caesar,  17, 143, 145. 

lulius,  C,  254. 

lulius,  C.  Caesar,  consul  59  B.C.,  sus- 
pected of  complicity  with  Catiline, 
10,  12  ;  opposes  the  execution  of 
his  accomplices,  11,  cp.  457;  out- 
rage in  his  house,  13,  43-44  ;  t^is 
prospects   of  the  consulship,  69  ; 
behaviour  of,  as  consul,  16-18,  73- 
89, 102  ;  victories  of,  in  Gaul,  20,  24, 
136,  141,  143,  146,  149,  153-154; 
in  Britain,  143,   145-146;   confer- 
ence of  with  Pompey  at  Luca  in 
56  B.C.,  138,  202  ;  prolongation  of 
the     government     of,    142,    287  ; 
Cicero  recommends  Trebatius  to 
him,   188  ;    granted  leave  to  sue 
for   consulship   without   going   to 
Rome,    148  ;    proposals   to   recall 
him,  153,  157,  231,  236-241,  271, 
289,290;  invades  Italy  in  49  B.C., 


293,  304  ;  surrender  of  Confinium 
to,  294,  332  ;  of  Pompey's  army  in 
Spain  to,  298,  388  ;  victory  of,  at 
Pharsalus,  300 ;  danger  of,  at  Alex- 
andria,   394,    cp.    418  ;    pardons 
Cicero,  394;  victory  of,  at  Thapsus, 
400;  and  at    Munda,  400;   visits 
Cicero     at     PuteoH,     398,     483  ; 
honours   voted  to,  492-495  ;  l^^s 
of,   298,   489-492  ;    letters    of,   to 
Cicero,    335,    357,   380;    and    of 
Cicero  to  him,  188,  353,  461  ;  say- 
ings of,  about  Cicero  and  Brutus, 
516,  517;  death  of,  403. 
lulius,  C.  Octavianus,  see  Octavius. 
lulius,  L.  Caesar,  consul  64  B.C.,  7, 

27,  31,  458,  527,  550,  568,  570. 
lunius,  D.  Brutus,  serves  under 
Caesar  in  the  civil  war  and  be- 
sieges Massilia,  298 ;  conspires 
against  Caesar,  401 ;  behaviour  of, 
alter  Caesar's  death,  497;  one  of 
Caesar's  heirs,  498  ;  occupies 
Cisalpine  Gaul  for  the  senate,  499 ; 
correspondence  of,  with  M.  Brutus 
and  C.  Cassius,  518  ;  with  Cicero, 

552,  561,  564,  584-587,  597,. 599; 
charge  against  him,  559 ;  besieged 
in  Mutina  by  Antony,  503-509, 
569,  581;  relieved,  509,  584,  591  ; 
(?)  confers  with  Octavian,  599  ; 
crosses  the  Alps  to  join  Plancus, 
510,  603,  606  ;  deserted  by  his 
troops,  511;  death  of,  511. 
lunius,  L.  Brutus,  consul   509  B.C., 

mentioned,  88. 
lunius,  M.  Brutus,  by  adoption  Q. 
Serviiius  Caepio,  one  of  the  mur- 
derers of  Caesar — denounced  by 
Vettius,    86  ;     his     covetousness, 
154,   251-254,   262-264;    Cicero's 
regard  for  him,  256  ;  in  Pompey's 
camp,  391  ;  pardoned  by  Caesar, 
394;  governor  of  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
396,   445,   452  ;    letter  of  Cicero 
to,  452  ;    writes  of  Cicero's  con- 
sulship, 457  ;    Caesar's  judgment 
of,  516;  conspires  against  Caesar, 
401  ;  meets  Cicero  at  Velia,  501, 
546  ;   operations  and  position  of, 
in  Macedonia,  503-505,  511,  566, 
569,  581  ;   letter  of  D.  Brutus  to, 
518;   of  him  and   C.  Cassius  to 
Antony,  541. 
lunius,  L.  Paciaecus,  422. 
lunius,  D.  Silanus,  consul  62  B.C.,  10, 
27,  458. 


654 


INDEX  III. 


INDEX  III. 


655 


lunius,  M.  Silanus,  582,  596. 
luventius,  M.  Laterensis,  79,  592,603. 

Laberius,  D.,  482. 
Lacedaemonians,  enmity  of,  to  The- 

mistocles,  376. 
Laco,  558. 
Laelii,  230. 

Laelius,  C.  Sapiens,  33. 
Laenius,  (M.  ?),  248. 
Lanuvium,   518,  530;  estate  there, 

345- 
Laodicea,  in  Phr^^gia,  226. 

Laterium,  an  estate  of  Q.  Cicero, 

133,  361. 

Lepreon,  260. 

Lepta,  Q.,  189,  323. 

Lesbos,  342. 

Leucopetra,  544. 

Licinius,  a  kidnapper,  95. 

Licinius,  a  slave,  100. 

Licinius,  L.  Crassus,  the  great  orator,  i . 

Licinius,  M.  Crassus,  consul  70  and 
55  B.C.,  joins  Pompey  in  his  legis- 
lation of  70  B.C.,  4 ;  praises  Cicero 
in  61  B.C.,  48  ;  forms  one  of  the 
so-called  first  triumvirate,  16;  pro- 
posal of,  as  to  the  restoration  of 
Ptolemy,  166  ;  rivalry  of  with 
Pompey  in  56  B.C.,  172,  I73  ;  re- 
conciled to  him,  138,  139,  cp.  202  ; 
and  to  Cicero,  21 1-2 12;  second 
consulship  of,  142, 143;  command  in 
Syria,  defeat  and  death  of,  145, 146. 

Licinius,  P.  Crassus,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, 24,  141,  146,  461. 

Licinius,  (?)  Crassus  Dives,  88. 

Licinius,  L.  Lucullus,  consul  74  B.C., 
6,  19,  63,  124,  127,  458. 

Licinius,  M.  Lucullus,  brother  of  the 
preceding,  by  adoption  M.  Teren- 
tius  Varro  Lucullus,  consul  y^  B.C., 
63,  124,  165,  182,  458. 

Licinius,  C.  Macer,  6  ;  another,  177. 

Licinius,  L.  Murena^  consul  62  B.C., 
10,11,458. 

Ligurius,  A.,  412. 

Lilybaeum,  2. 

Livius  {?)  Drusus,  195,  272,459. 

LoUius,  C.,  459. 

Lollius,  L.,  236. 

LoUius,  M.  Palicanus,  27. 

Luca,  138,  202. 

Lucceius,  L.  Q.  F.,  51,  141,  256. 

Lucceius,  L.,  M.  F.,  254. 


Lucceius,  or  Lucilius,  C.  Hirrus,  230, 

237,  310- 
Luceria,  Pompey's  head-quarters  for 

a  time  in  49  B.C.,  294,  310,  320,  323, 

329,334,419.  ,,     . 

Lucilius,  the  satirist,  allusion  to,  556. 

Lupus,  561.     See  also  Rutilius. 

Lutatius,  Q.  Catulus,  12,  15,  43,  57, 

89,  458. 
Lycaonia,  150,  251. 
Lycia,  342. 

Macedonia,  a  Roman  province,  9, 18, 
20,  24,  124,  141,  142,  292,  300,  436, 
505,  569  ;  Macedonicae  legiones, 
551.  5^^ also  Antonius  (C.),Calpur- 
nius  (L.  Piso),  lunius  (M.  Brutus). 

Madarus,  see  Matius,  C. 

Maecia  tribus,  195. 

Magius,  P.  Cilo,  476. 

Maleae,  475. 

Mallius  or  Manlius,  C,  12. 

Mamercus,  Q.,  452. 

Mamilius,  Octavius,  347. 

Mamurra,  281,  484. 

Manilius,  C,  tribune  in  66  B.C.,  law 
of,  6. 

Manlius,  C.  Acidinus,  476. 

Manlius,    A.    Torquatus,     472-474, 

(?)  560. 
Manlius,   L.   Torquatus,   consul  65 

B.C.,  458. 
Manlius,  L.  Torquatus,   son  of  the 

preceding,  310,  (.?)  251. 
Marathon,  battle  of,  348. 
Marcius,  C.  Coriolanus,  348. 
Marcius,  L.  Censorinus,  (?)  99. 
Marcius,  Q.  Crispus,  589,  613. 
Marcius,  C.  Figulus,  consul  64  B.C., 

perhaps  identical  with  Q.  Minu- 

cius  Thermus,  7,  27,  31,  458. 
Marcius,  L.  Philippus,  consul  in  91 

B.C.,  321. 
Marcius,   L.  Philippus,   son   of  the 

preceding,  consul  56  B.C.,  201,483, 

504,  522,  565. 
Marcius,  Q.  Rex,  14,  60. 
Marius,  C,  seven  times  consul,  348, 

376. 
Marius,  M.,  428. 
Matinius,  P.,  251. 
Matius,  C,  355,  500,  515-518,  532- 

539,  557. 
Megara,  466. 
Megaristus,  of  Antandrus,  93. 


^  In  the  best  editions  this  name  is  spelt  Murena,  not  Muraena. 


Melita,  378. 

Memmius,  C.  Gemellus,  102, 194, 225. 

Menocritus,  214. 

Mescinius,    L.    Rufus,   quaestor    of 

Cicero  in  51  B.C.,  151. 
Messius,  C,  163,  195. 
Miletus,  342. 
Minturnae,  310. 
Minucius,  L.  Basilus,  406. 
Minucius,  A.  Thermus,  18. 
Minucius,  Q.  Thermus,  27,  (?)  255. 

See  also  Marcius,  C.  Figulus. 
Misenum,  villa  of  Antony  near,  378. 
Mithridates,  Eupator,  king  of  Pontus, 

3,  6,  124,  126,  127. 
Molon,  I,  2,  71. 

Mucia,  wife  of  Pompey,  14,  38. 
Mucius,  Q.  Scaevola,  augur,  i. 
Mucius,  Q.  Scaevola,  pontifex  maxi- 

mus,  I,  321 ;  Mucianus  exitus,  355. 
Mucius,  Q.  Scaevola,  tribune  in  54 

B.C.,  344- 

Munatius,  Cn.  Plancus,  574,  59i,  592, 
594. 

Munatius,  L.  Plancus,  brother  of  the 
preceding,  commands  in  northern 
Gaul  after  Caesar's  death,  611; 
for  a  long  time  professes  devotion 
to  the  senate,  507-511,  576,  590- 
594,  602,  607-610 ;  Cicero's  ex- 
hortations to  him,  573,  579,  596  ; 
joins  D.  Brutus,  510,  608  ;  is  re- 
conciled to  Antony,  511. 

Munatius, T.  Plancus  Bursa,  149,  482. 

Mustela,  Tamisius,  558. 

Mutina,  503-509,  569,  581,  584.  See 
also  Antonius,  M. ;  lunius,  D. 
Brutus. 

Myrtilus,  559. 

Mytilenae,  431. 

Naevius,  Cn.,  the  poet,  quoted,  267. 
Nar,  193. 

Navius,  Attus,  reference  to,  375. 
Neapolis,  527,   544;   Neapolitanum 

(Pontii),  53^531- 
Nerius,  Cn.,  174. 
Nervii,  24. 

Nestor,  in  the  Iliad,  527. 
Nicaea,  516. 
Nicias,  of  Smyrna,  93. 
Nicias,  Curtius,  486. 
Nigidius,  P.  Figulus,  praetor  58  B.C., 

102. 
Ninnius,  L.  Quadratus,  tribune  in  58 

B.C.,  19,  21,  118,382. 
Nonius,  M.  (?)  Sufenas,  192. 


Numerius,  Q.  Rufus,  tribune  57  B.C., 

21. 
Numestius,  Numerius,  85. 
Nymphon,  of  Colophon,  94. 

Octavius,  C,  father  of  the  emperor, 

72,  96. 
Octavius,  afterwards  C.  lulius  Caesar 
Octavianus  Augustus,  birth  of,  12  ; 
goes  to  Caesar's  camp  in  Spain, 
401 ;  studies  at  Apollonia  in  Epirus, 
401 ;  returns  to  Italy  after  Caesar's 
death,  499,   cp.    522  ;   speech   of, 
531  ;  his  games,  535,  538;  accused 
of  an  attempt  on  Antony's  life,  551 ; 
correspondence   of,   with    Cicero, 
559  ;  intrigues  with  the  population 
of  Campania,  554,  559;  and  with 
Antony's    legions,    502,    cp.  568 ; 
takes    the   field    against   Antony, 
503,  565,  569  ;  inactivity  of,  after 
the  relief  of  Mutina,  509,  587,  604, 
609 ;  demands  the  consulship,  510 ; 
and  marches  to  Rome,  511  ;  is  re- 
conciled to  Antony,  512  ;  and  joins 
the  second  triumvirate,  512. 

Octavius,  L.  Naso,  97. 

Octavius,  M.,   curule  aedile  50  B.C, 
248-249,  299. 

Octavius,  Mamilius,  347. 

Olbia,  in  Sardinia,  176. 

Olympia,  546. 

Oppius,  C,  337,  371,516. 

Orodes,  king  of  Parthia,  247. 

Ovia,  459. 

Pammenes,  265. 

Pamphylia,   150,  342;  forum   Pam- 

phylium,  250. 
Panaetius,  a  philosopher,  356,  558. 
Papirius,    C.   Carbo,    contemporary 

with  C.  Gracchus,  174. 
Papirius,  L.  Paetus,  72,  425,  432. 
Parma,  569. 
Parthi,  126,  127,  146,  152,  155,  224, 

227,  244,  246,  292,  401 ;  Parthicae 

res,  329. 
Patrae,  407. 
Patron,   an  Epicurean  philosopher, 

100,  225. 
Pausanias,  234. 
Peducaeus,  Sex.,  propraetor  of  Sicily 

in  76-75  B.C.,  2,  361. 
Peducaeus,  Sex.,  son  of  the  preceding, 

270,  309,  324,  337,  352,  361,  363, 
556. 
Pedum,  estate  of  Caesar  near,  360. 


Gs'S 


INDEX    III. 


INDEX  III. 


657 


Pelopidae,  in  a  quotation,  522. 
Peloponnesus,  geography  of,  259-260. 
Pericles,  306. 
Petreius,  M.,  12,  291,  298,  315,  395, 

399,  400. 
Phaedrus,  an  Epicurean  philosopher, 

128,  545. 
Phamea,  345. 
Phania,  256. 
Pharnaces,  son  of  the  famous  Mithri- 

dates,  127,  395,  418. 
Phemius,  250. 
Philip,  father  of  Alexander  the  Great, 

61. 
Philo,  an  Academic  philosopher,  i. 
Philo,  a  freedman  of  M.  Caelius,  241. 
Philogenes,  258. 
Philotimus,  a  freedman  of  Terentia, 

134,  151,  334,  339,  342,  343,  379- 
Phlius,  Phliasii,  260. 
Phraates,  143. 
Picenum,  308. 
Pilia,  wife  of  Atticus,  129,  225,  518, 

547. 
Pilius,  Q.,  234. 

Pindenissus,  152. 

Piraeus,  466,  475-476. 

Pisaurum,  314. 

Pisistratus,  of  Athens,  348  ;  Caesar 

compared  to  him,  334. 
Pituanius,  191. 
Plaguleius,  373. 
Plancius,  Cn.,  quaestor  in  58,  curule 

aediie  in  54  B.C.,  21,  113,  144,  397, 

453. 
Plato,  the  pupil  of  Socrates,  205, 209, 

375- 

Plato,  of  Sardis,  an  Epicurean  phi- 
losopher, 100. 

Plautius,  P.  Hypsaeus,  147,  166-167. 

Plautus,  one  of  the  judges  of  Clodius, 

57. 
Plotius,  L.,  14. 

Polla,  wite  of  D.  Brutus,  564. 

Pollentia,  600,  601. 

Pollex,  a  slave  of  Cicero,  391. 

Polycharmus,  225. 

Pompeia,  wife  of  Caesar,  44. 

Pompeii,  382  ;  estate  of  Cicero  at, 

71,  ^33,  382,  429,  548,  559- 
Pompeius,  Cn.  Strabo,  consul  in  89 

B.C.,  I . 

Pompeius,  Cn.  Magnus,  son  of  the 
preceding,  returns  from  Spain,  4  ; 
measures  of,  as  consul,  in  70  B.C., 
4  ;  commissioned  to  act  against 
the  pirates,  5 ;  and  against  Mithri- 


dates,  6,  127 ;  campaigns  of,  in  the' 
East,  127-128 ;  Cicero's  respect 
for,  6  ;  and  discontent  with,  33  ;■ 
returns  to  Rome,  14  ;  behaviour 
of,  there,  15,  47,  48 ;  combines  with 
Caesar  and  Crassus  in  60  B.C.,  16 ; 
marries  Julia,  Caesar's  daughter,' 
17;  behaviour  of,  during  Caesar's 
consulship,  74,  75  ;  unpopularity 
of,  82-84  ;  quarrels  with  Clodius, 
21  ;  promotes  Cicero's  return  from 
exile,  22  ;  intrigues  for  a  command 
in  57-56  B.C.,  135,  138,  162,  165  ; 
conference  of,  with  Caesar,  at  Luca 
in  56  B.C.,  138,  202  ;  second  consul- 
ship of,  in  55  B.C.,  142 ;  receives  the 
government  of  Spain,  142;  third 
consulship  of,  in  52  B.C.,  and  es-- 
trangement  from  Caesar,  147,  148, 
240,  271  ;  marries  Cornelia,  147; 
behaviour  of,  in  Italy,  in  49  B.C., 
294,  303-313,  319;  interviews  of, 
with  Cicero,  295,  347 ;  his  cruelty 
feared,334,  Z2>^,  342,408,410;  cam- 
paign of,  in  48  B.C.,  299,  300,  388, 
390, 4 1 2, 429;  death  of,  394, 4 1 0,426. 
Pompeius,  Cn.,  son  of  the  preceding, 

243,  299,  395,  400,  422. 

Pompeius,  Sex.,  brother  of  the  pre- 
ceding, 243,  400,  504,  510,  516,  519, 
611,612. 

Pomponia,  sister  of  Atticus,  wife  of 
Q.    Cicero,    5,    72,    128,  131,  258, 

259»  413- 
Pomponius,  T.  Atticus,  1 28-1 31,  and 

the  letters  to  Atticus,  passim. 
Pomptina  tribus,  195. 
Pomptinus,  C,  praetor    in   63  B.C., 

223,  251,  278. 
Pontidia,  255. 
Pontius,  Titinianus,  341. 
Pontius,  L.  Aquila,  29,  530,  599. 
Popilius  Laenas,  murderer  of  Cicero, 

513. 
Porcius,  C.  Cato,  loi,  142,  171-174, 

192. 

Porcius,  M.  Cato,  the  censor,  470. 

Porcius,  M.  Cato,  '  of  Utica,'  tribune 
62,  praetor  54  B.C.,  advocates  the 
execution  of  Lentulus  and  his 
associates,  457,  458  ;  prosecutes 
L.  Murena,  ii  ;  opposes  the 
claims  of  Pompey  to  command 
against  Catiline,  12  ;  energy  of, 
in  pressing  proceedings  against 
Clodius,  44,  50  ;  his  ill-timed 
rigour  in    60    B.C.,   70 ;     advises 


■  1 


\:\ 


\ 


Cicero  to  leave  Italy  in  58  B.C., 
20  ;  receives  a  commission  to 
manage  the  annexation  of  Cy- 
prus, 20  ;  defeated  in  a  contest 
for  the  praetorship  in  55  B.C., 
142  ;  opposes  the  grant  of  a  *  sup- 
plicatio '  in  honour  of  Cicero  in  50 
B.C.,  156,  266-269;  fails  to  hold 
Sicily  for  Pompey,  in  49  B.C., 
382  ;  rebukes  Cicero  for  going  to 
Pompey's  camp,  297  ;  but  requests 
him  to  take  the  command  after 
Pharsalus,  299  ;  conducts  a  body 
of  troops  from  Cyrene  to  the  pro- 
vince of  Africa,  395  ;  death  of, 
400,  426  ;  name  of,  used  proverb- 
ially, 546. 

Porcius,  M.  Laeca,  10. 

Porsena,  347. 

Posidonius,  a  philosopher,  65,  558. 

Postumia,  251  ;  her  son,  255. 

Postumius,  251. 

Postumius,  P.,  476. 

Praeneste,  games  at,  in  46  B.C.,  422. 

Precius  (?),  or  Precianus,  hereditas 
Preciana,  277. 

Procilius,  192. 

Ptolemaeus  XII,  Auletes,  17,  24,  74, 
136,  143,  164-170,  183-185. 

Ptolemais,  184. 

Publicius  (?),  Q.,  100. 

Publilia,  second  wife  of  Cicero,  397, 

398,  453. 
Pubhhus  Syrus,  482,  517. 
Pupius,  M.  Piso,  consul  in  61  B.C., 

13,42-44,  50,  51,  53,  58. 
Puteoli,  estate  of  Cicero  at,  133. 

Quinctius,   L.,   a  friend  of  Cicero, 

282. 
Quinctius,  P.,  defended  by  Cicero,  2. 
Quinctius,  T.  Flamininus  (O  Tite), 

558. 

Rabirius,  C,  9,  66,  132. 

Rabirius,  C.  Postumus,  144. 

Racilius,  L.,  tribune  in  56  B.C.,  182. 

Ravenna,  138,  202,  293. 

Reate,  people  of,  193. 

Regium,  people  of,  544. 

Regium   Lepidi    or    Lepidum,   569, 

585. 
Regulus,  case  of,  558. 
Rhodanus,  591. 

Rhodus,  2,  155,  342,  431,  519,  539- 
Roscius,  Sex.,  of  Ameria,  2. 


Roscius,  Q.,  an  actor,  5. 
Roscius,  L.  Fabatus,  293. 
Roscius,  L.  Otho,  5,  9,  66. 
Rosea  or  Rosia,  193. 
Rubrius,  Q.,  estate  of,  557. 
Rutilius,   P.  Lupus,  tribune    in    56 
B.C.,  166,  169,  {})  561. 

Salamis,  in  Cyprus,  251-254,   262- 

264. 
Sallustius,  C.  Crispus,  authority  of,  as 

a  historian,  io. 
Samnium,  559. 
Sampsiceramus,     a     nickname   for 

Pompey,  75. 
Sardanapalus,     reference     to,    375, 

Sardinia,  125,  176,  202. 

Saufeius,  M.,  148. 

Scaptius,  M.,  251-254,  263-264. 

Scribonius,  C.  Curio,  consul  76  B.C., 

49,  50,  53,  458. 

Scribonius,  C.  Curio,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, tribune  50  B.c,  supports 
Clodius  in  61  B.C.,  49  ;  opposes 
the  triumvirs  in  59  B.C.,  78  ;  de- 
nounced by  Vettius,  85  ;  Cicero, 
in  53  B.C.,  begs  his  support  for 
Milo  as  a  candidate  for  the  con- 
sulship, 220-222  ;  as  tribune  sup- 
posed hostile  to  Caesar,  153,  157, 
241,  cp.  229  ;  but  is  purchased  by 
him,  157,  244  ;  carries  a  proposal 
in  the  senate  that  both  Caesar 
and  Pompey  should  resign  their 
provinces  and  armies,  1 57 ;  brings 
Caesar's  last  proposals  to  the 
senate  in  January,  49  B.C.,  1 58, 
290  ;  has  an  interview  with  Cicero 
in  49  B.C.,  378  ;  writes  to  him, 
382  ;  a  friend  of  M.  Caelius,  385  ; 
occupies  Sicily  for  Caesar,  299  ; 
crosses  over  to  Africa,  where  he  is 
killed  in  a  battle  with  the  Pom- 
peians  and  luba,  299. 

Scribonius,  L.  Libo,  father-in-law  of 
Sex.  Pompeius,  166,  299,  311. 

Seleucea,  on  the  Tigris,  269. 

Sempronius,    C.    Rufus,    233,    265, 

(?)  564. 
Septem  aquae,  near  Reate,  193. 

Septimia,  556. 

Septimius,  C.,  237. 

Sequani,  16. 

Sergius,  L.  Catilina,  twice  acquitted 

of  serious  charges,  59 ;  first  con- 


U  u 


6:^8 


INDEX  III. 


INDEX  III. 


659 


spiracy  of,  7  ;  candidate  for  the 
consulship  in  65  B.C.,  27  ;  (?)  de- 
fended by  Cicero,  31  ;  attacked  by 
Cicero  in  64  B.C.,  8  ;  resumes  his 
conspiracy,  9  ;  leaves  Rome,  10  ; 
punishment  of  his  chief  accom- 
plices, II,  457  ;  defeat  and  death 
of,  12  ;  character  of,  described  in 
the  speech  pro  Caelio,  140. 

Sertorius,  O.,  3,  125,  126. 

Servaeus,  tribune  elect  in  51  B.C., 
229. 

Servilia,  mother  of  M.  Brutus,  531. 

Servilii,  236. 

Servilius,  M.,  234-236. 

Servilius,  C.  Ahala,  reference  to, 
88. 

Servilius,  Q.  Caepio,  cp.  lunius,  M. 
Brutus. 

Servilius,  P.  Rullus,  tribune  63  B.C., 

8,  244-245. 
Servilius,  P.  Vatia  Isauncus,  consul 

79  B.C.,  166,  458. 
ServiHus,    P.   Vatia   Isauricus,    son 

of  the  preceding,  consul   48  B.C., 

71,    195,    300,   406,  506-508,  548, 

591. 
Sestius,  P.,  tribune  57  B.C.,  12,  21, 

118,  137,  174,  175,  177,  201,  516, 

517. 
Sicca,  20,  556. 
Sicilia,   Siculi,  2,  67,  68,   224,   362, 

382,  521. 
Sicyon,  Sicyonii,  42,  71. 
Sidon,  342. 
Sinuessa,  357. 
Sittius,  P.,  232,  399. 
Smyrna,  342. 
Solon,  362. 

Spartacus,  3,  126,  263. 
Spongia,    one     of    the    judges    of 

Clodius,  57. 
Statins,  a  freedman  of  Q.  Cicero,  80, 

92,  93,  96,  259.  «.  r 

Statins,   L.   Murcus,   an    officer    of 

Caesar,  422,  589,  613. 
Sufenas,  see  Nonius. 
Sulla,   *  nomenclator '  of  Q.  Cicero, 

97. 
Sulpicius,  P.  Galba,  25,  26. 

Sulpicius,      Ser.     Galba,     one     of 

Caesar's   murderers,   136,  344  (?), 

508,  581-584. 
Sulpicius,  C.  Callus,  470. 
Sulpicius,  Ser.  Rufus,  consul  51  B.C., 

prosecutes  Murena  in  63  B.C.,  1 1  ; 

as  consul  argues  in  favour  of  con- 


ciliation, 1 50  ;  placed  in  charge  of 
Greece  by  Caesar,  436, 445  ;  writes 
to  console  Cicero  on  the  death  of 
Tullia,  463-469  ;  reports  the  mur- 
der of  M.  Marcellus  to  Cicero, 
475-477  ;  absent  from  Rome  in 
44  B.C.,  550  ;  in  the  following  year 
goes  on  a  mission  to  Antony, 
504  ;  his  death,  504,  568,  570  ; 
letters  of  Cicero  to  him,  435, 
469. 

Sulpicius,  Servius  Rufus,  son  of  the 
preceding,  359,  439,  470- 

Surenas,  152. 

Synnada  or  Synnas,  in  Phrygia, 
forum  Synnadense,  226,  250. 

Syracusae,  382,  426,  560. 

Syria,  made  a  Roman  province,  127. 
See  also  M.  Calpurnius  Bibulus, 
C.  Cassius,  M.  Licinius  Crassus, 
Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus. 

Tamisius  Mustela,  558. 

Tarentum,  393. 

Tarquinius,  L.  Superbus,  reference 

to,  347. 
Tarracina,  310. 
Tarsus,  152,  227,  249. 
Tauromenium,  560. 
Taurus,  Mons,  250,  255. 
Teanum,   Sidicinum,   294,    310-31 1, 

3141  559- 

Tencteri,  143. 

Tenea,  in  Peloponnesus,  260. 

Terentia,  wife  of  Cicero,  2  ;  her 
energy  on  his  behalf  in  58  B.C.,  21, 
no- 1 14;  approves  Tullia's  mar- 
riage to  Dolabella,  273 ;  Cicero 
writes  to  her  in  50  B.C,  155,  276  ; 
his  anxiety  on  her  behalf  in  49 
B.C.,  when  she  stayed  in  Italy, 
295,  308,  316,  cp.  387 ;  his  farewell 
letter  to  her  before  leaving  Italy, 
384  ;  he  is  discontented  with  her 
on  his  return  to  her  in  Italy  in  48 
B.C.,  393;   divorced,  397,  cp.  453j 

455,459-       _       , 

Terentius,  Q.  Afer,  the  poet,  quota- 
tion from,  211. 

Terentius,  Culleo,  106,  596. 

Terentius,  M.  Varro,    22,    89,    105, 

298,  423,  557,  587.      ^       „ 
Terentius,   M.  Varro    LucuUus,   see 

Licinius  Lucullus. 

Terentius,  A.  Varro  Murena,  315. 

Tettius,  Sex.,  236. 

Teucris,  46. 


t 


i/  \ 


Thalna,  one  of  the  judges  of  Clodius, 

57.  . 

Themistocles,  306,  348,  373,  376. 
Theophanes,  of  Mytilenae,  223,  281. 
Theophrastus,  of   Amisus,   see  Ty- 

rannio. 
Theophrastus,  of  Eresus,  a  pupil  ot 

Aristotle,  75. 
Theopompus,   a    dependent    ot    Vd- 

Cicero,  97. 
Thessalonica,  20,  108-III,  299. 
Thrace,  124,  512. 
Thrasybulus,  321.  ^ 

Thucydides,  the  great  historian,  376. 
Thyillus,  a  poet,  63. 
Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  6,  124, 

126,  127. 
Tigranes,  a  prince  of  Armenia,  son 

of  the  preceding,  21. 
Tillius,  L.  Cimber,  one  of  Caesars 

murderers,  612. 
Titinius,  Q.,  249  ;  his  son,  341. 
Titius,  C.  Strabo,  581. 
Transpadani,  124-125,  223,  281,  315, 

569. 
Tratorius,  551,  552- 
Trebatius,  C.  Testa,   189,   295,  345, 

532,  535,  539..^       . 

Trebellius,  L.  Fides,  601. 

Trebonius,  C,  322,  409,  567,  589. 

Trebula,  district  of,  533- 

Tritia,  a  town  of  Peloponnesus,  26a 

Tuccius,  M.,  233. 

Tullia,  daughter  of  Cicero,  betrothed 
to  C.  Piso,  7 ;  anxiety  of  Cicero  for 
her  during  his  exile,  109-110,  112  ; 
meets  him  at  Brundisium  in  57 
B.C.,  23  ;  betrothed  to  Furius  Cras- 
sipes,  178;   married  to  Dolabella 
in    50    B.C.,    156,    273  ;     Cicero's 
anxiety  on  her  behalf  in  49  B.C., 
295,   308,   370;   her  care  for  his 
safety,  372  ;   and  for  his  honour, 
377 ;  anxiety  of  Cicero  in  48  B.a 
as  to  her  maintenance,  389,  413  ; 
and  as  to  her  health,  409 ;  divorce 
from  Dolabella,  and  death  of,  m 
45  B.C.,  398,  463  ;  Cicero  anxious 
to  build  a  shrine  to  her  memory, 
398,  459,  note  on  1.  4. 
TuUius,  L.,  legate  of  Cicero  in  Cilicia, 

223-224,  249. 
TuUius,  M.,  a  friend  of  Cicero,  311 ; 

defended  by  Cicero  (?),  3. 
Tullius,    L.    Cicero,    uncle    of  the 
orator,  i. 

U 


Tullius,    M.   Cicero,   father    of  the 
orator,  i. 

Tullius,  M.  Cicero,  the  orator,  birth 
of,  I ;  life  of,  till  his  election  to  the 
praetorship,    1-5  ;    advocates  the 
proposal  of  Manilius,  6;  consul- 
ship of,  8-12;  quarrels  with  Clo- 
dius, 14,  58-60,  67-68;  behaviour 
of,  during  Caesar's  first  consulship, 
18,  79,  84;  leaves  Rome  in  58  B.C., 
and  lives  in  exile  for  a  year  and  a 
half,  20-23,  103-119;  good  under- 
standing between  him  and  Pom- 
pey  after  his  return,  135,  162,  163; 
breach  of,  with  Pompey  and  Caesar, 

138,  201 ;  submission  of,  to  them, 

139,  179,  203,  209;  his  advocacy 
of  the  claims  of  P.  Lentulus  Spin- 
ther  to  restore  Ptolemy,  136,  164- 
170,  181-185;  pleads  for  Milo  m 
52  B.C.,   148  ;  his  government  of 
Cilicia,  51-50  B.C.,  I5i-i55,  226- 
227,  246-255,  262-269;  return  of, 
to  Italy,  155,  279;  J^is  hopes  of  a 
triumph,  266-269,  275;  hesitation 
of,  at  the  beginning  of  the  civil  war, 
between  Caesar  and  Pompey,  294- 
297,  318-322,   346-352  ;   sets   out 
for  Pompey's  camp,  June  7,  49  B.C., 
297,  384  ;  his  behaviour  there,  297, 
299,  390;    returns  to   Italy,  299, 
405,    408  ;    quarrel    of,    with    his 
brother,  see  Quintus  Cicero  ;  par- 
doned by   Caesar,  394 ;   divorces 
Terentia,  397,  cp.  453,  455,  459  ; 
death  of  Tullia,  see  Tullia  ;  con- 
duct of,  after  Caesar's  death,  497, 
498  ;  correspondence  of,  with  An- 
tony,   523-526;    with    Dolabella, 
527-529;   with  Matius,   532-53?; 
sets  out  for  Greece,  501,  544 ;  in- 
terview of,  with  M.  Brutus  at  Velia, 
in  August,  44  B.C.,  501,  546;  re- 
turns to  Rome  and  delivers  the 
first  Philippic,  502,  548  ;  in  43  B.C. 
pleads  in  the  senate  for  energetic 
measures    to    be    taken    against 
Antony,  504-508  ;  corresponds  with 
D.  Brutus,  C.  Cassius,  Q.  Corni- 
ficius,    Lepidus,   Plancus,    Polho, 
Trebonius,   539-6io ;    injudicious 
attempts  of,  to  weaken  Octavian, 
509;   after  the  formation  of  the 
second    triumvirate    attempts    to 
escape  from  Italy,  5^3  ;  death  of, 
513.    See  also,  principal  events  m 

u  2 


66o 


INDEX  III, 


INDEX  IIL 


66i 


the  life  of,  xxxii ;  on  his  estates 
and  other  property,  133,  134 ; 
chronological  list  of  the  writings 
of,  xxvii ;  names  of  his  corre- 
spondents, XX. 

Tullius,  M.  Cicero,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, birth  of,  7,  31 ;  anxiety  of 
his  father  for,  in  58  B.C.,  112,  114, 
119;  accompanies  his  father  to 
Cilicia,  151;  stays  with  Deiotarus, 
152;  visits  Rhodes,  155;  at  For- 
miae  in  49  B.C.,  316  ;  appointed 
aedile  at  Arpinum  in  46  B.C.,  453; 
goes  to  study  at  Athens  in  45  B.C., 
398;  does  good  service  to  M. 
Brutus  in  Macedonia  in  43  B.C., 
505  ;  the  treatise  ^  De  Officiis ' 
addressed  to  him,  559. 

Tullius,  Q.  Cicero,  brother  of  the 
orator,  marries  Pomponi^,  131 ; 
writes  a  long  letter  to  his  brother, 
*  De  Petitione  Consulatus,'  8;  prae- 
tor in  62  B.C.,  12  ;  governs  the 
province  of  Asia,  61-59  (inclusive) 
B.C.,  14,  y6f  92-103  ;  injured  in  a 
riot  in  57  B.C.,  23  ;  makes  promises 
to  Pompey  on  behalf  of  his  brother, 
202  ;  goes  as  Pompey's  legate  to 
Sardinia,  136, 176  ;  and  as  Caesar's 
to  Gaul,  145,  213;  visits  Britain, 
196 ;  in  great  danger  in  Gaul  in 
53  B.C.,  146  ;  goes  with  his  brother 
to  Cilicia,  151,  152,  249;  Marcus 
thinks  of  leaving  him  in  charge  of 
the  province,  251,  274  ;  spends  the 
winter  of  51-50  B.c  in  Cilicia 
proper,  255  ;  quarrels  with  Pom- 
ponia,  258-259  ;  quarrels  with  his 
brother  after  the  battle  of  Phar- 
salus,  393,  407,  412,  413  ;  sues  for 
pardon  to  Caesar,  410 ;  Marcus 
intercedes  for  him,  415  ;  they  are 
reconciled,  394 ;  pays  court  to 
Caesar  in  45  B.C.,  398  ;  letter  of,  to 
his  brother,  in  44  B.C.,  560,  561 ; 
proscribed  by  Antony  and  mur- 
dered in  43  B.C.,  513. 

Tullius,  Q.  Cicero,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, education  of,  177 ;  accom- 
panies his  father  and  uncle  to 
Cilicia,  151;  character  of,  259; 
with  his  father  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalus,  407,  410  (?) ;  suspected 
by  the  orator  of  calumniating 
him,  393  ;  aedile  at  Arpinum  in  46 
B.C.,  453  ;  serves  under  Caesar  in 


45  B.C.,  398  ;  referred  to  in  44  B.C., 
561 ;    murdered   with    his   father, 

513. 
Tullius,  M.  Tiro,   freedman   of  the 

orator,  121,  296,  313-317- 

Tusca  disciplina,  441. 

Tuscenius,  95. 

Tusculum,  estate  of  Cicero  at,  71, 

133^  345,  420,  425,  433,  518,  532; 

Tusculanus  ager,  433. 
Tyrannio,  177,  423. 
Tyrus,  342. 

Ulixes,  in  Homer's  poetry,  597. 
Usipetes,  143. 
Utica,  400,  422. 

Vada,  586,  600. 

Valerius,  P.,  no,  255,  544. 

Valerius,  L.  Flaccus,  interrex  in  82 

B.c,  321. 
Valerius,  L.  Flaccus,  praetor  in  63 

B.C.,  18,  90. 
Valerius,  M.  Messalla  Niger,  consul 

in  61  B.C.,  13,43,  44,  51- 

Valerius,  M.  Messalla,  consul  in  53 
B.C.,  146,  194,  228. 

Valerius,  Q.  Orca,  commissioner  for 
dividing  lands  in  45  B.C.,  477-480. 

Valerius,  an  interpreter,  560. 

Varius,  P.,  29. 

Vatinius,  P.,  tribune  in  59,  praetor 
in  55  B.C.,  17,  18,  88,  142,  144,  199, 
201,  2 10-2 1 1,  395,  407,  412;  con- 
sul at  the  close  of  47  B.C.,  396  ; 
submits  to  M.  Brutus  in  lUyricum, 
43  B.C.,  505. 

Veii,  territory  of,  433. 

Velia,  546. 

Velina  tribus,  195. 

Velinus,  a  lake  and  river,  193. 

Vennonius,  C,  307. 

Ventidius,  P.  Bassus,  509,  584,  586, 
595,  600. 

Vercingetorix,  149. 

Vergilius,  C,  20,  96. 

Verres,  C,  3-5. 

Vestorius,  C,  a  money-lender  of 
Puteoli,  234,  260,  265,  523,  531. 

Vettius,  179. 

Vettius,  L.,  an  informer,  12,  18,85-88. 

Vibius,  C.  Pansa,  tribune  in  51  B.C., 
1 53,  239-240 ;  friendly  to  Cicero, 
409 ;  consul  in  43  B.C.,  504-509, 
522,  531,  561,  563,  565,  569,  572, 
582,  584,  600. 


'Ji 


li 


Vibullius,  L.  Rufus,  202,  309-310- 

Villiu^,  Sex.,  219. 

ViUius,  L.  Annalis,  237. 

Vinicius,  L.,  tribune  m  51  B.C.,  239. 

Visellius,  C.  Varro,  118. 

Vocontii,  602. 

Volaterrae,  47  7-480.  . 

Volcatius,'L.  Tullus,   consul  m  66 

B.C.,  166,325,351,438,45»- 

Volsci,  348. 
Volusius,  (?)  Cn.,  223. 
Volusius,  M.,  316. 


Volusius,  (?)  Q.,  249. 

Xeno,    an    Epicurean    philosopher, 

224-225-  •    U     A      • 

Xenocrates,  contemporary  with  Aris- 
Xenophon,   reference  to   the  works 

Tof,  96. 

Zeno,    an    Epicurean    philosopher, 

128. 
Zeuxis,  of  Blaudus,  93,  94- 


V 


ADDITIONS  AND   CORRECTIONS. 


) 


Page  40.  1.  ^ofor  '  solam    W    so  um^  ^.^^  ^  ^^^  ^^_,.  ^  , 

p.  43.  note  on  1.  lo.    F  om  Plut.  C.c  '9  ^  •        ^  „  „f  cicero's  consulship 

ad  Att.  lo.  I.  I.  .t  appears  ^at  the  -cnfice  y^^^^  ^^  ^  ^^^._^^^  ^  ^^^ 

was  offered  on  December  3  or  4.-1  owe 
Quarterly  Review,  October  1880,  on  Cicero. 

p.  68,  1.  13,  om.  •  ^^Vk-^''''^'"^' rrofessor  E.  Bockel  in  the  altered  and  improved 

'"'"'^'Tirl  Xt  a  wMch  haTh:c:n.e?ov^^^^^^^  for  something  insig- 

:irnt-I  alirebut  cannot  adopt  Prof.  Tyrrell's  ingenious  suggest.on  'fabae 

„,idam:W«Herjnathena7    .3(I88').  («ermathena  7-   «3-'4. 

p.  94,  1.  '5.  n°'«  °"  'nobdiorem    ^f-     J  ™^^         ,^^  referred  to  under  the 

,88,)  would  -«^2:  'Sde  inV^wa   not  Blaudus  but  Blaundus,  another 

.„ollioren.-  =  .bla— .•  ^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^„^^  „^  ^^  ,,  ,,, 

p.  1 29.  5  3.  <=P  P-  4'°'  ^-  5'  "     r  •     !!  it  i,  true  writine  in  51  B.C.,  says  of  her  '  quam 
date  of  Attica's  b.^^h.    Ocero,  ,t  s  ru    ^^^"^J^^^^^  ^^^^^  ,^  ^         „ 

numquam  v,d.    (<=P;/^^ttes  between  Cicero  and  Marcus  Brutus.  London, 
(Observat.ons  o        e  E^^s  bet  ^^^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^.^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^„ 

Sn'awVS-Sml'Boot  thinks  that  she  was  born  about  55  or  64  b.c 
•   ,.  t..^trtT:rMt^l^-™^^^^^^^^  B. 

"  :?rT::7lT\  cannot  find  evidence  that  L.  TuUius  was  Cicero's 
p.  224,  note  on  p.  223,  i.  i^^- 

p  .„  77'  attigissen,  ren,  mi.itaren.que  conlocassenj '      T^has  •  attigissem  miUtem 
"^-    "  qulcollocassen,;'  B.  ■  atigissem  militemque  coUocarem. 

p.  ,7i.attop,>r'Vni.  7;  'T;^'"""-  B\,,.postquamannisciviUbusdisceptari;' 
p  437, 1.  3. '  postquam  armis  disceptan.    B.  Has  posiqu* 

'  T. '  p.  a.  c.  di^P''»;:'    ,  J,  ,,      blica ; '  B.  •  quam  de  re  publica.; 

^•^^'•t:trrnr^S'Xof  T^ems  to  b^e  .mains  mihi  solatium  afferre , ' 

"     B.  agrees  with  this  except  in  reading  '  solacium.' 
p.  476,  note  on  1.  7-     B.  agrees  with  T. 
p.  583,  1.  6.    H.  has  'passus  D;  has ' hominibus in itiata civitas.'  F.Ruhl, 

p.  604, 1.8.    H.  inserts  •numeroquehostmmhabueram    after    exceperam. 


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